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Full text of "Bishop Burnet's History of his own time : from the Restoration of King Charles II. to the conclusion of the Treaty of Peace at Utrecht, in the reign of Queen Anne : to which is prefixed, a summary recapitulation of affairs in church and state, from King James I. to the Restoration in the year 1660 : together with the author's life, by the editor : and some explanatory notes : the whole revised and corrected by him ... --"

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Presented  to  the 
LIBRARY  of  the 

UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO 

by 
Prof.  Hans  de  Groot 


BISHOP   BURNET's 

HISTORY 

Q  F 

His  own  Time. 

„       F  R  O  M    T  H  E 

RESTORATION  of  King  CHARLES  II, 

TO    THE 

CONCLUSION  of  the  TREATY  of 
PEACE  at  UTRECHT,  in  the  Reign  of 
Queen  ANNE. 

To  which  is  prefixed, 

A  SUMMARY  RECAPITULATION  of  Affairs  in, 
Church  and  State,  from  King  JAMES'  I.  to  the 
RESTORATION  in  the  Year  1660. 

Together  with 

The  AUTHOR'S  LIFE,  by  the  EDITOR, 
And  fomc  EXPLANATORY  NOT^S.  The  whole 
revifed  and  corrected  by  him. 

IN   FOUR   VOLUMES. 
VOL.   I. 


LONDON: 

Printed    for  A.  MILLAR,  in  the  Strand, 

MDCCLIJL 


ill 


THE 


O  F    T  H  E 

AUTHOR: 

By  the  EDITOR 

THOMAS  BURNET,  Efq; 


T  were  to  be  wifhed,  that  the  Author 
himfelf  had  lived  to  have  compleated 
his  whole  Defign,  and  as  he  made 
Thuanus  his  Pattern  in  Hiftory,  like 
him  to  have  clofed  his  Work  with  an 
Account  of  his  own  Life :  That  he  intended  fo  to 
have  done,  is  evident  both  from  his  laft  Will,  and 
from  a  rough  Draught  or  imperfect  Sketch  of  this 
nature,  left  behind  him.  He  acted  fo  confiderable 
a  Part  in  the  World,  in  fo  many  different  Stations  ; 
he  met  with  fo  large  a  mare  of  Favour  from  feme* 
and  fo  much  Cenfure  from  others  -,  and  in  a  Life, 
where  the  Scenes  were  fo  various,  there  muft  be 
fo  many  Occurrences,  which  will  be  both  ufeful 
and  entertaining ;  that  I  feared  the  Publick  would 
fcarce  forgive  me,  as  an  Editor,  if  I  fhould  not 
endeavour  to  fupply  this  only  Part  of  the  Author's 
Plan,  which  he  himfelf  did  not  live  to  execute 

A  3 


The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR. 

Tho'  the  producing  Authorities  for  the  feveraj 
facts,  afTerted  in  the  following  Sheets,  might  per 
haps  have  exempted  a  writer  from  future  cavils  : 
yet  the  inferring  vouchers  for  every  particular  *, 
would  have  rendred  a  work  of  this  nature  both 
dry  and  tedious  ;  1  have  only  done  it,  where  the 
matter  related  feemed  very  eflential,  and  the  ori 
ginal  papers  themfelves  might  prove  an  agreeable 
entertainment.  I  have  carefully  avoided  repeating 
all  thofe  parts  of  the  Author's  Life,  v/hich  are 
already  related  in  the  Hiftory  ol  his  own  Time  : 
They  are  only  tranfiently  mentioned  here,  fo  as  to 
continue  the  thread  of  my  narration,  and  the 
Reader  is  referred,  for  farther  information,  to  the 
Hiftory  itielf. 

Theau-        Our  Author,  Dr.  GILBERT  BURNET,  was  bora 
S    A  at  Edinburgh  on  the  eighteenth  day  of  September 


. 

paemage.in  tliq  ?***  l643-  His  father  was  the  younger 
'  brother  of  a  family,  very  confiderable  for  its  an 
tiquity  as  well  as  intereil,  in  the  mire  of  Aberdeen  ^ 
and  was  bred  to  the  civil  law,  which  he  ftudied 
for  feven  years  in  France.  His  excefiive  modeily 
fo  far  deprefs'd  his  abilities,  that  he  never  made  a 
fhining  figure  at  the  bar,  thos  he  was  univerfally 
cfteemed  a  man  of  judgment  and  knowledge  in  his 
profeflion  ^  he  was  eminent  for  probity  and  ge- 
nerofity  in  his  practice  ;  infomuch  that  near  one 
half  of  it  went  in  acts  of  charity  and  friendlhip  : 
From  the  poor  he  never  took  a  fee,  nor  from  a 
Clergyman,  when  he  fued  in  the  right  of  his 
Church.  In  the  year  1637,  when  the  troubles  in 
Scotland  were  breaking  out,  he  was  fo  difguited 
at  the  conduct  of  the  governing  Bifliops  there,  he 
cenfured  them  with  fo  much  warmth,  and  was,  at 
the  fame  time,  fo  remarkable  for  his  ftrid  and 

*  Thofe  facls  for  which  no  voucher?  is  alledged,  are  taken 
from  the  Biftiop's  inanufcnpt  notes  of  his  own  life.  And  can  be 
further  fupportcd  by  othe'r  Teftimonjes,  if  occafion  fhould  re- 

exemplary 


The  LIFE   of  the  AUTHOR. 

exemplary  life,  that  he  was  generally  called  a  Pu 
ritan  :  But  when  he  faw,  that  iriftead  of  reform 
ing  abufes  in  the  Epifcopal  Order,  the  Order  itfelf 
was  ftruck  at,  he  adhered  to  it  with  great  zeal  and 
conftancy ;  as  he  did  to  the  rights  of  the  Crown, 
without  once  complying  with  that  party,  which, 
afterwards  prevailed  in  both  nations.  For  tho'  he 
agreed  with  Barclay  and  Grotius  (with  the  latter 
of  whom  he  had  been  intimately  acquainted)  as  to 
their  notions  of  refiftance,  where  the  laws  are  broke 
through  by  a  limited  fovereign  ;  yet  he  did  not 
think  that,  was  then  the  cafe  in  Scotland. 

Our  author's  mother  was  very  eminent  for  her 
piety  and  virtue  -,  me  was  a  warm  zealot  for  the 
rreibyt.erian  Difcipline  ;  her  education  that  way 
had  been  very  ftrict :  me  was  fitter  to  the  famous 
Sir  Archibald  Johnftoun,  called  Lord  Warriftoun, 
Who,  during  the  civil  wars,  was  at  the  head  of 
the  Frefbyterians  •,  and  was  too  often  hurried  away, 
by  his  attachment  to  them,  into  excerles  that  were 
not  f uitable  to  his  natural  temper  •,  which  was  juft, 
generous  and  felf-ddnying  :  Inibmuch  that  he  left 
behind  him  but  a  very  fmall  provifion,  for  a  family 
6f  thirteen  children,  though  for  many  years  he  had 
been  entrufted  with  the  whole  government  of  Scot 
land.  Fie  was  fo  zealous  in  the  interefts  of  his 
party,  that  neither  friendmip  nor  alliance  could  dif- 
pofe  him,  to  fhew  favour  to  thofe,  who  refufed 
the  folemn  league  and  covenant.  Our  author's 
father  therefore,  perfifting  in  this  refufal,  at  three 
feveral  times  was  obliged  to  quit  the  kingdom,  and 
at  one  of  them  to  remain  an  exile  for  five  years : 
And,  when  his  return  was  afterwards  connived  at, 
as  his  principles  would  not  permit  him  to  renew 
the  practice  of  the  law,  much  lefs  to  accept  of  the 
preferments  in  it,  offered  him  by  Oliver  Cromwell, 
he  lived  retired  in  the  country  upon  his  own  eflate, 
till  the  Reftoration  •,  when  he  was  made  one  of  the 
Lords  of  the  fefiion. 

A-j  His 


vi  The   LIFE    of  the  AUTHOR. 

His  Edu-  '  His  father's  retirement  from  bufmefs  proved  a 
cation.  confiderable  advantage  to  our  author's  education, 
which  was  wholly  under  his  care,  and  fo  managed 
by  him,  that  at  ten  years  old  his  fon  was  mafter 
of  the  Latin  Tongue  :  he  was  fent  at  that  age  to 
the  college  of  Aberdeen,  where  he  perfected  him 
felf  in  Greek,  and  went  through  the  common 
methods  of  the  Ariftotelian  Logick  and  Philofo- 
phy  with  applaufe ,  he  commenced  Mailer  of 
Arts  before  he  was  fourteen,  and  then  applied 
himfelf  to  the  Law,  much  to  the  regret  of  his 
father,  who  had  always  deiigned  him  for  a  Clergy 
man.  He  continued  iludying  the  Civil  and  Feudal 
Law  for  above  a  year,  by  which  he  laid  in  fuch 
true  notions  of  fociety  and  government,*  as  are 
feldom  found  amongft  Divines ;  he  then  changed 
his  refolution,  and  determined  wholly  to  dedicate 
himfelf  to  the  Church :  Thereupon  he  purfued  a 
very  hard  courfe  of  ftudy ;  he  went  through  the 
Old  and  New  Teftament,  with  all  the  feveral  com 
mentaries  upon  the  different  parts  of  it,  then  in 
repute  ;  he  examined  into  the  mofl  noted  authors 
in  controverfy,  and  read  Beliarmine  and  Chamier, 
in  oppofition  to  each  other,  quite  through ;  he 
perilled  fome  of  the  moil  received  fyitems  of 
School-Divinity,  but  was  foon  difguiled  at  the 
fubtlety  of  thole  writers,  and  readily  obferved, 
kow  little  all  their  difputes,  which  the  jargon  of 
the  fchools  rendred  endleis,  could  tend  towards 
making  men  wifer  or  better.  In  his  hours  of 
amufement,  he  ran  through  many  volumes  of 
hiflory  :  And  it  is  icarce  conceivable,  what  a  pro- 
grefs  he  had  made  in  thefe  fludies,  before  he  was 
-eighteen,  by  an  application,  which  feldom  fell  fhort 
ot  fourteen  hours  in  a  day. 

He  if  ad-       At  .that  age,  he  was  put  upon  his  trial,    as  a 

minted  as   Probationer   or  expectant  preacher  •,    who,    after 

having  pafs'd  examination,  is  at  liberty  to  preach 

\vbefdoever  he  is  defired,  but  has  no  particular 

Church, 


The   LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR.  vii 

Church,  to  which  he  is  attendant.  This  is  the 
hrft  ftep  in  Scotland,  towards  an  admiffion  into 
orders,  and  was  pradifed  both  under  the  Epifcopal 
and  Prefbyterian  Oeconomy.  The  method  obferved 
in  it  has  fomething  fo  different  from  what  is  cufto- 
mary  in  England,  that  it  may  perhaps  be  worthy 
the  reader's  notice.  Thefe  Probationers  are  firit 
appointed  to  preach  practically  on  a  text  afligned 
them ;  next,  critically  upon  another,  the  fenfe  of 
which  is  controverted  ;  and  then  a  mixed  Sermon, 
of  criticifm  on  the  text,  and  practical  inferences 
from  it,  is  expected  from  them.  After  this,  the 
examiners  allot  a.  head  of  Divinity  to  each,  on 
which  they  are  to  make  a  Latin  oration,  and  ta 
give  out  Thefes  upon  it,  which  they  undertake  to 
defend  in  pubiick  :  Then  a  Hebrew  pfalm  and  a 
portion  of  the  Greek  Teftament  is  given  them,  to 
render  into  Englifh  extempore;  and  lad  of  all 
comes  the  queftionary  trial,  in  which  every  minifter 
of  the  diftrict  is  at  liberty  to  put  fuch  queftions  to 
the  perfon  under  examination,  as  occur  to  him, 
out  of  the  Scripture  or  Body  of  Divinity.  Before 
any  one  can  be  admitted  to  this,  he  muft  produce 
a  teftimonial  of  his  good  life  from  the  minifter  of 
the  pariih  where  he  lives;  and  if  during  his 
trial,  which  lafts  for  three  months,  any  fcandal 
can  be  proved  upon  him,  he  is  laid  afide  as  unfit 
for  the  Church. 

This  probation  our  author  went  through,  at  the  £«&&,  a 
age  of  eighteen  •,  about  which  time  his  father  was  prcfema- 
made  a  Lord  of  the  SefFion,  and  his  Confin  Geiv  V0/1  to  a 
man,  Sir  Alexander  Burnet,  gave  him  the  prc-1 
fentation  to  a  very  good  benefice,  where  his  family 
refided,  and   which  lay  in  the   center   of  all  his 
Kindred.      There    is    no   law   in    Scotland,    th5f 
limits  the  age  a  Minifter  mud  be;of;  but   cur 
author  thought  his  own  fo  unfit  for  a  Cure  of 
Soyls,  that  he  abfolutely  refufed  to  accept  of  it, 
notwithftar.ding  the  repeated  importunities  of  all  his' 
A  4  relations. 


vlii  The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR. 

relations,  except  his  father,  who  left  him  wholly 

to  his  own  difcretion. 

His  fa'          In  the  year  1661,  his  father  died;  and  foon 
jheri!     j  after  his  brother  Robert,  who  was  then  become 

death,  and  .  L  3  ,  .  111 

h^  further  Ver7  eminent  at  the  bar,  as  his  other  brother 
fuit  of  Thomas  Was  afterwards  in  Phyfick  :  Upon  the 
.  occafion  of  his  brother's  death,  our  author  was 
much  follicited,  by  his  mother's  relations,  to  re 
turn  to  his  former  ftudy  of  the  law,  wherein  he 
was  allured  of  the  greateft  encouragement  -9  but 
he  perfiiled  in  his  former  refolution,  of  devoting 
his  life  to  the  fervice  of  the  Church,  in  which  he 
was  confirmed  by  Mr.  Nairn,  Minifter  of  the 
Abbey  Church  at  Edinburgh.  Mr.  Nairn  was 
then  the  admired  preacher  of  that  country,  re 
markable  for  accuracy  of  ftyle,  as  well  as  ftrength 
of  reafoning  and  fublimenefs  of  thought :  Him 
our  author  purpofed  to  make  his  pattern,  in  this 
branch  of  the  Paftoral  Office  ;  and  was  not  a  little 
furprized  to  find,  that  he  always  preached  ex 
tempore.  For  though  all  Sermons  in  Scotland  were 
delivered  without  book,  yet  were  they  premedi 
tated  Difcourfes,  firfl  written  and  then  learn'd  by 
heart  •,  which  was  a  lofs  of  time  Mr.  Nairn  could 
not  fubmit  to,  and  he  foon  put  our  author  upon 
attempting  the  fame  method  of  preaching,  which 
he  continued  to  practife  all  the  reft  of  his  life  *. 

He 

*  I  /hall  only  mention  two  remarkable  inflances  in  relation 
to  his  preaching  without  book.  In  1691,  when  the  Sees,  vacant 
by  the  deprivation  of  the  Nonjuring  Bifhops,  were  filled  up, 
Bifhop  Williams  was  appointed  to  preach  one  of  the  confecra- 
tion  fermons  at  Bow-Church.  But  being  detained  by  fome  ac 
cident,  the  clerk  had  twice  fet  the  pfalm,  and  ftill  the  preacher 
did  not  appear.  Whereupon  the  Archbimop  of  Canterbury 
defired  Dr.  Burnet,  then  Biihop  of  Sarum,  to  fupply  his  place, 
which  he  did  ;  and,  as  the  Archbifhop  declared,  gave  them  the 
bed  fermon  he  ever  heard  him  preach;  In  1705,  he  was  ap 
pointed  to  preach  the  Thankfgiving  Sermon  before  the  Queen 
at  St.  Paul's ;  and  it  was  the  only  difcouiTe  he  had  ever  wrote 
beforehand,  fo  this  was  the  Only  time  that  he  was  ever  at  a 

paufe 


The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR.  i* 

He  attained  to  an  eafmefs  in  it,  chiefly  by  allott 
ing  many  hours  of  the  day  to  meditation  upon  all 
forts  of  fubjects,  and  by  accufloming  himfelf,  at 
thofe  times,  to  fpeak  his  thoughts  aloud,  ftudy- 
ing  always  to  render  his  expreffion  correct.  Mr. 
Nairn  led  him  likewife  into  a  new  courfe  of  read* 
ing,  by  recommending  to  his  perufal  Smith's  Select 
Drfcourfes,  Dr.  Moore's  Works,  and  the  Writ 
ings  of  Plato  and  his  followers  ;  but  no  book 
pleafed  him  more  than  Hooker's  Ecclefiaftical 
Polity,  from  the  principles  of  which  he  never  de 
parted. 

In  the  year  1662,  the  Scotch  Bifhops,  who  had 
been  confecrated  at  Weftminfter,  made  a  pompous 
entry  into  Edinburgh,  and,  by  the  pride  of  their 
firft  appearance,  gave  no  good  omen  of  their  fu 
ture  conduct.  Bifhop  Leightoun,  though  one  of 
their  number,  would  have  no  mare  in  the  flate 
they  took  upon  them,  on  this  occafion  :  He  foon 
became  acquainted  with  our  author's  growing 
fame,  and  as  he  conceived  a  great  affection  for 
him,  he  took  a  peculiar  pleafure  in  overlooking 
his  ftudies.  By  his  advice,  he  became  converfant 
with  all  the  Primitive  Writers,  going  through  the 
apologies  and  other  treatifes  of  the  Fathers  of  the 
three  firft  centuries,  and  Binnius's  Collection  of 
Councils,  down  to  the  fecond  Council  of  Nice. 

At  the  fame  time,  our  author  contracted  an 
intimacy  with  another  eminent  Divine,  Mr. 
Charteris,  a  man  of  great  prudence,  joined  to  an 
unaffe&ed  fimplicity  of  Behaviour:  He  was  not  only 
very  knowing  in  his  own  profeflion,  but  was  likewife 
a  great  Mailer  of  Hiftory,  both  antient  and  modern* 
of  Geography  and  Books  of  Travels,  and  not  a 
little  fkilled  in  Mathematical  Learning.  Thefe 
three  perfons,  by  their  converfation  and  advice, 

paufe  in  preaching,  which  on  that  occafion  lafted  for  above  a 
minute.  Thcfe  two  incidents  were  fo  publickly  known  and 
fpoke  of,  that  I  think  it  needlefs  to  alledge  any  particular  au 
thority  for  them,  unlefs  they  fliould  be  queftioned. 

contri- 


x  The  L I F  E  of  the  A  U  T  H  O  R. 

contributed  towards  finishing  an  education,  which 
had  been  fo  happily  begun.  And  indeed,  what 
might  might  not  be  expected  from  fuch  early 
helps,  where  nature  had  lain  in  materials,  fo  fit  to 
be  wrought  upon  ?  For  there  was  a  robuft  con- 
ftitution,  capable  of  the  hardeft  labour  and  fludy, 
an  apprehenfion  that  took  things  quickly,  and  a' 
memory  that  retained  them  long,  an  imagination 
rather  too  lively,  and  a  natural  fluency  of  ex- 
preffion. 

His  jour-  In. the  year  1 663,  our  author  took  a  fhort  tour 
ney  to  into  England  :  He  firft  vifited  the  two  Uni- 
Engiand.  verfities  j  at  Cambridge,  he  had  an  opportunity  to 
know  and  admire  the  extenfive  learning  of  Dr. 
Cudworth,  the  judgment  and  moderation  of  Dr. 
Pearfon,  the  fine  luxuriant:  imagination  of  Dr. 
Burnet  (Author  of  the  Theory)  and  the  Free- 
thinking  of  Dr.  Henry  More,  one  of  whofe 
fayings,  with  relation  to  rites  and  ceremonies,  then 
made  great  impreffion  on  him  -,  "•  None  of  thefe," 
faid  he,  "  are  bad  enough  to  make  men  bad,  and 
"  I  am  fure  none  of  them  are  good  enough  to 
"  make  men  good."  At  Oxford  our  author  was 
much  carefs'd,  on  account  of  his  ready  knowledge 
of  the  Councils  and  Fathers,  efpecially  by  Dr. 
Fell,  and  Dr.  Pocock9  that  great  mafter  of  Ori 
ental  Learning  ;  he  was  much  improved  there  in 
his  Mathematicks  and  Philofophy  by  the  inftruc- 
tions  of  Dr.  Wallis,  who  likewife  gave  him  a  letter 
of  recommendation  to  the  learned  and  pious  Mr. 
Boyle  at  London.  Upon  his  arrival  there,  he  was 
introduced  to  all  the  moil  noted  Divines,  fuch  as 
Tillotfon,  Stillingfleet,  Patrick,  Lloyd,  Whitchcot,- 
and.  Wilkins,  whofe  characters  are  faithfully  drawn 
by  him  in  the  hiflory.  But  no  converfation  proved 
a  greater  advantage  to  him,  than  that  of  Sir  Ro 
bert  Murray,  not  only  as  he  brought  him  into  the 
beft  company,  but  as  he  alfo  acled  the  part  of  a 
faithful  monitor,  in  reproving  him  for  any  errprs 
or  incnfcretions  his  youth  might  betray  him  into., 
i  After- 


The  LIFE  of  the  A  U  T  H  O  R.  xi 

After  a  flay  in  England  of  about :  fix  months, 
which,  being  fpent  in  the  manner  I  have  men 
tioned,  could  not  but  be  highly  ufeful,  he  return 
ed  to  Scotland,  where  he  was  again  prefs'd  to  enter, 
into  Orders,  and  accept  of  one  of  the  beil  benefices 
in  the  Weft. 

Sir   Robert   Fletcher  of  Saltoun,  toho,  during  Delays 
his  ftay  at  Paris,  had  received   many . obligations -a"cePting 
from  his  Father,  hearing  fo  great  a  character  of  2e^fjce 
the  fon,  invited  him  down  to  his  feat,  and  had 
no  fooner  heard  him  preach,  than  he  offered  him 
that  Church,  the  Minifter  of  it  being  nominated 
to  one  of  the  vacant  Bifhopricks.     Our  author 
would  have  excufed  himfelf,  as  having  determined 
for  fome  months  to  travel  beyond  Sea  -,  and  fol- 
licited  the  Living  for  his  friend  Mr.  Nairn  •,  but 
Sir  Robert  would  admit  of  no  denial ;  and  as  the 
prefent  incumbent  was  not  to  be  confecrated  im 
mediately,  refolved  to  keep  the  Benefice   vacant, 
till  his  return  from  his  Travels,  sfjf^ 

It  was  in  the  year  1664..,  that  our  author  went  His  Tra- 
over  to  Holland  ;  where,  after  he  had  feen  what vels  into 
was  remarkable  in  the  Seven  Provinces,  he  fixed  H°1Iand 
his  refidence  at  Amfterdam.     There,  by  the  Help  France; 
of  a  learned  Rabbi,  he   perfected  himfelf  in  the 
Hebrew  Language  -,  he  likewife  became  acquainted 
with  the  leading  men  of  the  different  Perfuafions 
tolerated  in  that  Country  ;  as  the  Arminians,  the 
Lutherans,    the   Unitarians,    the   Brownifts,    the 
Anabaptifls,  and  the  Papifts  :    Amongft  each  of 
whom,  he  ufed  frequently  to  declare,  he  had  met 
with  men  of  fuch  real  piety  and  virtue,  that  there 
he  became  fix'd  in  that  flrong  principle  qf  univerfal 
Charity,  and  of  thinking  well  of  thofe  that  differed 
from  him,  as  likewife  in  an  invincible  abhorrence 
of  all  feverities,  on  account  of  religious  diffenfions, 
which  hath  often  drawn   upon  him   the  bittereft 
cenfures  from  thofe,  who,  perhaps  by  a  narrower 
Education,  were  led  into  a  narrower  way  of  Think 
ing,      -;sj  ,^:i 

From 


The  LIFE  bf  the  AUTHOR; 

From  Holland  he  paft  through  the  Netherlands 
into  France  •,  he  regained  for  fome  time  at  Paris, 
and  converfed  often  with  the  two  famous  mimlters 
of  Charenton,  Daille  and  Morus^  the  one  re 
nowned  for  his  learning  and  judgment  the  other 
for  his  bright  parts  and  eloquence.  He  thought 
there  entered  too  much  of  the  gefture  of  the 
theatre  into  Morus's  delivery  ;  his  fermons  were 
full  of  fire  and  of  turns,  which  being  out  of  the 
common  road,  at  once  furpnied  and  pleafed  his  au 
dience  •,  but  when  thefe  flights,  which  pail  current 
in  a  pathetick  difcourfe,  came  to  be  coolly  con- 
fidered,  they  would  hardly  bear  the  teft  :  So  that 
as  our  author  found  in  him  much  that  deferved 
imitation,  there  was  (till  more  that  required  cor- 
redion.  His  ftay  in  France  was  the  longer,  on 
account  of  the  great  freedom  and  kindnefs,  with 
which  he  was  treated  by  the  Lord  Holies,  then 
AmbafTador  at  the  French  Court.  Towards  the 
end  of  the  year  he  returned  to  Scotland  through 
London,  where  he  was  introduced,  by  th«  Pre- 
fident  Sir  Robert  Murray,  to  be  a  member  of  the 
Royal  Society. 

Soon  after  his  arrival  at  Edinburgh,  Sir  Robert 
a  Fletcher  came  thither,  and  carried  him  down  to 

atSaltoun.Saltoun,  giving  him  the  Prefentation  to  that 
and  his  church  •,  but  he  declined  taking  it  abfolutely  at 
firft,  and  refolved  to  continue  there  four  months* 
performing  all  the  functions  of  a  Minifter,  without 
engaging  himfelf  to  the  Pariih,  till  he  ihould  have 
thenoint  requeft  of  all  the  pariihioners  •,  which  he 
afterwards  had,  without  one  (ingle  exception  -,  and 
thereupon  he  was  ordained  a  Prieft  by  the  Bifhop 
of  Edinburgh  in  the  year  1665.  During  the  five. 
•V  years  he  remained  at  Saltoun,  he  preached  twice 
every  Sunday,  and  once  more  on  one  of  the  week 
days  •,  he  catechifed  three  times  a  week,  fo  as  to 
examine  every  parifhione'r,  old  or  young,  thrice 
over  in  the  compafs  of  a  year ;  he  went  round  his 
parilru  from  houfe  to  houfe,  inftru&ing,  reproving 


The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR. 

er  comforting  them,  as  occafion  required ;  thofe 
that  were  fick,  he  vilited  twice  a  day  ,  he  ad- 
miniilred  the  Sacrament  four  times  a  year,  and  per- 
ibnally  inftructed  all  luch,  as  gave  notice  they  in 
tended  to  receive  it  ;  all  that  remained  above  his 
own  necefTary  fubfiftence  (in  which  he  was  very 
frugal)  he  gave  away  in  charity,  A  particular 
jnftance  of  his  generofity  that  way,  a  perfon  *  (who 
then  lived  with  him,  and  afterwards  was  in  his 
iervice  at  Salifbury)  ufed  to  recount  :  One  of  his 
parifhioners  had  been  in  execution  for  debt,  and 
came  to  our  author  for  forne  fmali  relief,  who  en 
quired  of  him,  how  much  would  again  fet  him  up 
;n  his  trade  -,  the  man  named  the  fum,  and  he  as 
readily  called  to  his  fervant  to  pay  it  Mm.  "  Sir, 
"  faid  he,  it  is  all  we  have  in  the  houfe."  "  Well, 
"  well,  faid  our  author,  pay  it  this  poor  man  ; 
f c  you  do  not  know  the  pleafure  there  is,  in  making 
"  a  man  glad."  Thus  as  he  knew  the  concerns 
of  his  whole  parifh,  as  he  treated  them  with  ten- 
dernefs  and  care,  and  as  he  fet  them  a  fair  example 
of  every  article  of  that  duty,  which  he  taught 
them,  he  had  foon  gained  the  affections  of  them 
not  excepting  the  Prefbyterians  -,  tho'  he  was  then 
the  only  man  in  Scotland,  that  made  ufe  of  the 
prayers  in  the  Liturgy  of  the  Church  of  England. 

As  his  ftudies  were  chiefly  bent  upon  the  paflo- 
ral  care,  in  which,  he  endeavoured  to  inftrudl  him* 
felf  from  the  beft  writers,  concerning  the  confti- 
tution  of  the  Primitive  Church,  during  the  firft 
Centuries,  among  whom  St.  Cyprian  was  the 
chief  $  he  obferved,  that  the  Bifhops,  who  govern 
ed  in  Scotland,  though  they  derived  the  ftrongeft 
arguments  for  their  order,  from  thefe  very  books, 
yet  neglected  all  the  rules  prefcribed  in  them.  He 
therefore  drew  up  a. memorial  of  their  abufes,  of 
whicli  fome  relation  is  given  in  the  Hiftory,  as 

*  This  \va?  a  £ory  commonly  well  known  at  Salifbury,  and 
which  the  Editor  learnt  from  Mr,  Waftefield,  a  Gentleman  now 
Jiving  there,'"  . 

likewife 


XIV 


Much 
confuted 
by  the  M: 


Scotland. 


Js  made 
ProfeiTor 
of  Divi 
nity  at 
Glafgow. 


The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR. 

likewife  of  the  harm  treatment  he  met  with,  upon 
that  occafion.  However,  as  this  ftep  had  made 
fome  noife,  and  might  be  imputed  to  ambition,  or 
a  defire  of  becoming  popular  ;  he  refolved  to  live 
in  a  more  retired  manner,  than  he  had  done  hither 
to  ;  and  abfl'racting  himfelf  from  al)  mixt  com 
pany,  confining  himfelf  wholly  to  ftudy  and  the 
duties  of  his  function,  he  entred  into  fuch  an 
afcetick  courfe,  as  had  well  nigh  put  an  end  to  his 
life;  for  his  bad  diet,  joined  to  hard  ftudy,  had 
fo  corrupted  the  mafs  of  his  blood,  that  in  two 
fucceffive  fevers  he  was  given  over  by  the  Phy- 
ficians. 

In  the  year  1668,  as  the  government  of  Scot 
land,  both  in  Church  and  State,  was  put  into  the 
hands  of  moderate  men,  among  whom  Sir  Robert 
Murray  was  a  principal  leader,  our  author  was  fre 
quently  fent  for  and  confulted  by  them  ;  he  was 
afterwards  employed,  as  one  of  the  chief  mana 
gers  for  the  Church,  in  negociating  the  fcheme 
of  an  accommodation,  between  the  Epifcopal  and 
Prefbyterian  Parties  •,  of  which  a  full  account  is 
given  in  the  Hiftory.  He  was,  upon  that  occafion, 
introduced  to  the  Dutchefs  of  Hamilton  ;  who, 
though  her  inclinations  lay  toward  Prefbytery,  pro- 
feiTed  herfelf  a  friend  to  moderate  Counfels.  By 
her  he  was  invited,  the  year  following,  to  Hamilton, 
where  he  contracted  an  acquaintance  with  the 
Regent  of  the  Univerfity  of  Glafgow  ;  who  con 
ceived  fuch  an  efteem  for  him,  that,  their  Chair 
of  Divinity  being  vacant,  he  propofed  our  author, 
as  the  perfgn  moil  proper  to  fill  it  ;  and  he  re 
commended  this  in  fo  effectual  a  manner,  that  in 
a  few  days  after,  he  brought  over  to  Hamilton, 
the  Decree  of  the  Univerfity,  electing  him  their 
ProfefTor.  As  this  matter  had  been  wholly  tranf- 
acted  without  his  knowledge,  fo  was  he,  for  fome 
time,  in  fufpenfe  what  refolution  to  take  ;  his 
friends  were  all  earnefl  in  perfuading  him  to  ac 
cept  of  it,  his  parilhioners  at  Saitoun3  for  whom, 


The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR.  xv 

he  had  a  moft  tender  regard,  were  no  lefs  anxious 
to  retain  him  :  At  length  the  authority  of  Arch- 
bifhop  Leightoun  prevailed,  and  he  removed  to 
Glafgow  in  the  year  1669,  where  he  continued  four 
years  and  a  half,  in  no  fmall  exercife  of  his  patience. 
The  Prefbyterian  zealots  hated  him,  as  appre 
hending  that  his  fchemes  of  moderation  would,  in 
the  end,  prove  the  fure  way  of  eftablifhing  Epifco- 
pacy  amongft  them :  The  Epifcopal  party,  on  the 
other  hand,  could  not  endure  a  man,  who  was  for 
exempting  the  DifTenters  from  their  Profecutions. 

As  his  principal  care,  in  this  new  ftation,  was  His  con- 
to  form  juft  and  true  notions  in  the  Students  of  duft  in 
Divinity  ;  he  laid  down  a  plan  for  that  purpofe,  to  ^ 
which  no  other  objection  could  be  offered,  but 
that  it  feemed  to  require  the  labour  of  four  or 
five,  inilead  of  one  man ;  yet  he  never  failed  exe 
cuting  every  part  of  it,  during  his  refidence  at 
Glafgow.  ^  On  Mondays  he  made  each  of  the 
fludents,  in  his  turn,  explain  ahead  of  Divinity  in 
Latin,  and  propound  fuch  Thefes  from  it,  as  he  was 
to  defend  againft  the  reft  of  the  Scholars  ;  and  this 
exercife  concluded  with  our  author's  decifion  of  the 
point,  in  a  Latin  Oration.  On  Tuefdays  he  gave 
them  a  Prelection  in  the  fame  language,  wherein 
he  purpofed,  in  the  courfe  of  eight  years,  to  have 
gone  through  a  compleat  Syftem  of  Divinity.  On 
Wednefdays,  he  read  them  a  Ledure,  for  above 
an  hour,  by  way  of  a  critical  commentary  on  St. 
Matthew's  Gofpel,  which  he  finifhed  before  he 
quitted  the  chair.  On  Thurfdays  the  exercife  was 
alternate  ;  one  Thurfday  he  expounded  a  Hebrew 
Pfalm,  comparing  it  with  the  Septuagint,  the 
Vulgar  and  the  Englifh  Verfion  ;  and  the  next 
Thurfday,  he  explained  fome  portion  of  the  Ritual 
and  Conftitution  of  the  Primitive  Church,  making 
the  Apoftolical  Canons  his  Text,  and  reducing 
every  article  of  practice,  under  the  head  of  one 
or  other  of  thofe  Canons.  On  Fridays  he  made 
each  of  his  Scholars^  in  courfea  preach  a  fhort. 


xvi  The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR, 

Sermon,  upon  fome  Text  he  affigned  ;  and  when 
it  was  ended,  he  obferved  upon  any  thing,  that 
was  defective  or  amifs,  fhewing  how  the  text 
ought  to  have  been  opened  and  applied.  This  was 
the  labour  of  the  mornings ;  in  the  evenings, 
after  prayer,  he  every  day  read  them  fome  parcel 
of  Scripture,  on  which  he  made  a  fhort  difcourfe, 
and  when  that  was  over,  he  examined  into  the  pro- 
grefs  of  their  feveral  fhidies,  incouraging  them  to 
propofe  their  difficulties  to  him,  upon  the  Sub 
jects  they  were  then  reading.  This  he  performed, 
during  the  whole  time  the  Schools  were  open  ; 
thereby  anfwering  the  duty  of  a  Profefibr,  with 
the  afliduity  of  a  School-mailer :  and  in  order  to 
acquit  himfelf  with  credit,  he  was  obliged  to  ftudy 
hard  from  four  till  ten  in  the  morning  •,  the  reft 
of  the  day  being  of  neceftity  allotted,  either  to  the 
ufe  of  his  pupils,  or  to  hearing  the  complaints  of 
the  Clergy ;  who,  finding  he  had  an  intereft  with 
the  men  in  power,  were  not  fparing  in  their  ap 
plications  to  him. 

He  under-      In  times  of  vacation,  our  author  made  frequent 
takes  to     vifits  to  Hamilton ;  and  was  eafily  engaged  by 
write  the   tne  Dutchefs  to  undertake  the  tafk,  of  examining 
of^e1"   anc^  putting  in  order  all  the  papers  that  related  to 
Dukes  of  her  Father's  and  her  Uncle's  Miniftry  :  me  had 
Hamilton,  kept  thefe  carefully  together,  but  had  not  hitherto 
found  a  perfon,  whom  me  thought  fafe  to  be  en- 
trufled  with  the  perufal  of  them  ;  yet  now  fhe  had 
fo  entire  a  confidence  in  him,  that  fhe  put  them 
all  into  his  hands.     The  Earl  (afterwards  Duke) 
of  Lauderdale  no  fooner  heard  that  he  was  com 
piling   Memoirs    of   the    Dukes  of    Hamilton, 
than  he  wrote  to  Scotland,  earneftly  prefling  him 
to  come  up  to  Court,  in  order  to  receive  fuch  in 
formations  from  himfelf,  concerning  the  Tranf- 
actions  of  thofe  times,  as  he  was  able  to  furnifh. 
Our  author  thereupon  went  to  London,  where  he 
was  received,  by  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale,  with  fuch 
marks  of  confidence,  as  made  it  evidenta  that  had 

he 


The  LIFE   of  the   AUTHOR. 
he  purfued  the  common  methods  of  cultivating  an 
intereft,  he  might  have  raifed  hirhfelf  to  a  great 
fortune :  But  as  he  was  a  conilant  enemy   to  all 
thofe  artifices  of  a  Court,  whereby  men  uiually 
rife,  fo  was  he  naturally  of  too  frank  a  fpirit,    to 
bear  with  the  Earl's  imperious  temper.     All   the 
ufe  therefore  he  made,  of  his  freedom  of  acccfs, 
was  in  negotiating  and  concluding  a  reconciliation, 
between   him    and    Duke    Hamilton  •,   who   had 
affignations  given  him,    on  the  revenues  of  the 
Crown,    in  fatisfactipn    of  thofe   preterifions,    of 
which  our  author  had  found  authentick  vouchers^ 
among  the  papers  entrufled  to  his  care  ;  and  the 
Duke,    in  return,    promifed  to  concur  with   the 
meafures  of  the  Court,  in  the  enfuing  Parliament.^ 
Four  Bifhopricks  in,  Scotland  becoming -vacant  at. He  re* 
this   time,  our  author  was  offered  his  choice  of f ules  a .    ' 
them-,  but  he  declined   accepting;  a  (tatiori,    for  Bl*°Pf'ck 

i  •    i     i         ,  it-  *•         °      '  ,-.  ]n  »OW* 

which  he  thought  his  years  were  unfit,  'in  which  hnd/ 
he  forefaw,  he  fhould   be  much  entangled^  and  in' 
all  probability  would  be  capable  of  doing  little 
good. 

Soon  after  his  return  to  Glafgow,  he  married  the  His  mar- 
Lady  Margaret  Kennedy,  a  Daughter  of  the  Earl  riage  with 
of  Caffilis,  who  lived  in  great  intimacy  and  friend-  ^e  Lad)r 
ihip  with  the  Dutcheis  of  Hamilton  :  She  was  a 
Lady  of  diflinguiilied  piety  and  knowledge  ;  her. 
own    fentiments     inclined    ftrongly    towards    the 
Prefbyterians,  with  whom  fhe  was  in  high  credit 
andeileem;  yet  was  fhe  far  from  entering   into 
the  rigid  and  narrow  zeal  of  fome  of  their  leaders. 
As  there  was  fome  difparity  in  their  ages,  that  it 
might  remain  without  difpute,  that  this  match  was 
wholly  owing  to  inclination,    not   to  avarice   or 
ambition,    the   day  ^before   their    marrfage,    our 
author   delivered  the   lady  a  Deed,    whereby   he 
renounced  all  pretcmfion  to  her  fortune,  which  was 
very  considerable,  and  mud  otherwife  have  fallen 
into  IKS  hands,  ilie  hcrfelf  having  no  intention  co 
iecure  it. 

VOL,  L  a 


xviii  The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR, 

In  the  year  1672,  Duke  Lauderdale  was  fen 
down,  as  the  King's  Commifiioner,  to  hold  a  Par 
liament  in  Scotland,  and  our  author  was  confider- 
ed  as  the  Perfon,  who  had  the  greateil  influence 
over  him  *,  which  was  wholly  employed  in  doing 
good  offices  to  needy  fuitors,  and  in  preventing  a 
breach    between   him  and  Duke  Hamilton ;    for 
which  he  was  much  exclaimed  at,  by  the  party 
then  oppofing  the  Court,  who  could  have  no  hopes 
of  prevailing,  unlefs  the  latter  would  put  himfelf 
at  their  head.     About  this  time,  he  publifhed  his 
"  Vindication  of  the  Authority,  Conftitution,  and 
"  Laws  of  the  Church  and  State  of  Scotland  •/* 
A^ain  re- wherein  he  ilrongly  maintained  the  caufe  of  Epi- 
fufes  a  Bi-fCOpacy,  and  the  illegality  of  refiflance,  merely  on 
fhoprick,  a-ccount  Of  Religion.     This  was  thought,  in  that 
promlfeVjuncture,  fuch  a  publick  fervice,  that  he  was  again 
the  next    courted  to  accept  of  a  Bifhoprick,  with  the  pro- 
Archbi-     mife  of  the  next  Archbifhoprick,  that  mould  be 
fhoprick.  void .  kut  he  ftiu  pitted  in  his  refufal. 
His  favour      In  1673,  he  was  obliged  to  take  another  jour- 
at  Court,  ney  to  London,  in  order  to  obtain  a  Licence,  for 
pubiifhing   his  Memoirs   of    the  Dukes  of  Ha 
milton  ;  he  went  likewife  with  a  full  defign,  to 
break  off  from  farther  meddling  in  matters  of 
State  ;  he  faw  that  Popery  was  at  bottom  the  pre 
vailing  intereft  at  Court,  and  that  the  Sacramental 
Teft,  whereby  the  Duke  of  York,  the  Lord  Clif 
ford,  and  other  Papifts  in  employment  had  been 
excluded,  was  a  meer  artifice  of  King  Charles,  to 
obtain  money  for  carrying  on  the  war  that  fummer 
with  Holland.     He  fufpeded  that  the  defigns  of 
the  Court  were  both  corrupt  and  defperate;  he 
therefore  ufed  all  the  freedom,  he  decently  could, 
with  the  Duke  and  Dutchefsj  of  Lauderdale  ;  he 
pointed  out  to  them  the  errors  of  their  manage 
ment  in  Scotland,  and  the  ill  effects  it  would  have, 
both  upon  themfeives,  and  upon  the  whole  nation  ; 
and   when  he  faw  no  difpofition  to  rectify  their 
meafures,  he  rejected  all  offers  of  preferment  made 

10 


The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR.  xix 

to  himfelf ;  though  he  could   not   decline  being 
fworn  one  of  the  King's   Chaplains,  which,  as  it 
was  a  poft  of  no  profit,  fo  it  was  confer'd  upon 
him  at  his  Majefty's  exprefs  nomination)    upon 
having  heard  him  preacrn     As  Duke  Lauderdale's 
enemies  were  foon  informed  of  the  franknefs  with 
which  he  had  remonftrated  to  his  Grace,  againfl 
the  methods  of  Adminiflration,  he  was  then  pur- 
iuing ;  and  as  they  knew  his  friendship  and  attach-^ 
ment  to  the  Hamilton  family,  they  induftribuily 
magnified  his  credit  in  Scotland,  to  fuch  a  degree, 
that  his  Majefty  often  fent  for  him  in  private,  and 
the  Duke  of  York   much  oftner.     He  made  no 
other  ufe  of  the  high  favour  ihewn  him  by  the 
latter,   than  firft  to  introduce  Dr.  Stillingfleet  to 
him ;  and  afterwards  to  propofe  a  conference,  to 
be  held  in  his  Royal  Highnefs's  prefence,  between 
them  two  and  the  chief  of  the   Romim  Priefrs  : 
though  there  was  little  reafon  at  that  time  to  hope, 
that  any  arguments  would   be  able  to  effect  the 
Duke's  Converfion,  and  the  very  propofal  of  fuch 
a  difpute,  was  in  a  great  meafure  renouncing  all 
pretenfions  to  preferment.     He  likewife  fought  no 
other   advantage,    from   the  great  freedom  with 
which  the  King  received  him,  than  only  to  awaken 
in  that  Prince  a  Senfe  of  Religion,  and  to  roufe 
him  from  that  lethargy  of  vice  and  indolence,  in 
which  his  natural  great  talents  feemed  wholly  bu 
ried.     This  is  fo  much  the  reverfe  of  the  conduct 
of  afpiring  Clergymen,  it  lies  fo  directly  out  of  the 
road  to  power,  riches,  or  dignity,  that  I  hope  it 
may  acquit  him  from  all  imputation  of  ambition. 
,    As    foon  as   the  Memoirs  of   the   Dukes   of  His  breach 
Hamilton  were  licenfed  by  Mr.  Secretary  Coventry ;  with  Duk; 
which  was  the  longer  delayed,  becaufe  the  King  Laud 
and  many  of  the  Minifters  were  defirous  to  readdaie* 
them  in  manufcript  •,  our  author  returned  to  Scot 
land  :  And  on  his  arrival  at  Edinburgh,  finding 
the  ammofity  between  the  Dukes  of  Hamilton  and 
jLauderdale,  rifen  to  a  height  not  to  be  compofed, 
a  2  he 


xx  -The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR. 

he  retired  to  his  ftation  at  Glaigow,  and  refufed  to 
ftir  from  thence  all  that  winter.     This,  joined  to 
the  jealoufy,  the  favour  fhewn  him    at  London 
had  raifed,  drew  upon  him  a  ftorm,  which  pur- 
fued  him  for   many  years  after,  with  the   utmoft 
violence.      The   meaiures  of  the  Court  proving 
unfuccefsful  in  Parliament,  Duke  Lauderdale  threw 
the  load  of  his  own  mifcarriage  upon  our  author, 
whom  he  reprefented  as  the  caufe  and  instrument, 
under  hand,  of  all  the  oppofition  he  had  met  with. 
This  accufation  made  it  incumbent  on  him,  once 
more  to  return  to  Court  in  the  year  1674.     The 
King  received  him  coldly,  and  ordered  his' name 
to  be  ftruck  out  of  the  Lift  of  Chaplains;  yet, 
at  the  Duke  of  York's  intreaty,  he  admitted  him 
to  offer,  what  he  thought  proper  in  his  own  jufti- 
fication :  Fie  thereupon  gave  his  Majefty  fo  clear 
itnd  fatisfaclory  an   Account  of  his  conduct,  ap 
pealing  for  the  truth  of  all  his  afiertions  to  Duke 
Hamilton,  that  in  the  end  the  King  feemed  con 
vinced  of  his  innocence,  and  ordered  him  home 
to  Glafgow.    But  the  Duke  of  York  diffuaded  him 
from  returning  thither,  'till  his  Peace  mould   be 
entirely  ^made-;  for  lie  allured  him,  that  otherwife 
he  would  be  clap'd  up  in  prifon,  and  detain'd  there 
perhaps  as  long  ras.  the  fame  intereil  prevailed  at 
Court;  his- Rdyal  Highnfefs Jikewife  ufed  his  ut- 
mbil  endeavotirs  to  have  reconciled  him  with  Duke' 
Latit&fdak  ;    but- that  he   found   impracticable  : 
the  latter  infilling,  that  our  author  fhould  abandon 
h&  'beft  friencls,"and   difcover  all  the  Secrets   he 
had  hitherto  been  in;  and  the  other,  as  firmly  per- 
fiiHng  in  his  adherence  to-  thofe,  who  had   ihewn . 
him  trier; ctiliip,  or  repofed  a  confidence  in  him. 
fs  forced        Thus  it  became  neceflary  either,  by  going  back 
to  quit  h's  t6'  Scotland,  to  put  himfelf  in  the  power  of  ene- 
profeiTor-  niic^,  \^ho  were  not  likely  to  treat  him  with  any 
regard  to  juftice  or  his  own  innocence,  or  elfe  to ' 
'  reitgn  his  Profeffor's  Chair,  and  fettle  in  England. 
He  chofe  the  latter,  -if  it  may  be  called  a  choice .-, 
i  and 


The  LIFE   of  the  AUTHOR.  xxi 

and  fought  an  eflablifhment  in  London  :  in  which 
he  met  with  all  the  oppofition,  the  Miniilry  could 
give  him  ;  particularly  in  one  Church  (as  he  him- 
lelf  relates  it  in  the  Hiftory)  where  the  Electors 
were  difpofed  to  have  chofen  him,  had  they  not 
been  deterred  by  a  very  fevere  •  rneffage,  in  the 
King's  name.  Though  the  being  thus  in  a  man 
ner  turn'd  a-drift,  could  not  at  the  time  but  feem 
a  misfortune,  yet  he  ever  fpoke  of  it  as  the  hap- 
pieft  event  of  his  life.  He  was  but  thirty  years 
old,  and  though  the  charms  of  ambition  had  not 
that  influence  over  him,  which  is  ufual  at  thofe 
years  ;  yet  he  thought  it  a  fignal  bleffing,  that  any 
accident  had  difentangled  him,  from  the  fnares  of 
fo  corrupt  a  Court,  in  whofe  fervice  he  had  been  fo 
far  engaged,  that  he  could  not  otherwife  have 
been  eafily  delivered  from  them. 

The  fituation  he  was  now  in,  might  furdy  have  Refutes  a 
excufed  his  embracing  the  firft  provifion  that  S°°d  Be~ 
offered ;  yet  he  could  not  be  tempted  by  it,  to 
overlook  the  niceft  punctilio's  of  juilice  or  honour  •, 
refolved  rather  to  fuffer  the  utmoit  perfonal  diffi 
culties,  than  purchafe  preferment  at  the  lead  ex- 
pence  of  his  character.  He  therefore  generoufly 
declined  accepting  the  living  of  St.  Giles's  Cripple- 
gate,  which  about  this  time  was  vacant  * ,  it  wras 
in  the  gift  of  the  Dean  and  Chapter  of  St.  Paul's, 
who  had  expreiTed  fome  inclination  to  bellow  it 
upon  Dr.  Fowler  (afterwards  Eifhop  of  Gloucefter) 
but  being  made  acquainted  with  the  circumftances 
of  our  author,  and  the  hardfhips  he  had  undergone, 
they  fent  him  an  offer  of  the  Benefice  :  Fie  thanked 
them  for  the  favour,  but  faid,  that  as  -he  had  been 
informed  of  their  intention  of  conferring  it  upon 
fo  worthy  a  Divine,  he  did  not  think  himfelf  at 
liberty  to  take  it.  After  this,  in  the  year  1675. 


3"* 


*  This  fa£l  Mr.  Mackney,  a  Gentleman  now  living  at  Salif- 
bury,  affured  me  he  had  from  the  Bifhop's  own  moi  th  And 
the  fame  was  confirmed  to  me  by  the  Reverend  Mr.  John  Craig, 
Vvho  lived  with  Dr.  Burnet  at  the  time  when  it  happened. 

a  3  hq 


xxii  The   LIFE    of  the  A  U  T  H  OR. 

he  was  recommended  by  the  Lord  Holies  to  the 
friendfhip  of  Sir  Harbottle  Grimfton,  Mafler  of 
the  Rolls,  by  whom  he  was  appointed  preacher 
to  the  Chapel  there  ;  and  though  the  Court  fent 
firfl  a  Bifhop,  and  then  Mr.  Secretary  Williamfon, 
to  perfuade  Sir  Harbottle  to  difmifs'  him,  as  one 
highly  unacceptable  to  the  King,  yet  he  perfifted 
in  the  nomination  he  had  made.  By  this  means, 
Is  made  our  author  obtained  a  fettlement  in  London,  in 
at  the3"  which  he  continued  above  nine  years  •,  he  was  foon 
Rolls,  and  after  chofen  a  Lecturer  at  St.  Clement's,  and  grew 
Ledurer  to  be  one  of  the  rnoft  followed  Preachers  in  town. 
His  Sermons  had  not  in  them  the  iludied  phrafes 
or  the  rounded  periods,  which  were  then  too 
much  in  vogue  ,  but  there  was  a  force  in  his 
reafoning,  a  warmth  in  his  expreffion,  and  4 
dignity  in  his  manner,  joined  to  a  gracefulneis  in 
his  perfon,  which  commanded  attention  -,  and  as 
the  heart  always  fpoke  in  him,  fo  it  feldom  failed 
of  fpeaking  to  the  hearts  of  his  audience. 
Writes  the  As  the  apprehenfions  of  Popery  grew  daily 
{  1  °f  ^rongcr5  the  m°ft  eminent  Divines  of  the  Church 
°f  England  fignalized  themfelves  in  the  Romifh 
Controverfy  :  Nothing  of  that  kind  was  more 
taken  notice  of,  than  the  Account  our  author 
printed  in  the  year  1676,  of  a  Conference,  which 
himfelf  and  Dr.  Stillingfleet  were  engaged  in  with 
Cpleman  and  the  principal  of  the  Romifh  Priefts : 
This  made  him  confidered,  as  one  who  flood  in 
the  very  front  of  the  Oppofition  to  Popery.  His 
reputation,  upon  that  account,  was  foon  after  raifed 
to  the  higheft  pitch,  by  that  great  performance. 
The  Hiilory  of  the  Reformation  ,  in  which,  as  he 
took  a  method  wholly  new,  fo  was  it  univerfally 
applauded.  The  firft  volume  lay  near  a  year,  after 
It  was  finifhed,  for  the  perufal  and  correction  of 
friends  ;  fo  that  it  was  not  publifhed  till  the  year , 
1679,  when  the  affair  of  the  Popifh  Plot  was  in 
agitation.  This  Book  procured  bur  author  an 
Honour,  never  before  or  fmce  paid  to  any  writer  5 
6  ho 


The   L I F  E  of  the  A U  T  H  O  R.  xxiii 

he  had  the  Thanks  of  both  Houfes  of  Parliament, 
with  a  Defire  that  he  would  profecute  his  under 
taking  and  compleat  that  valuable  Work.  ^  Ac 
cordingly,  in  lefs  than  two  years  after,  he  printed 
the  fecond  volume,  which  met  with  the  fame  ge 
neral  approbation,  as  the  firft  :  and  fuch  was  his 
readinels  in  compofmg,  that  he  wrote  the  hiilorical 
part,  in  the  compafs  of  fix  weeks,  after  all  his 
materials  were  laid  in  order. 

As  our  author,  though  he  had  at  this  time  no  His  con- 
Parochial  Cure,  refufed  not  his  attendance  to  any  verfion  of 
fick  perfon,  who  defired  it ;  he  was  fent  for,  amongft 
others,  to  one,  who  had  been  engag'd  in  a  criminal 
amour  with  Wilmot  Earl  of  Rochefter  :  The  man 
ner  he  treated  her  in,  during  her  illnefs,  gave  that 
Lord  a  great  curiofity  of  being  acquainted  with 
him  :  "Whereupon,  for  a  whole  winter,  in  a  Con- 
verfation  of  at  leaft  one  evening  in  a  week,  he 
went  over  all  thofe  Topicks  with  him,  upon  which 
Scepticks  and  Men  of  loofe  Morals  are  wont  to 
attack  the  Chriftian  Religion.  The  effe6t  this  had, 
firft  in  convincing  that  Earl's  judgment,  and  after 
wards  in  making  him  a  fmcere  penitent,  is  fo  fully 
related  in  the  account  of  it  pubifhed  in  i  68 1,  that 
it  will  be  needlefs  to  add  any  thing  here  upon  that 
Subjed  *. 

During 

*  The  Editor  here  fubjoins  a  letter  from  that  Lord,  before 
his  death;  the  original  of  which  is  in  his  hands. 

Woodftock-Park,  25  June,  1680. 
"  My  moft  honoured  Dr.  Burner, 

"  My  fpirits  and  body  decay  fo  equally  together,  that  I  (hall 
write  you  a  letter  as  weak  as  I  am  in  perfon.  1  begin  to 
value  Churchmen  above  all  Men  in  the  world,  and  you  above 
all  the  Churchmen  1  know  in  it.  Jf  God  be  yet  pleafed  to 
fpare  me  longer  in  this  world,  I  hope  in  your  converfation  to 
be  exalted  to  that  degree  of  piety,  that  the  world  may  fee, 
how  much  I  abhor,  what  I  fo  long  loved,  and  how  much  I 
glory  in  repentance,  in  God's  fervice.  Beftow  your  prayers 
upon  me,  that  God  would  fpare  my  life,  if  it  be  his  good 
*  will,  to  iliew  a  true  repentance  and  amendment  of  life  for  the 
a  4  "  time 


Jfxiv  The   LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR. 

During  a  great  part  of  the  time,  when  the  en- 

fhoprick    quiry  into  the  p°Pim  Plot  was  °n  foot,  our  author 

of  Chi-     was  frequently  fent  for  by  King  Charles,  and  con- 

cnefter.      fulted  by  him  as.  to  the  ftate  of  the  nation  :  His 

Majefty  made  him  an  offer  of  the  Bifhoprick  of 

Chichefter  then  vacant,  provided  he  jvould  "  en- 

6  tirely  come  into  his  interefts."  He   anfwered, 

That  he  did  not  know  what  might  be  meant  by 

6  that  expreffion  •,  and  he  was  unwilling  to  fuffer 

c  any  one^  even  to  deceive  themfelves  by  what  he 

*'  fhould  fay.     He  knew  the  Oaths  he  was  to 

c  take  on  fuch  an  occafion,  thefe  he  would  re- 

ligioufly   obferve;    and  defired  to   be  excufed 

6  from  any  further  engagements  or  general  pro- 

'  mifes,    which   were   liable    to    different    con- 

c  ftruclions."     But  if  his  free  accefs  to  the  King 

did  not  procure  him  that  preferment,  which  -very 

few  with  the  fame  opportunities  would  have  mifs'd  ; 

it  engaged  him  to  write  his  Majefty  fuch  a  Letter, 

as  may  perhaps  offend  the  delicacy  of  fome,  yet 

in  juftice  to  his  memory  ought  not  to  be  fup- 

prefs'd. 

May  it  pleafe  Your  MAJESTY  f, 

Y  Have  not  prefumed  to  trouble  Your  Majefty 

Kingf         '  -I    ^or   ^ome   m°nths,   not   having   any    thing 

c  wordiy  your  time  to  offer  ;  and  now  I  choofe 

6  rather  this  way,  fmce  the  infinite  duty  I  owe  you 

«e  time  to  come.     Or  elfe,  if  the  Lord  pleafeth  to  put  an  end 

f  to  my  wordly  Being  ROW,  that  he  would  mercifully  accept  of 

•my  deatn-bed  Repentance,  and  perform  that  promife  he  hath 

'  been  pleafed  to  make,  That  at  what  time  foever  a  firmer  doth 

;<  repent    he  would  receive  him.     Put  up   thefe  prayers,  moft 

.f  acar  Dciior,  tp  Alm-'ghty  God,  for 

"  Your  moft  obedient,  and 

"  languiihing  'fervant, 

'*  ROCHESTER." 

f  The  original  of  this  Letter  is  now  in  the  Editor's  hand, 
wrote  by  the  Bifhop,  with  a  memorandum  how  it  was  delivered, 
$nd  when  ;  And  how  it  was  received. 


The  L  I  FE  of  the  A  U  T  H  O  R.  Xxv 

"  puts  me  under  reftraints  in  difcourfe,  which  I 
"  cannot  fo  eafily  overcome.  YvThat  I  fhall  now 
"  fugged  to  your  Majefty,  I  do  it  as  in  the  pre- 
"  fence  of  Almighty  God,  to  whom  I  know  I 
"  muft  give  an  account  of  all  my  actions  :  I  there- 
"  fore  beg  you  will  be  gracioufly  pleafed  to  accept 
"  this  moil  faithful  zeal  of  your  poor  fubject,  who 
"  has  no  other  defign  it,  than  your  Good,  and  the 
"  difcharge  of  his  own  conference. 

"  I  mult  then  firft  allure  your  Majefly,  I  never 
"  difcovered  any  thing  like  a  defign   of  raifing 
"  Rebellion,  among  all  thofe  with  whom  I  coa- 
"  verfe  ;  but  1  mail  add,  on  the  other  hand,  that 
<c  moil  people  grow  fallen,  and  are  highly  dif- 
cc  fatisfied   with   You,    and   diftruftful    of  You. 
<c  Formerly  yeur  Minifters,  or  his  Royal  High- 
"  nefs,  bore  the  blame  of  things  that  were  un- 
"  grateful  ;  but  now  it  falls  upon  Yourfelf,  and 
time,  which  cures  moil  other  diilempers,  en- 
creafes  this.     Your   laft   Speech  makes   many 
think,  it  will  be  eafy  to  fetch  up  petitions  from 
all  parts  of  England  :  This  is  now  under  con- 
"  fultation,  and  is  not  yet  determined  ;  but  I  find 
"  fo  many  inclined  to  promote  them,  that  as  far 
*c  as  I  can  judge,  it  will  go  that  way.     If  your 
"  Majeily  calls  a  new  Parliament,  it  is  believed, 
cc  that  thofe  who  have  promoted  the  Petitions  will 
"  be  generally  elected  ;  for   the  inferior  fort   of 
"  People  are  much  fet  upon  them,  and  make  their 
:c  judgment  of  men,  from  their  behaviour  in  that 
c  matter.     The  foberer  fort  of  thofe,  who  are  ill 
c  pleafed  jit  your  Conduct,  reckon  that  either  the 
:  flate  of  your   affairs   beyond   Sea,  or   of  your 
:  Exchequer  at  home,  will  e'er  long  neceffitate 
your  meeting  your  Parliament  ;  and  that  then 
things  mud  be  rectified  :  and  therefore  they  ufe 
their  utmoil  endeavours  to  keep  all  quiet.     If 
your  Majefty  has  a  feffion  in  April,  for  fup- 
porting  your  allies,  I  find  it  is  refolved  by  many, 
That  ,the  money  neceiTary  to  maintain  your  Al- 

"  Iiances5 


cc 


" 


The  L I F  E  of  the  f  T  H  O  R, 
*'  liances,  ilialf  be  put  into  the  hands  of  the  Com- 
"-  miilioners^  to  iffue  it  as  they  fhall  anfwer  to  the. 
•&  two  Honfes  r  and  thefe  will  be  fo  chofen,  that 
cc  as  it  is  likely,  that  the  perfons  will  be  very  un~ 
4t  acceptable  to  You,  fo  they  being  trailed  with 
"  the  money,  will  be  as  a  Council  of  State,  to 
*fe  controul  all  your  Councils,  And  as  to  your 
"  Exchequer*  1  do  not  find  any  inclination  to, 
**  confider  your  Neceffity,  unlefs  many  things  be 
*fc  done  to  put  them  into  another  difpofition,  than 
*c  1  can  obfeirve  in  them.  The  things  that  will  be 
*&  demanded,  will  not  be  of  fo  eafy  a  digeftion,  as 
*6  that  I  can  imagine  You  will  ever  be  brought  to 
**  them,  or  indeed  that  it  will  be  reafbnable  or 
**  honourable  for  You  to  grant  them.  So  that,, 
*c  in  this  diforder  of  affairs,  it  is  cafy  to  propofe 
*'  difficulties,  but  not  fo  eafy  to  find  out  that,  which 
ts  may  remove  them. 

'&  There  is  one  thing,  and  indeed  true  only 
**  thing,  in  which  all  honeft  men  agree,  as  that 
*c  which  can  eafrly  extricate  You  out  of  all  your 
*c  troubles  ;  it  is  not  the  change  of  a  Mimiter,  or. 
**  of  a  Council,  a  new  alliance,  or  a  fefllon  of 
**  Parliament,  but  it  is  (and  fufier  me,  Sir,  to 
*'  fpeak  it  with  a  more  than  ordinary  earneftnefs) 
^  a.  change  in  your  own  heart,  and  in  your 
*c  courfe  of  life.  And  now,  Sir,  if  You  do  not 
st  with  indignation  throw  this  paper  from  You, 
*fc  permit  me  (with  all  the  humility  of  a  fubjecl; 
<*  pro&rate  at  your  feet)  to  tell  You,  That  all  the 
*e  diflruft  your  people  have  of  You,  all  the  ne- 
*fc  ceffities  You  now  are  under,  all  the  indignation 
**  of  Heaven,  that  is  upon  You,  and  appears  in 
4C  the  defeating  all  your  Councils,  flow  from  this, 
*fe  That  You  have  not  feared  nor  ferved  God,  but 
•'  have  given  yourfelf  up  to  fo  many  finful  pleafures, 
*4  Your  Majefty  may  perhaps  Juftly  think,  that 
"  many  of  thofe  that  oppofe  You  have  no  regard 
**  for  Religion,  but  the  Body  of  your  people  con- 
u  fider  it  more  than  you  can  imagine,  I  do  not 

««  defire 


The   LIFE  of  the  A  U  T  H  O  R.  xxvii 

<c  defire  yonr  Majefty  to  put  on  a  hypocritical 
"  ihew  of  religion,  as  Henry  the  Third  of  France 
"  did,  hoping  thereby  to  have  weathered  the 
"  ftorms  of  thofe  times.  No!  that  would  be 
"  loon  feen  through,  and  as  it  would  provoke 
"  God  more,  fo  it  would  encreafe  jealoufies.  No ! 
<e  Sir,  it  muft  be  real,  and  the  evidences  of  it 
"  fignal :  All  thofe  about  You  who' are  the  occa- 
cc  fions  of  fin,  chiefly  the  women,  muil  be  re- 
"  moved,  and  your  Court  be  reformed.  Sir,  if 
"  You  will  turn  You  to  Religion  fmcerely  and 
"  feriouily,  You  fhall  quickly  find  a  ferene  Joy 
"  of  another  nature  pofTefs  your  mind,  than  what 
"  arifes  from  grofs  pleafures  -,  God  would  be  at 
"  peace  with  You,  and  direct  and  blefs  all  your 
"  Counfels  j  all  good  Men  would  prefently  turn 
"  to  You,  and  ill  men  would  be  amamed,  and 
"  have  a  thin  party.  For  I  fpeak  it  knowingly, 
"  there  is  nothing  has  fo  alienated  the  body  of  ^ 
"  your  people  from  you,  as  what  they  have  heard 
"  of  your  life,  which  difpofes  them  to  give  an 
**  eafy  belief  to  all  other  fcandalous  reports. 

"  Sir,  this  Counfel  is  now  almoft  as  necefiary 
"  for  your  affairs  as  it  is  for  your  foul ;  and  though 
<c  You  have  highly  offended  that  God,  who  has 
"  been  infinitely  merciful  to  You,  in  preferving 
"  You  at  Worcefter  fight,  and  during  your  long 
"  exile,  and  who  brought  You  back  fo  miracu- 
cc  loufly,  yet  he  is  ftill  good  and  gracious  ;  and 
*c  will,  upon  your  fincere  repentance,  and  change 
"  of  life,  pardon  all  your  jfins  and  receive  You 
"  into  his  favour :  Oh,  Sir,  what  if  You  fhould 
"  die  in  the  midft  of  all  your  Sins  ,?  at  the  great 
"  Tribunal,  where  You  muft  appear,  there  will 
**  be  no  regard  to  the  Crown  You  now  wear ;  but 
"  it  will  aggravate  your  punimment,  that  being 
"  in  fo  eminent  a  ftation,  You  have  fo  much 
"  difhonoured  God.  Sir,  I  hope,  You  believe 
<c  there  is  a  God,  and  a  Life  to  come,  and  that 
**  Sin  lhall  not  pafs  unpuniihed.  If  your  Majefty 

"  will 


»viii  The  L I F  E  of  the  A  U  T  H  O  R. 

"  will  reflect  upon  your  having  now  been  twenty 
«£,. years  upon  the  throne,  and  in  all  that  time 
"  how  little  You  have  glorified  God,  how  much 
? c  you  have  provoked  him,  and  that  your  ill 
"  example  has  drawn  fo  many  after  You  to  fin, 
"  that  men  are  not  now  afhamed  of  their  vices, 
"  You  cannot  but  think,  that  God  is  offended 
"  with  you  :  And  if  You  confider  how  ill  your 
"  Councils  at  home,  and  your  Wars  abroad  have 
<c  fucceeded,  and  how  much  You  have  loft  the 
"  hearts  of  your  people,  You  may  reafonably 
"  conclude,  this  is  of  God,  who  will  not  turn 
"  away  his  anger  from  You,  till  You  turn  to 
"  him  with  your  whole  heart. 

"  I  am  no  enthufiaft,  either  in  opinion  or  temper; 
«c  yet  I  acknowledge,  I  have  been  fo  prefs'd  in 
<c  my  mind  to  make  this  addrefs  to  You,  that  I 
<c  cpuld  have  no  eafe  till  I  did  it:  And  fmcc 
<c,you  were  pleafed  to  di reel  me  to  fend  You,. 
<c  through  lyir.  Chaffinch's  hands,  fuch  informa- 
Y  tions  as  I  thought  fit  to  convey  to  You,  I  hope 
<c  your  Majefly  will  not  be  offended,  if  I  have 
^  made  this  ufe  of  that  liberty.  I  am  fure  I  can 
4C  have  no  other  defign  in  it,  but  your  good  -,  for  I 
4C  know  very  well,  this  is  not  the  method  to  ferve 
v  any  ends  of  my  own.  I  therefore  throw  myfelf 
<c  at  your  feet,  and  once  more,  in  the  Name  of 
"  God,  jyhofe  fervant  I  am,  do  moft  humbly  be- 
"  feech  your  Majefly,  to  confider  of  what  I  have 
<c  written,  and  not  to  defpife  it  for  the  meannefs 
<c  of  the  perfon,  who  has  fent  it;  but  to  apply 
^c  yourfelf  to  religion  in  earnefl :  And  I  dare 
*>  affure  you  of  many  bleffings  both  temporal  and 
4C  fpiritu^l  in  this  lire,  and  of  eternal  glory  in  the 
v  life  to ycome  :  But  if  You  will  go  on  in  your 
'-c  fins,  the  judgments  of  Qod  will  probably  purfue 
<c  You  ;in  this  life,  fo  that  you  may  be  a  Proverb 
"  to  after-ages  ;  and  after  this  life.  You  will  be 
V  for  ever  mifer^ble ;  a,n<4  '1,  -your  poor  fubjedl 
V -that  no)y ,ama  ihall-ibe  a  wi-tuefs  ag^inil  You  in 

' 


The  L  I  F  E  of  the  AU  T  H  O  R. 

"  the   great  day,  that  I  gave  you  this-  free  and    ^ 
"  faithiui  warning. 

46  Sir,  no  perfon  alive  knows,  that  I  have:writterf 
"  to  You  to  this  purpofe:  and  I  chofe  thr&svenifig,' 
"  hoping  that  your  exercife  to-morrow  may  put 
"  you  into  a  diipofition  to  weigh  it  mcifre  carefully. 
"  I  hope  your  Majefty  will  not  be  offended-  with 
"  this  fincere  exprefiiofl  Mof  my  duty  to  You;  for 
"  I  durft  not  have  ventured  on  ity  if  f'jhad  not 
"•  thought  myfelf  bound  'to  it,  both  by  the  duty 
"  I  owe  to  God,  and  that  which  will  ever  oblige 
"  me  to  be, 

"  May  it  pleafe  your  Majefty,  &C/' 


This  is  the  letter,  "-  of  which  fome  m 
is  made  in  the  fecond  Volume  of  tHe  Hiilory, 
as  lik-ewile  of  the  -effecl:  it  produced':  It  con 
veys  to  the  reader  a  much  ftrong'er  idea  of  the 
author's  character,  than  any  defcdption.  can  give' 
and  I  prefume,  it  will  fcarce  be  thought  a  itepV 
which  any  Clergyman  would  have  taken,  who' 
aimed  more  at  preferment  than  the  ftricl:  difcharge 
of  his  duty. 

The  unprejudiced  part  our  author  adled,  during- 
the  whole  time  that  the  nation  was  inflamed  with- 
the  difcovery  of  the  -Popiih  Plot  •,  his  caridid  en 
deavours  to  have  fa1  ved  the  lives  of  Staley  and  the 
Lord  Stafford,  both  zealous  papilts  ;  his  temperate 
conduct  in  regard  to  the  exclufiori  of  the  Duke 
of  York,  and  the  Scheme  of  a  Prince  Regent, 
propofed  by  him,  in  lieu  of  that  exclufion  ^  are 
all  fufficiently  related  in  the  Hiftory:  This  only 
may  be  farther  obfei^ved,  that  his  behaviour^  in 
this  critical  juncture;  was  fo  impartial,  as  to'difpleafe 
both  the  Court  and  the  Country  Party  -,  which, 
when  animofities  run  high,  will  always  be  the  fate 
of  thole  few,  who  follow  the  diftates  of  their  own 
judgment  and  conscience,  without  entring  into  the 
concerted  meafures  of  any  one  fet  of  Men.  A 
charadc.r  us  valuable  as  it  is  rare. 


xxx  The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR. 

His  firm     "  In  1682,  when  the  adminiftratioh  was  wholly 


to    s       chanSed>  in  fav°ur  of  the  Duke  of  York,    the 
friends.     Courtiers  thought  themfelves  at  liberty  to  rail  at 
our  author  ;  as  if  his  writings  and  fermons  againft 
Popery  had  been  only  calculated  to  facilitate  the 
project  of  the  exclufion.      Yet  fo  little  did  the 
Court  regard  the  reflections  which  were  thrown 
upon  him,  that  it  being  likely  the  Maiierfhip  .  of 
the  Temple  would  be  foon  vacant,  the   Earls  of 
Halifax  and  Clarendon  obtained,  the  King's  pro- 
mife  of  it  for  him  :  Upon  which  he  was  again  fen  t 
for   by  his  Majeily,  and   received  with  peculiar 
marks  of  favour  and  kindnefs.     But  thefe  were 
foon  withdrawn,  and  he  himfelf  waved  the  promife 
made  him;  when   he  found  it  was  'expected,  he 
fliould  break  off  correfpondence  with  fome  of  his 
beft  friends.  And  as,  during  the  debates  concerning 
the  Exclufion,  he  had  loft  all  his  interefl  with  Lord 
Shaftefbury  and  the  country  party,  on  account  of 
his  intimacy  with  the  Earl  of  Halifax,  and  his 
endeavours  to  juftify,  or  at  leaft  excufe  the  Earl's 
conduct  in  that  affair  :  So  now  he  chofe  rather  to 
facrifice  all  the  advantages,  he  might  reap   from 
that  Lord's  great  power  at  Court,  than  to  abandon 
the  fociety  of  the  Earl  of  EfTex,  the  Lord  Ruffe], 
and  Sir  William  Jones.     As  he  was,  at  this  time, 
much  reforted  to  by  perfons  of  all  ranks  and  parties, 
in  order  to  avoid  the  neceffity  of  returning  vifits, 
he  built  a  Laboratory,  and  for  above  a  year  went 
through  a  courfe  of  chemical  Experiments  ;  which, 
as  it  ferved  to  enlarge  his  Philofophical  Notions, 
and  was  in  itfelf  an  ufeful,  as  well  as  an  innocent 
Amufement,  fo  it  furnifhed  him  with  a  proper 
excufe  for  flaying  much  at  home.    The  Earl  (foon 
after  created  Marquis)  of  Halifax  complains   of 
this  retirement  in  a  letter,  which  I  mall  here  in- 
fert, 


S  I  R, 


The  LIFE  -of  the  AUTHOR.  sxxi 

«  s  I  R,  *  ;oa.  1 6, 1682. 

T Hough  I  was  tender  in  advifmg  you  to 
wave  any  thing  you  .might  think  advan 
tageous  for  you,  yet  fmce  you  have  thought  fit 
to  do  it,  I  am  at  liberty  to  approve  it :  And  I 
only  defire  yqu  will  not  make  too  hafty  refo- 
lutions  concerning  y^urfeif,  and  t  not  be  carried 
fo  far  by  the  fudden  motions  of  a  feif-denying 
generofity,-  as  to  fliut  the.  door  againft  thofe  ad*- 
vantages,  which  yen  may  expect  with  juftice, 
and  may  receive  without  indecency.  Only  a 
little  patience  is  requisite,  and  in  the  mean  time 
**  no  greater.- reilraint  upon  your  behaviour  and 
**  converiatibh,  than  every  prudent  man,  under 
4-c  your  character  and  circumftances  would  chufe 
c*  voluntarily  .to  impofc  on  himfelf.  For  what 
<c  concerns  me*,  or  any  part  I  might  have,  in  en- 
**'  deavouring  to  ferve  you,  I  had  rather  you 
c  ihould  hear,  it  from  any  bo.dy,  than  from  myfelf  » 
"  and  though  you  mould  never  hear  it  from  any 
"  body,  I  expect  from  your  juftice  you  fhould  fup- 
€*  pole  it.  Your  withdrawing  yourfelf  from  your 
old  Friends,  on  this  corrupted  fide  of  the 
Town,  is  that  which  I  can  neither  approve  for 

5  my  own  fake,  nor  for  yours  :  For  befides  many 
<c  other  objections,  fuch  a  total  feparation   will 

6  make  you  by  degrees  think  lefs  equally,  both 
**  of  merv  and  things,  than  you  have  hitherto  pro- 
"  felled  to  do,  in  what  relates  to  the  Publick.    I- 
**  have  no  jealoufies  of  this  kind  for  myfelf  in  par- 
"  ticular,  being  refolved,  at  what  diftance  foever, 
"  to  deferve  your  believing  me  unalterably 

"  Your  faithful  humble  fervant, 

"  HALIFAX.'* 

*  The  original  letter  is  in  the  Editor'*  hands. 

Not 


it 


xxxii  The  L  I  F  E  of  the   AUTHOR. 

Refafes  a       Not  long  after  this,  a  living  worth  three  hundred 
living  on   pounds  a  year,  which  was  in  the  gift  of  the  Earl 

ofnot1115  of  Effex>  becoming  void>  he  offered  the  prefenta- 
refiding     tion  to  our  author,  upon  condition  he  would  pro- 
there,        mife  (till  to  refide  in  London  ;  adding,  "  That,  in 
"  the  prefent  poilure  of  affairs,  his  friends  could 
"  not  permit  him  to  be  abfent  from  the  Town." 
He  thereupon  told  the  Earl,  "  That  in  cafe  he  was 
"  prefented  to  a  Cure  of  Souls,  he  mufl  think  him- 
"  felf  under  fuch  an  obligation  to  refidence,  as  no 
"  other  confiderations  could  difpenfe  with."    And 
for  this  reaibn  the  Benefice  was  given  to  another. 
How  he        In  the  year  1683,  when  the  Rye  Plot  broke  out, 
avoided     anj  t}ie  £ari  Of  gffex  and  Lorcj  Rufiy  were  taken 

volvfd'in  into  cuilody,  aU'wrto  knew  his  long  and  ftrift 
any  plot-,  friendfhip  with  thbfe1  Great  Men,  concluded  he 
would  have  been  involved  in  the  fame  accufatipn. 
But  as  it  had  been  his  conftant  principle,  that  re- 
fiffehce  was  not  lawful, !  on  account  of  fingle  acts 
x>f  'injuftice  or  opprefiibn,  unlefs  the  very  ban's  of 
theConltitution  was  ftruck  at;  fo  In  order  to  avoid 
being  drawn  into  fecrets  he  could  not  approve, 
he  had  declared'  to  all  thofe  he  convers'd  with,  that 
'ti'Pr'  lie  fhould  be  convinced  that  refiflance  was 
warrantable,  he  friould- think  it  his  duty  to  difclofe 
all  confultations,  which  he  was  made  privy  to, 
tending  to  that  end.  By  this  declaration,  his  mofl 
intimate  friends,  when  they  entered  into  cabals  of 
this  nature,  were  fufrlciently  warned  againil  com 
municating  their  defigns  to  him.  And  this  now 
proved  his  fecurity. 

His  behaviour  at  the  Trial  of  the  Lord  Ruffel ; 
his  attendance  on  him  in  prifon,  and  afterwards 
upon  the  fcaffold,  at  the  time  of  his  execution  ;  the 
examination  he  underwent  before  the  Council,  in 
relation  to  that  Lord's  Dying  Speech,  and  the 
boidnefs  with  which  he  there  undertook  to  vindicate 
his  memory  ;  as  alfo  the  indignation  the  Court  ex- 
prefs'd  againft  him,  upon  that  occafion  ;  are  all 
fully-  fet  forth  in  the  Hiftory.  Thither  I  muft  like- 

wife 


The  LI  F  E  of  the.  A  U  TH  O  R.  xxxu 

wife  refer  the  reader,  for  an  account  of  the  fnort 
tour  our  author 'took  to  Paris,  and  of  the  unufual 
civilities  there  fhewn  him,  by  the  King  of  France's 
,  exprefs  direction.  His  friends  at  Court  would 
indeed  have  perfuaded  him  to  a  longer  itay  there  ; 
they  apprehended  great  feverities  were  preparing 
for  him  at  home,  which  they  reprefented  in  the 
ilrongeil  light :  But  neither  their  intreaties,  nor  the 
menaces  of  his  enemies  could  prevent  his  returning 
to  London.  He  faid,  "  That  as  he  was  confcious 
"  of  no  crime,  which  could  be  truly  laid  to  his 
tc  charge,  fo  he  would  not  alarm  himielf,  with  the 
**  continual  apprehenfion  of  what  falfe  witneffes 
"  might  invent  againft  him  :  That  how  fatal  fo- 
<c  ever  his  return  might  prove,  he  could  not  think 
"  himfeif  at  liberty  to  be  abfent  from  the  duties 
*6  of  his  function."  This  objection  was  indeed 
foon  after  removed  ;  for  he  was,  that  very  year,  Is  difmif- 
difcharged  from  his  Lecture  at  St.  Clement's,  in  fc;d 
purfuance  of  the  King's  mandate  to  Dr.  Hafcard,  ^ 
Rector  of  that  parifh  :  And  in  December  1 684;  ± 
by  an  extraordinary  Order  from  the  Lord  Keeper 
North- to  Sir  Harbottle  Grimilon,  he  was  forbid 
preaching  any  more  in  the  Chapel  at  the  Rolls. 

Thus  at  the  time  of  King  Charles's  death,  he  His  travels 
was  happily  difengaged  from  ail  thofe  ties,  which  beyond 
might  have  rendered  his  ftay  in  England  any  partfca* 
of  his  duty.  Upon  King  James's  acceffion  to  the 
Crown  therefore,  he  defired  his  leave  to  go  out  of 
the  Kingdom  ;  which  the  Marquis  of  Halifax 
eafily  obtained,  the  Court  regarding  him  as  one, 
whom  they  had  no  profpect  or  gaining,  and  whom 
it  was  their  intereft  therefore  to  keep  out  of  the 
way.  He  fiiil  went  to  Paris,  where  he  lived  in 
great  retirement,  in  order  to  avoid  being  involved 
in  any  of  the  ^Confpiracies,  which  the^Duke  of 
Monmouth's  friends  were  then  forming  in  his 
favour.  When  that  rebellion  was  at  an  end,  having 
contracted  an  acquaintance  with  Brigadier  Stouppe, 
a  Proteftant  Officer  then  in  the  French  fervice,  he 
VOL.  I.  b  was 


zxxiv  The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR. 

was  prevailed  upon  to  take  a  journey  with  him  into 
Italy  ;  though  many  of  his  friends  thought  it  a 
bold  venture,  confidering  how  remarkably  he  had 
fignalized  hirnfelf,  in  the  controverfy  with  the 
Romifh  Church.  But  as  he  was  not  himielf  of 
a  Conftitution,  very  fubjecl  to  fear,  fo  the  advice 
of  the  Lord  Montague,  who  was  then  at  Paris,  en 
couraged  himto  embrace  this  opportunity  of  feeing 
Rome. 

The  relation  of  thefe  travels  is  fo  amply  given, 
in  the  Letters  our  Author  publifhed  in  the  year 
1687,  that  there  will  be  no  occafion  to  add  any 
thing  here  concerning  them  ;  except  as  to  one  par 
ticular,  which  may  ferve  as  a. proof,  both  of  the 
great  regard  paid  him  abroad,  and  of  his  own  uni- 
iorm  zeal  for  Toleration.  He  was  much  careflcd 
and  efteemed  by  the  principal  men  of  Geneva  : 
He  faw  they  infilled  itrongly  upon  their  Confent 
of  Doctrine  *,  which  they  required  all  thofe  to 
fubfcribe,  who  were  admitted  into  Orders.  He 
therefore  employed  all  the  eloquence  he  was 
m after  of,  and  all  the  credit  he  had  acquired 
amongfl  them,  to  obtain  an  alteration  .in.  this 
practice  :  He  reprefented  to  them  the  folly  and  ill 
confequence  of  fuch  fubfcriptions ;  whereby  the 
honefleft  and  worthiefl  men  were  frequently  reduc 
ed  to  the  necefllty  of  quitting  their  native  Country, 
and  feeking  a  fubfiftance  elfewhere  ;  whilft  others 
of  lefs  virtue  were  induced  to  fubmit,  and  comply 
againft  their  confcience,  and  even  begin  their  mi- 
niflry  with  mental  equivocations.  The  warmth* 
with  which  he  expreffed  himfelf  on  this  head,  was 
fuch,  and  fuch  was  the  weight  of  his  character, 
that  the  Clergy  at  Geneva  were  afterwards  releafed 
from  thefe  fubfcriptions,  and  only  left  fubjedb  to 
paniihment  or  cenlure,,  in  cafe  of  writing  or 
preaching  againft  the  eftablifhed  doctrine. 

^*  This  is  a  Formulary  commonly  known  by  the  name  of  the 
Confenfus. 

After 

,V«a  • '  V,  t  A         ».    ••     T 


The  LIFE  of  the  A  U  T  H  O  R. 

After  a  tour  through  tfhe  Southern  parts  of  Is  well  re 
France,  then  under  perfection  upon  the  repeal  of  ^^ 
the  Edift  of  Nantes,  through  Italy,  Switzerland,  and  Prirt^ 
and  many  places  of  Germany,  our  author  came  to  cefs  of 
Utrecht  in  the  year  1686,  with  an  intention  to  Orange; 
have  fettled  in  fome  quiet  retreat  within  the  Seven 
Provinces  :  But  at  his-arrival  there  he  found  Letters, 
from  fome  of  the  principal  Minifcers  of  State  at 
the  Hague,  intreating  him  to  fix  upon  no  fettle- 
rnent,  'till  he  fffould  have  fcen  the.  Prince  and 
Princefs  of  Orange.  When  he  was  firft  admitted 
to  an  audience  of  them,  he  perceived  that  his 
friends  in  England,  efpecially  the  Marquis  of 
Halifax,  and  the  Lady  Ruflel,  had  given  him  fuch 
a -character,  as  not  only  enfured  him  a  moft  gracious 
reception,  but  foon  after  procured  him  an  entire 
confidence.  When  he  was  made  acquainted  with 
the  fecret  of  their  Councils,  he  advifed  the  putting 
the  Fleet  of  Holland  immediately  into  fuch  order* 
as  might  give  courage  to  their  friends  in  Great 
Britain,  in  cafe  matters  there  fhould  come  to  ex 
tremities  j  he  prevailed  upon  both  their  Highneflesj 
to  write  a  letter  to  King  James,  in  favour  of  the 
Bifhop  of  London,  who  was  then  under  fufpenfion  ; 
he  ventured  to  propofe  to  the  Princefs,  the  explain-^ 
ing  herfelf,  upon  that  nice  but  neceffary  point,  of 
the  ihare'  the  Prince  was  to  expecl  in. the  Govern 
ment,  in  cafe  the  Britifh  Crown  fhould  devolve 
on  her  ;  and  when  it  was  determined  to  fend  over 
Mr,  Dyckvelt,  as  Ambaffador  to  England^  our 
author  was  employed,  to  draw  his  fecret  initruc- 
tions,  of  which  the  rough  draught  is  itiii  extant* 
in  his  own  hand. 

The  high  favour  now  (hewn  him  at  the  Hague;  King 
alarmed   King   James,    who  was    much  incenfed  |^ 
againft  him,  for  the   account  he   had  printed  of  being  for 
his  Travels  ;  in  which  he  had  fo  ftrongly  difplayed  bid  that 
the    miferies,  thofe    nations   groan   under,  where  Court; 
Popery  and  Arbitrary  Power  prevail,  that  it  fcem- 
fcd  to  have  a  fenfible  effed  on  the  people  of  Eng* 

land*. 


xxxv 


Is  profe- 
cuted    in 
Scotland 
and  Eng 
land  for 
i-i  igh- 
Treafon. 


refufe  to 
deliver 
him  up. 


The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR. 

land.  The  King  wrote  two  fevere  letters  againft 
him  to  the  Prfncefs  of  Orange ;  and  when  the 
Marquis  d'Albeville  v*as  fent  Envoy  to^Hoiland, 
he  had  orders  to  enter  upon  no  other  Matter  of 
Treaty,  'till  our  author  was  firft  forbid  the  Court 
there  -,  which,  at  his  importunity,  was  done ;  but 
he  continued  to  be  trufted  and  employed  in  the 
fame  manner  as  before ;  Halewyn,  Fagel,  and  the 
reft  of  the  Dutch  Minifters  confuiting  him  daily. 

The  report,  that  he  was  then  on  the  point  of 
marrying  a   confidcrable  fortune  at  the    Hague, 
having  reached  the  Englilh    Court  •,  in    hopes  to 
divert  this,  a  profecution  of  High-Treafon  was  fet 
on  foot  againft  him  in  Scotland.     Before  notice  of 
this  profecution  came  to  the  States,  he  had  been 
naturalized  in  order  to  his  marriage :  When  there 
fore  he   undertook,  in   a   letter    to    the  Earl  .of 
Middietoun,  to  aniwer  all  the  matters  laid  to  his 
charge,  he  added,  "  That  being  now  naturalized 
"  in  Holland,  his  allegiance  during  his  ftay  there, 
"  was  transferred  from  his  Majefty  to  the  States." 
This  exprefiion  was  immediately  laid  hold  of.  So 
that  dropping  the  former  profecution,  they  now 
proceeded  againft  him  for  thefe  words,  as  guilty 
of  High-Treafon ;    and   a  fentence  of   outlawry 
pafs'd  on  him.     D'Albeville  thereupon,  firft  de 
manded   him  to  be  delivered  up  -,  and  when  -he 
faw  this  demand  was  like  to  prove  ineffectual,  he 
ifififted  that  he  mould  be  banifhed  the  Seven  Pro- 
viiKres,  in  purfuance  of  an  article  in  the  laft  treaty 
between  the  two  Nations,  which  related  to  Rebels 
and  Fugitives,  though  it  could  not  be  pretended 
that  he  came  within  -  either  of  thefe  descriptions. 
The  States,  in  their  anfwer  to  the  Britim  Envoy's 
Memorial,  faid,  "  That  as  Dr.  Burnet,  by  Natu- 
"  ralization,  was  become  a  Subject  of  their  own, 
"  they  could  not  banifh  him,  unlefs  fome  crime 
**  was  legally  proved  upon  him  •,  if  his  Britannick 
"  Majefty  had  any  thing  to  lay  to  his  charge,  they 
"  would  compel  him  to  anfwer  it  j  and  if  his 

Judges 


The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR.          xxxvu 
<c  Judges    pronounced    him  guilty,    they   would 
ct  punifh  him  according  to  their  Laws;  this  was 
"  all  that  in  reafon  or  jufdce  could  be  demanded 
"  of  them."     As  this  'anfwer  put  an  end  to  all 
farther  application  to  the  States,  fo  it   gave  occa- 
fion  to  fome  unwarrantable  defigns  of  ieizing  his 
perfon,  and  even  deftroying  him   if  he  could  hot-jpefign*  to 
betaken.     Of  this  our  author  had  notice   given •««" 
him  from  feveral  hands,  and  one  in  particular,  by 
the    following    Letter    from  Captain    Baxter,    a 
Gentleman  of  unqueftioned  honour  and   reputa 
tion,  whofe  father  was  at  that  time  fteward  to  the 
Duke  of  Ormond's  Eilate. 

^  Dear  SIR,*  Hague,  March  14,  1688. 

u  nr^ Hough  I  have  no  acquaintance  with  you, 
"  JL  Yet  ^ie  cfteem  I  have  for  your  character, 
cc  and  the  benefit  I  have  received  by  your  works, 
^  obliges  me  to  tell  you  the  proceedings  againft 
*c  you  in  England.  I  happened  the  other  day  to 
"  go  into  the  Secretary's  Office,  where  I  faw  an 
"  order  for  three  thoufand  pound,  to  be  paid  the 
**  perfon,  that  fhall  deilroy  you.  I  could  hardly 
"  believe  my  eyes,  that  I  faw  the  paper,  it  feemed 
"  fo  ilrange  to  me  :  This  I  communicated  in  pri- 
<c  vate  to  my  Lord  OiTory,  who  told  me,  it  was 
"  true,  for  he  had  it  from  Prince  George.  My 
"  Lord  defired  me  to  be  private  in  the  thing,  'till 
cc  I  came  to  Holland;  and  then,  if  I  pleated,  to 
<c  tell  you  of  it.  Sir,  I  am  your  friend,  and  my 
"  advice  to  you  is,  to  take  an  efpecial  care  of 
"  yourfelf,  for  no  doubt  but  that  great  fum  will 
"  meet  with  a  mercenary  hand.  Sir,  you  lhall 
"  never  want  a  friend, where  I  am.—-" 

Some  months  before  this,  our  author  had  mar-  His  Mar 
ried  Mrs.  Mary  Scott,  a  Dutch  Lady  of  a  large 

*  This  letter  is  in  the  Editor's  hands,  with  the  Biftiop's  own 
memorandum  how  he  came  to  the  knosvledge  of  the  perlon  who 
wrote  it,  and  of  his  character. 

b  3  fortune 


xxxviii          The   LIFE    of  the  A  U  T  H  O  R. 

fortune  and  noble  extraction.     Her  anceilor,  on 
the   father's  fide,  was  a  younger   brother   of  the 
family  of  Buccleugh,  who,  upon  a  quarrel  in  Scot 
land,  went  over  to  Holland  j  his  fon  was   a  Bri 
gadier-General  at  the  fiege  of  Middieburgh  in  the 
year  1574,  and  afterwards  Deputy  for  the  Province 
pf  Zealand  in  the  AfTembly  of  the  States  General ; 
his   grandfon,    Apollonius   Scott,    who   was   this 
Lady's  Grandfather,  was  President  of  the  High 
Court  of  Juftice  at  the  Hague,  and  by  marriage 
allied  to  the  noblefl  Houles   in  Zealand  :  On  the 
mother's  fide,  who  was  a  De  Ruyter,  me  was  re 
lated  to  the  principal  families  in  Guelder.     With 
thefe  advantages  of  birth,  me  had  thofe  of  an  ex 
tremely  agreeable  perfon  :  me  was  well  fkilled  in 
all  forts  of  mufick  ;    drew  and  painted  in  great 
perfection  ;  me  fpoke  Dutch,  Englifh,  and  French 
equally  well  ;  me  had  a  fine  understanding,  and 
a  fweetnefs   of  temper,  that   charmed  all  her  ac 
quaintance  ;  her  knowledge  in  matters  of  Religion 
was   fuch,  as   might  rather  be  expected    from   a 
Student  in  Divinity,  than  from  a  Lady.     In   her, 
our  Author,  during  the  whole  courfe  of  her  life, 
found  a  religious,  dilcreet  and  loving  friend,  a  du 
tiful  wife,  a  prudent  miftrefs  of  his  family,  a  care 
ful  manager  of  his  affairs,  and  a  tender  mother  of 
his  children. 

duaarth  ^^e  *mP°rtant  ^are  our  Author  had  in  the 
R"^*^  whole  conduct  of  the  Revolution  •,  his  feafonable 
tion.  Counfels  in  every  flep  of  that  great  affair ;  the 
early  notice  he  gave  of  it  to  the  Court  of  Hanover, 
intimating  that  the  fuccefs  of  this  enterprize  muft 
naturally  end,  in  an  entail  of  the  Britifh  Crown 
upon  that  illuftrious  Houfe  ;  the  unreferved  con-^ 
fidcace  repofed  in  him,  ,  both  by  the  Prince  of' 
Orange,  and  by  the  malecontents  in  England  ;  the 
affiftahce  he  gave  in  drawing  that  Prince's  Declara 
tion,  and  the  other  publick  Papers,  written  to  j.uftify 
the  undertaking  -9  his  courage  in  bearing  a  fhare  in 
the  hazard  of  that  expedition,  nptwithflanding  t;he. 

ca  peculiar 


The   LIFE  of  the  A  U  T  H  O  R.  xxxix 

peculiar  circumftances  of  danger  he  was  in  •,  the 
Aflbciation  propofed  and  drawn  by  him  at  Exeter  -, 
the  good  offices  he  endeavoured  to  do  King  James, 
whil'c  detained  at  Feverfham  in  the  hands  of  a  rude 
multitude  -,  the  care  he  took  to  protect  the  Papifts 
and  Jacobites,  from  the  infults  of  the  army  and 
populace,  when  the  Dutch  Troops  arrived  at 
London;  his  faithful  adherence  to  the  interefls  of  the 
i'rincefs  of  Orange,  in  the  affair  of  the  Settlement 
of  the  Crown  :  Thefe,  as  well  as  the  other  fignal 
fervices,  our  Author  rendeied  his  Country,  when 
the  Abdication  of  King  James  made  it  requifite  to 
eftablifh  a  new  Government,  are  too  fully  related 
in  the  Hiftory,  to  need  any  farther  mention  here. 

Dr.  Crew,  then  Bifhop  of  Durham,  had  afted  rf^" 
fuch  a  part  in  the  High  Commiflion  in  King  of  the  B1 
James's  Reign,  that  he  thought  it  would  be  no  ill  ftopricko 
competition,  if  he  could  indemnify  his  Perfon  at  Durham. 
the  expence  of  his  Spiritual  Preferment  •,  which  he 
purpofed  to  reiign  to  our  Author,  trufting  to  his 
generofity  for  an  allowance  of  a  Thouiand  Pounds 
a-year  out  of  the  Epifcopal  Revenue,  during  his 
life  :  He  fent  the  Lord  Montague  *  with  this  pro- 
poial  to  the  Prince  of  Orange  •,  but  when  the  mef- 
iage  was  carried  to  our  Author,  he  abfolutely  re 
futed  to  accept  of  the  See  upon  thofe  terms,  which 
he  thought  might  juflly  be  conftruecl  criminal. 
He  was  indeed  fo  little  anxious  after  his  own  Pre 
ferment,  that  when  the  Bifhoprick  of  Salisbury 
became  void,  as  it  did  foon  after  King  V/illiam  and 
Queen  Mary  were  eftablifhcd  on  the  Throne,  he 
foflicited  for  it,  in  favour  of  his  old  friend,  Dr. 
Lloyd  then  Bifhop  of  St.  Afaph  :  The  King  an- 
fwered  him  in  a  cold  way,  "  That  he  had  another 
"  perlbn  in  view,"  and  the  next  day  he  himfelf 
was  nominated  to  that  See. 

*  This  is  tnken  from '. the  Biihop's  MS.  no'es  3  and  is  con 
firm  ed  by  a.  letter,  from  one  who  was  Secretary  of  State,  in  lung 
William's  reign. 

b  4 


xl  The  LIFE   of  the   AUTHOR. 

When  the  famous  Bill,  for  declaring  the  Rights 
and  Liberties  of  the  Subject,  and  fettling  the  Suc- 
ceffion  of  the  Crown,  was  brought  into  the  Houfe 
of  Lords,  as  our  Author  had  firil  intimated  tp  the 
Houfe  of  Hanover  the  probability  of  a  limitation 
in  their  favour,  King  William,  in  preference  to  all 
his  Minifters,  appointed  him  to  be  the  Perfon, 
that  mould  propofe  the  naming  the  Dutchefs  (after 
wards  Electrefsj  of  Brunfwick,  next  in  Succeflion 
after  the  Princefs  of  Denmark  and  her  IfTue.  Tho* 
this  Settlement  did  nqfr  then  take  effect,  otherwife, 
than  as  it  feemed  imply'd  in  the  exclufion  of 'all 
Papifts  ;  and  was  not  explicitly  eflablifhed  till  after 
the  Duke  of  Gloucefter's  Death  in  1701,  (when 
our  Author  had  the  farther  merit  of  being  Chair 
man  of  the  Committee,  to  whom  the  Bill  was  re 
ferred)  yet  it  made  that  illuftrious  Houfe  from 
thenceforth  confider  him,  as  one  firmly  attached  to 
their  interefts,  and  with  whom  they  might  there- 
lore  enter  into  the  flricteft  confidence.  Accord 
ingly,  from  that  time  her  late  Royal  Highnefs  the 
His  iervi-  princefs  Sophia  began  a  correfpondence  with  him, 
hScorre-  wHich  lafted  to  her  death,  and  of  which  above 
fpondence  ^Y  letters  are  extant,  all  written  in  her  own  hand. 
wiri,  the  Two  of  thefe  I  fhall  here  infert,  the  one  written  in 
Houfe  of  I68<^  foon  after  the  propofal  of  naming  her  in  the 
Act  of  SuccefTion  had  been  made  ;  the  other  in 
1701,  when  that  nomination  took  effect. 

cc  Monfieur,  *  "  My  Lord, 

a   <~>Omme  j'ai  ton-  cc      A    S  I  ever  had  a 

''  tj  Jours  eu  une  ef-  "  j[\  moft  particular 

^  time  sres  particuliere,  6C  efteem  for  your  merit, 

'•'  pourlemeritede  votre  <c  and  have  fancied  my- 

"  reverence,  &quej'ai  cc  felf  acquainted    with 

"  cru  la  conhoitre  par  "  you  by  your  writings, 

**  fesecrits,V.R.pourra  'c  you  may  eafily  judge 

"  aifement  jugerpar  la,  "  by  that,  how  agreeable 

*4  com-  *«  the 

*  The  original  letter  is  in  the  Editor's  hands., 


The  LIFE 

*?  combien  les  marques 
44  de  votre  amitie  m'ont 
44  etc  agreables.  Jevous 
44  affeure,  que  je  les 
44  eftime  tres  particulie- 
44  rement,  &  que  je  fuis 
44  fort  reconnoiffante  de 
- '  la  Ferveur,  qu'ii  vous 
44  a  plu  temoigner  pour 
"  mes  interefts,  ce  qui 
4'  eft  une  aufli  grande 
4C  fatisfa6tion  pour  ma 
44  perfonne,  que  fl  vos 
44  bonnes  intentions 
44  euffent  mieux  reuffi. 
44  Car  je  ne  fuis  plus 
44  d'une  age  a  penfer  a 
44  d'autre  royaume,  que 
44  celui  des  Cieux ;  & 
44  pour  mes  fils,  ils  doi- 
<c  venttoujourseftre  de- 
*c  diez  au  Roy  &  au 
"  Royaume.  Monfieur 
f  Schutz  m'amandeque 
<c  V.  R.  etoit  perfuade, 
"  que  fa  Majefte  auroit 
"  pour  agreable,  .  que 
ic  j'en  fis  volr  unen  An- 
^  gleterre  -,  &  comme 
"  mon  fecqnd  fils  m'a 
cc  voitdcja  mande,  qu'il 
ct  feroit  bien  aife  d'al- 
cc  ler,  apres  la  cam- 
<c  pagne,  pour  feliciter 
<c  le  Roi,  fur  fon  avene- 
44  ment  a  la  Couronne, 
46  &  qu'il  en  demande- 
44  roit  la  permiffion  a 
44  TEmpereur,  dont  il 
"  efl  major  -  general  ^ 


of  the   AUTH^Rt 

44  the  marks  you  have 
44  given  me  of  your 
44  friendlhip  muft  have 
44  been.  I  afiiire  you  I 
4c  eiteem  them  in  a  very 
44  particular manner>and 
'4  am  very  grateful  for 
4c  the  warmth,  you  have 
44  been  pleafed  to  tefti- 
44  fy  for  my  interefts, 
44  which  is  as  great  a 
44  perfonalfatisfadionto 
"  me,  as  if  your  good 
44  intentions  had  been 
44  more  fuccefsful.  For  I 
44  am  no  longer  of  an  age 
c4  to  think  of  any  other 
"  kingdom,  than  that  of 
cc  heaven-,  and  as  for  my 
4C  fons,  they  ought  al- 
"  ways  to  be  devoted  to 
"  the  King  and  king- 
"  dom.  Mr.  Schutz  has 
4C  informed  me,  that  you 
44  were  of  opinion,  that 
'4  his  Majefty  would  be 
44  pleafed,  if  I  fent  one 
44  of  them  into  Eng- 
4'  land  j  and  as  my  fe- 
44  cond  fon  had  already 
44  acquainted  me,  that 
14  he  fhould  be  glad  to 
44  go,  after  the  cam- 
44  paign,  to  congratu- 
44  late  the  King,  upon 
44  liis  acceflion  to  the 
44  crown,  and  that  he 
44  would  aik  the  Em- 
44  peror's  leave  for  it, 
44  bemg  a  Major  Ge- 


Ixii 


The  L I F  E  of  the  A  U  T  H  O  R. 


"  j'ofe  prier  V.  R.  de 
*c  1'aflifter  de  vos  con- 
<c  feils,  pour  bien  faire 
"  fa  cour,  lors  qu'il  fe- 
"  ra  ce   voyage.      S'il 
"  eut  voulu  changer  de 
"  Religion,  il  auroit  fort 
."  bien  reiilli    dans  ces 
"  affaires     aupres      de 
"  1'Empereur,  mais  ii  a 
."  -trop   de    fon    oncle, 
"  le      Prince     Rupert, 
."  pour  n'eftre  pas  ferme 
<c  dans  fa  Religion.     II 
(C  eft  vray  qu'elie  porte 
"  le    noni  de  Luthere, 
<c  mais    nos    Ecclefiaf- 
<c  tiques   d'Hanovre  la 
•"  difent  conforme   a  la 
cc  Religion    Anglicane, 
*'  &  auroient  voulu  me 
"  donner  le   Saint  Sa- 
"  crement,     dans       la 
<c  Croyance  ou  ]e  fuis. 
*'  Mais  je  n'ai  pas  vou- 
i6  \u  donnier   de  fcarr- 
*c  dale   a  ceux   de   ma 
"  Religion,     dont     je 
".  crois  que  V.  R.  ap- 
'•*  prouvera.  Cependant 
*c.  je    dois    la    feliciter, 
V'  qu'il  a  plu  a  Dieu  de 
"  vous  donner  un  Roi 
"  &   une   Reine.    d'un 
"  merite  infini :    Je  le 
u.-prie  de  vous  les  con- 
c<  ferver,    &  de  donner 
c-c  a  moi  la  fatisfadion, 
<c  -de  temoigner  a-vocis; ' 
^  &  a  toutCG  qj]l  vous 


ct  neral  in  his  fervice  ; 
<c  I  dare  beg  you  to  af- 
66  fift    him    with  your 
46  advice,  how  to  make 
"  his  Court  well,  when 
Cc  he  takes  that  journey. 
"If    he    would    have 
"  changed  his  Religion, 
"  he  might   have  iuc- 
"  ceeded  well  in  his  af- 
cc  fairs  at  the  Imperial 
"  Court,    but    he    has 
"  too  much  of  his  un- 
cc  cle    Prince    Rupert, 
"  not  to  be  firm  in  his 
"  Religion.     It  is  true, 
"  it  bears  the  name  of 
cc  Luther,  but  our  Di- 
"  vines  at  Hanover  fay, 
"  'tis    conformable    to 
"  that  of  the    Church 
"  of    England,       and 
"  would  have  given  me 
*e  the  Holy  Sacrament 
<c  in  the  Belief  I  am  in. 
"  But  I  would  not  give 
"  any  fcandal  to  thole  of 
"  my  Religion,   which 
cc  I  believe  you  will  ap- 
"  prove.     However,  I 
"  ought  to  congratulate 
"  you,  upon  its  having 
"  pleafedGod  togiveyou 
"  a  King  and  a  Queen 
"  of  infinite  merit:  I  pray 
"  him  toprelerve  them 
"  to  you,  and  to  give 
"  me  thefatisfa6tion-of 
"  teftifying  to  you,  and' 
"  every  one  that  is  dear ' 
"  to 


The  L I F E  of  the  A  U T HO R. 


^  eft  cher,  par  des  fer-     "  to  you,  by  agreeable 
ic  vices  agreables,  com-     "  fervices,    how   much 

"lam  v>;;?< 

"  moft  affectionate 

"  to  ferve  you, 
"  SOPHIA  PALATINE, 


bien  je  fuis 
Tres  Affectionee 
cc  a  vous  fervir, 
SOPHIE  PALATINE. 


«i 


*  Herenhaufen,  22  Juin,  1701. 

«  Y  7OUS  avez  bien 
"     V      de    la    bonte, 
"  Monfieur,  de  prendre 
"  part  a  tout  ce  qui  re- 
"  garde  la  grandeur  de 
"  la  maifon,  ou  je  fuis 
"  entree  :    Et   je   dois 
vous  remercier  e.n  par- 
ticulier  de  I'affedtion, 
que  vous  m'avez  te- 
moigne,  dans  1'afFaire 
de  la  fucceflion,    qui 
exclut  en  meme  temps 
tous  les  Rentiers  Ca- 
tholiques,      qui     ont 
toujours  caufe  tant  de 
delbrdres   en   Angle- 
terre.       Je    fuis   par 
malheur  trop    vielle, 
pour  pouvoir  jamais 
etre  utile  a  la  nation 
&  a  mes  amis,  ce  qui 
me    feroit     pourtant 
beaucoup  aimer  la  vie. 
Cependant  je  fouhai- 
terois,  que    ceux  qui 
viendront  apres  moi, 
fe    rendiflent    dignes 
de   1'honneur,    qu'ils 
aurpnt :    Et   que    je 


Y 


" 


Herenhaufen,  22  June,  1701. 

OU  are  very  ob- 
_     liging,    Sir,  to 
take    part   in    every 
thing,     that    regards 
the  grandeur   of  the 
houfe,  into  which  I  am 
married  ;  and  I  ought 
to  thank  you  in  par- 
c;  ticular  for  the  affec- 
cc  tion,  which  you  have 
"  teftified  to  me,  in  the 
<c  affair  of  the  fucceffion, 
"  which  excludes  at  the 
cc  fame  time  all  Catho- 
"  lick  Heirs,  v/ho  have 
cc  always  caufed  fo  many 
"  diforders  in  England. 
"  I    am    unfortunately 
"  too   old,   ever   to  be 
"  ufe  fill  to  the  nation, 
"  and    to   my   friends, 
"  which  if  I  could  be,  it 
"  would  make  me  much 
ec  in  love  with  life.  How- 
<c  ever,  I  {hall  wilh,  that 
c  thofe  who  are  to  come 
after  me,  may  render. 
themfelves  worthy  of 
the  honour  they  will 
have  :    And    that    I 


The  original  is  ir,  the  Editer"s 


may 


The  LI  F  E  of  the  AUTHOR. 

puifie  au  moins  trou-  "  may  at  ieaft  find  fbme 

ver  lieu  de  vous  te-  cc  occafion    of    teftify- 

moigner,  par  des  fer-  cc  ing,  by  my   ftrvices, 

vices,  Peltimequej'ai  "  the  efteem  I  have  for 

de  votre  merite.  "  your  merit. 

SOPHIE  ELECTRICS.  SOPHIA  ELECTRESS. 


Our  author  maintained  an  unfhaken  credit  with 
King  William  and  Queen  Mary,  during  their 
whole  reign  ;  indeed  the  King's  favour  was 
fometimes  interrupted^  with  fhort  difguils,  at 
the  uncourtly  liberty  he  took  of  fpeaking  his  mind, 
even  upon  fome  fubjects  that  he  perceived  were 
difagreeable  -,  but  the  real  efteem  thofe  Princes 
had  for  him,  will  appear  beyond  conteft,  from 
feveral  facts  in  the  Hiftory,  too  numerous  to 
be  recapitulated  here,  and  from  fome  others, 
which  I  mall  hereafter  have  occafion  to  mention. 
The  ufe  he  made  of  this  credit,  is  the  principal 
point,  a  writer  of  his  life  muft  be  concerned 
for  :  It  is  that  alone,  muft  fettle  his  real  Charac 
ter,  which  I  am  fatisfy'd  has  been  too  commonly 
miftaken  ;  and  never  more  egregioufly,  than  by  thole 
His  clia-  wno  ^ave  reprefented  him  as  an  inveterate  Party- 
rafter  as  man.  That  he  was  ftedfaft  to  his  firft  princi- 
to  Party-  pjes  .  that  in  all  his  conduct  relating  to  the  Pub- 
lick,  he  was  rigidly  ftrict  to  thefe  ;  is  a  truth  too 
much  to  his  honour,  for  me  to  difpute  :  But  it 
will  be  eafy  to  dcmonftrate,  that  his  own  parti 
cular  way  of  thinking,  as  to  Party-Matters,  had 
no  influence  over  him,  either  in  his  friendfhips, 
in  his  charities,  or  in  his  preferments,  where  the 
Publick  was  not  immediately  concerned.  It 
might  be  tedious,  I  am  fure  it  would  be  volu 
minous,  here  to  infert  all  the  evidences  in  my 
hands,  from  whence  it  appears,  how  frequently 
his  whole  intereft  was  exerted  in  favour  of  men, 
who  neither  from  their  publick  nor  their  private 
conduct,  had  any  reafon  to  expect  fuch  fervices 

from 


the   LIFE   of  the  AUTHOR.         xtt 

from  him.     *  Some  inftances   of  this   nature,    I 
jfhall  have  occafion  elfewhere  to  produce  •,  but  I 
fhall  content  myfelf  here  with  one,  which  is  very 
remarkable,  and  may  alone  be  fufficient  to  efta- 
blilh  his  reputation  on  this  head.     Some  of  the 
harfheft  treatment,  he  had  met  with  in  the  two 
former  Reigns,  had  pafs'd  through  the  hands  of 
the  Earl  of  Rocheiler  -,    no  two  men  ever  differed 
more  widely  in  their  principles,  both  in  Church 
and  State  \   yet  the  firfl  good  offices  done   that 
Earl,  with  the  King  and  Queen    (after  all  other 
applications  for    introduction    had  failed)    their 
entire  reconciliation  to  him,  and  the  firft  advan 
tages  he  reaped  in  confequence  of  that  reconcilia 
tion,  were  owing  to  our  Author.     And  when  the 
Earl  of  Clarendon  was  afterwards  unhappily  en 
gaged  in  the  confpiracy,  againft  the  Government, 
in  1690^    and  ibme  hotter  Whigs  were  for  the 
fevereft    methods,    the  Bifhop  became   a  hearty 
and   fuccefsful  advocate  in   his    favour.      Thefe 
matters  are  but  curforily  mentioned  in  the  Hiftory, 
but  will  more  fully  appear  from  the  four  follow 
ing  original  Letters;     the   firft   written   by  the 
Counteis  of  Ranelagh,    the   other  three   by  the 
Earl  of  Rocheiler  hirnfelf. 

*  The  hiftory  mentions  the  (bare  the  Bifiiop  had  in  Sir  John 
Fenwick's  trial ;  this  Letter,  of  which  the  original  is  in  the 
editor's  hands,  Ihews  how  ready  he  was  to  do  acls  of  perfona! 
kindnefs  to  thofe  whoie  defigns  he  had  the  greateft  averiion  to. 

"  My  Lord,  Newgate,  January  20- 

"  My  wife  has  acquainted  me  with  your  charitable  afTiftaoce 
yefterday,  for  an  order  for  Bifhop  White  to  come  ro  me,  for 
which  I  humbly  thank  your  Lordfhip ;  but  much  to  my  trou 
ble  to  day,  me  tells  me,  I  am  refufed  him.  I  cannot  think  the 
1  King  would  do  fo  hard  a  thing  to  a  dying  man,  as  to  refufe 
*  him  one,  he  can  have  moft  fadsfaaion  in,  for  the  good  of 
his  Soul.  Since  I  did  not  intend  any  offence  to  the  Govern, 
ment  in  aiking  for  him,  your  favour  in  procuring  an  order 
for  him  to  come  to  me  will  much  oblige 

*'  Your  Lordfbip's  rnoft  humble  Servant, 

J,  Fen  wick. 
My 


Y 


btfi  The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR. 

My  Lord,  * 

OU.R  Lordfhip  knows  that  by  my  Lord 
_  Rochefter's  defiringme  to  help  him  to  thank 
you,  for  your  forwardnefs  to  'do  him  favours 
*c  with  their  .Majefties,  (out  of  the  fenfelie  had; 
<c  that  he  o'ught  to  be  more  grateful  for  them, 
*'  becaufe  he  had  not  at  all  deferved  them  from 
*'  your  Lordlhip)  he  had  informed  me,  that  you 
<c  had  done  him  fuch  favours ': ,  And  when,  pur- 
<c  fuant  to  his  defire,  I  began  to  give  you  hum- 
cc  ble  thanks  for  him  (who  is  a.  perfori  in  whom  I 
46  can  be  very  fenfib'ly  obliged)  I  told  your  Lord- 
"  fhip  I  was  pleafed  in  paying'  this  duty,  as 
"much  upon"  y6ur  account,  as  upon  his  Lord- 
cc  fhip's,  as  having  attempted  to  conquer  him  by 
"  weapons,  fit  to  be  ufed  by  one  of  your  pro- 
"  feffion  and  character ;  and  I  hoped  he  might 
"  be  advantaged,  as  well  by  being  gained  by 
"  yon,  as  by  reaping  good  fruits  of  your  Media- 
"  tion,  with  their  Majefties.'  And  now  I  prefent 
"your  Lordftiip,  in  the  enclofed,  with,  what  ap- 
<c  pears  to  me  an  Evidence  ;  that  my  hopes  of 
"  his  making  ingenuous  returns,  for  your  gene- 
"  rous  advances  tpvv?ards  a  friendfhip  wich  him.j 
"  were  not  groundlefs.  Since  he  woul~d  fure  ne- 
^  ver  have  pitched  upon  you,  to  manage  an  appli- 
<c  cation  of  .his,  about  an  intereft  wherein  the  vifible 
<c  fubfiflence  of  his  family  is  fo  deeply  concerned, 
"  if  he  did  not  firmly  believe  the  reality  of  your 
"  intentions  towards  him  ;  though  he  have  no 
"  merits  of  his  towards  you,  or  any  thing  elfe, 
c;  but  your  Chriftian  beginnings  towards  him, 
<c  to  build  that  faith  upon.  Nor  can  he,  in  my 
"  poor  opinion,  give  you  a  clearer  proof  of  his 
<c  being  already  overcome  by  you,  than  in  chu- 
<c  fing  you  to  be  the  perfon,  to  whom  he  would 
cc  in  fuch  an  intereft  be  obliged  :  Since  he  there- 
46  by  puts .  himfelf  upon  the  peril  of  being  faith- 

*  The  original  is  in  the  Editor's  hands. 

«  fully 


The  L I F  E  of  the  A  U  T  H  O  R. 7  Ixvii 

*c  fully  yours,  or  a  very  unthankful  man  ;  which 
"  I  do  fo  much  afTure  myfelf  he  will  not  be, 
Ct  that  I  humbly  beg  your  Lordfhip  to  put  this 
*c  obligation  upon  him,  to  perfect  what  you  have 
tc  already  begun  to  do  for  him,  of  a  like  nature, 
"  and  to  the  fame  Royal  Perfon.  Who  would 
'  not,  I  think,  act  unbecoming  herfelf,  nor  the 
"  eminent  flation,  God  has  placed  her  in,  in 
c  affifting  five  innocent  children,  who  have  the 
"  honour  to  be  related  to  her  Royal  Mother, 
"  who  did  ftill,  with  great  tendernefs,  confider 
"  her  own  family,  when  fhe  was  mofl  raifed 
"  above  it  •,  efpecially  when,  in  affifting  them, 
"  her  Majefty  will  need  only  to  concern  herfelf, 
*  to  preferve  a  property,  made  theirs  by  the 
"  Law  of  England,  which  as  Queen  of  this 
"  kingdom  fhe  is  obliged  to  maintain. 

"  I  fend  your  Lordfhip  my  Lord  Rochefter's 

<c ,  letter  ,to  me,  that  you  may  fee  he  has  thoughts 

"  that  juftify  what  I  have  faid  here  for  him,  and 

"  has  exprefs'd  them  much  better  than  I  can  do ; 

'  fo  that  as  an  argument  to  gain  your  pardon, 

6  for  this  confufed /cribble  of  mine,  Iprefentyou 

"  with  his  good  writing.     I  am, 

Your  Lordfhip's  humble  and 

affectionate  Servant, 
July  1 3th,   1689.  K.  Ranelagh. 


My  Lord,  * 

c  ^p  J3  £  g00ej  Of^ce§?  yOUr  Lordfhip  has  told 
_£  me,  you  have  endeavoured  to  do  me 
1  with  the  Queen,  of  your  own  accord  and  ge- 
c  nerofity,  incline  me  to  be  defirous  to  be  obli- 
c  ged  to  your  Lordfhip,  for  the  favour  of  pre- 
1  fenting.the  enclofed  Petition  to  her  Majefty. 

Your  Lordfhip  will  fee,  by  the  reading  it,  the 
6  occafion  and  the  fubjeft  of  it ;    and  I  am  fure 

*  The  ©n'gjnal  is  in  the  Editor's  hands: 

"  I  need 


tiviii         The  LIFE   of  the  AUT HOil. 

44  I  need  not  fugged  any  thing  to  your  own  kind 
44  thoughts,  to  add  at  the  delivery  of  it,  iave 
44  only  this,  which  I  thought  not  proper  to  touch 
44  in  the  Petition,  that  I  have  certainly  as  good  a 
44  title  in  law  to  it,  as  any  man  has  to  any  thing 
44  he  poffefles  j  as  likewife  that  the  Penfion  is  ap- 
46  propriated,  tp  be  paid  out  of  a  part  of  the 
44  revenue,  which  never  was  defigned  by  any 
44  Ad  of  Parliament,  for  any  publick  Ufe  of  the 
44  Government :  which  1  think  has  fomething  of 
44  weight  and  reafon,  to  diftinguifh  it  from  thofe 
44  Penfions,  that  ar-e  placed  on  the  more  publick 
44  branches  of  the  Revenue. 

44  I  know  not,  whether  the  Queen  can  do  me 
44  any  good  in  this  affair,  but  I  will  believe  her 
<4  Majeity  cannot  but  wifh  me  could ;  however, 
<c  I  think,  I  mould  have  been  very  wanting  to 
**  my  Children,  if  I  had  not  laid  this  cafe  moft 
44  humbly  before  her  Majefty  :  Left  at  one  time 
44  or  other.  Hie  herfelf  might  fay*  I  had  been  too 
44  negligent  in  not  making  applications  to  her ; 
44  which  having  now  done,  I  leave  the  reft,  with 
44  all  poflible  fubmiffion,  to  her  own  judgment, 
4C  and  to  the  reflections,  that  foine  good-natured 
"  moments  may  incline  her  to  make  towards  my 
44  family.  I  mould  fay  a  great  deal  to  your 
<c  Lordmip,  for  my  own  confidence,  in  addref- 
64  fing  all  this  to  your  Lordlhip,  fome  pafTages 
"  of  my  Life  having  been  fuch,  as  may  very 
44  properly  give  it  that  name  :  But,  I  think, 
4C  whatever  you  would  be  content  to  hear  on  that 
ic  fubjecl:,  will  be  better  exprefled  by  the  Perfon, 
"  who  does  me  the  honour  to  deliver  this  to  your 
fc<  Lordfhip,  from 

My  Lord, 

Your  Lordlhip's  moft  obedient  Servant, 
July  13.  1689.  Rochefter. 

"  My 


The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR.  xjbc 

"  My  Lord,  * 

c<  y  Y  P  O  N   what  account  foever   it  is,    that 
'c    L_J    your   Lordfhip    is    pleafed   to   let    me 
'<  hear  from   you,  I  take  it  to  be  fomething  of 
^  good  fortune,  whatfoever  ill  caufe  there  may  be 
c<  in  it  too.      Therefore   I  humbly  thank  your 
"  Lordfhip  for  the  honour  of  yours  of  the  i8th 
"  from  Salifoury ;    which  was    fent  me  to  this 
<c  pretty  Place,  where  I  love  to  be,  as  much  as 
"  you  do  at  your  Palace ;    and  though  I  cannot 
"  do  fo  much  Good  to  others,  as  your  Lordihip 
"  does  there  to  all  that  are  near  you,  yet  I  do 
"  more  to  myfelf,  than  I  can  do  any  where  elfe. 
"  Quid  fentire  putas,  quid  credis,  amice,  precari  ? 
"  Sit  mihi  quod  nunc  eft,  etiam  minus,  ut  mini 
"  vivam  Quod  fupereil  sevi.     Forgive  this  tranf- 
"  greffional  Rapture,    and  receive    my  Thanks, 
**  which  I  pay  your  Lordlhip  again,    for  your 
"  kind  Letter.     For   indeed  I   do   take  it  very 
"  kindly,  that  you  were  fo  much  concerned,  as 
"  to  give  me   a  kind  hint  of  that  unfeafonable 
<c  Difcourfe,    you  came  to   be  acquainted  with, 
"  when  you  were  laft  in  London  :    I  will  make 
"  the  bed  ufe  of  it,  I  can  •,  to  prevent  the  like 
"  for  the  future,  if  I  have  any  Credit.  ."  And  in 
'  "  the  mean  time  I  mufl  make  ufe  of  this  oppor- 
"  tunity,  to  calm  and  foften  your  Refentments, 
"  towards  this  Friend  of  mine,   as  you  call  him 
"  in  the  beginning  of  your  Letter.     I  will  allow 
cc  you  as  a  Servant  to  the  King  and  Queen,  and 
"  a  Subject  to  their  Crown,  to  have  as   great  a 
"  deteilation     of    the   contrivance,    as   you  can 
"  wifh  •,    and  upon  my  word,  I  can  accompany 
"  you  in  it.     But  when  I  confider  you,  as  once 
"  you  were,  a  concern'd  Friend  of  this  Lord,  to 
"  have  a  refpedl   for  his  Family,    and  particu- 
*c  larly  for  my  Father,  who  loft  not  only  all  the 
"  honours  and  preferments  of  this  World,  but 

*  The  original  is  in  the  Editor's  hands. 

VOL.  I.  c  even 


The    LIFE    of  the  AUTHOR. 
46  even  the  comforts  of  it  too,   for  the  integrity 
46  and  uprightnefs  of  his  Heart :    You  muft  for- 
"  give  me,  if  1  conjure  you,   by  all  that's  facred 

45  in  this  generation  in  which  we  live  together,  by 
"'  the  character  that  you  bear,    and   by  the  re- 
"  ligion  you  profefs,  that  you  do  not    (as  much 
44  as  in  you  lies)    fuffer  this  next  Heir  of   my 
44  good  Father's  name  and  honour,    to  go  down 
44  with  forrow  to  the  grave.     I  would  not  flat- 
44  ter    myfelf,    that   your   Lordfhip     mould    be 
"  moved  with  any  fondnefs  of  mine,    to  endea- 
44  vour  to  bring  to  pafs,  what  is  not  fit  for  a 

46  wife  and  a  good  man  to  propofe  •,  that  would 
44  be  to  make  a  very  ill  ufe  of  your  friendfhip  to 
44  me,  and  I  would  rather  be  corrected  myfelf  in 
44  my  own  defires,    than  expofe  your  Lordfhip 
ct  on  fuch  an  account.     But  I  hope  that   they, 
44  who  are  the  fupreme  directors  of  this   matter 
<c  under  God,     may  in  their  great  wifdom  and 
*c  goodnefs  judge,     that  it  may  prove  as  much 
"  to  their   honour  and  fafety  too,    to  pafs  over 
44  this  particular,    as  if  they   mould  purfue  the 
46  ilricteft  meafures  of  juftice  in  it.     Though  I 
44  am  a  brother,   if  1  did  not,   upon  the  greateft 
<c  reflection  I  can  make,  think  I  mould  be  of  the 
"  fame  opinion,    if  I  were   none,    I  would  not 
44  prefs  this  matter  upon  you.     For  I  cannot  but 
44  think,  that  the  Queen  would  do,    and  would 
"  be  glad  to  avow  it  too,    a  very  great   thing 
44  for  the  memory   of  that  gentleman,    fo   long 
"  in  his   grave.     It  is  upon   his  account,    I  am 
"  begging  of  your  Lordfhip,    to  do  all   that's 
46  poflible,    to   preferve   every  part   and    branch 
44  and  member  of  his  family,  from  the  leaft  tran- 

1  fient  ftain  of  infamy  and  reproach.  And  if 
44  God  was  prevailed  with  by  Abraham,  to  have 
"  faved  a  whole,  City  for  the  fake  of  ten  righ- 

*  teous  men,  I  hope  there  may  be  as  charitable 
"  an  inclination,  to  fpare  the  Debris  of  our  bro 
ken 


The   L I  F  E  of  the  AU  T  H  O  R.  li 

"  ken  family,   for  the  fake  of  him  who  was  the 
44  raifer  of  it. 

"  I  afk  your  Lordfhip's  pardon,  for  being  thus 
"  importunate  ;  for  1  have  great  need  of  your 
46  help,  and  I  hope  I  (hall  have  it  from  you. 
44  Lofles  of  many  and  good  friends  I  have  born, 
"  and  fubmitted  with  patience  to  the  pleafure  of 
"  Almighty  God  :  But  a  calamity  of  this  nature, 
44  that  I  now  deprecate,  has  in  it  fomething  fo 
"  frightful,  and  on  fome  accounts  fo  unnatu- 
"  ral ;  that  I  beg  you  for  God's  fake,  from  an 
"  angry  man  yourfelf,  grow  an  advocate  for  me 
44  and  for  the  family  on  this  account.  I  am 
44  ever, 

My  Lord, 

Your  Lordfhip's  moil  faithful 
humble  fervant, 

New-Park,  March  21.  1690-91.  ROCHESTER. 

"  My  Lord,* 

"  T  Was  warm,  I  confels,  in  the  laft  letter  I 
"  A  gave  your  Lordfhip  the  trouble  of,  and  I 
44  thank  you  for  reproving  the  vehemence  of  my 
44  flile,  in  your  laft  of  the  28th;  I  am  grown 
44  cooler,  and  acknowledge  my  fault  ;  neither 
44  did  I  commit  it  with  an  apprehenfion  that 
44  your  Lordfhip  was  inexorable,  or  that  it  would 
44  be  fo  much  as  needful  to  defire  your  afliftance 

1  in  that  matter.     But  you  may  remember,  you 

c  had  ufed  a  word  to  me,  when  you  were  here, 
44  an  attainder  \  that  I  acknowledge  founded  very 
*4  harm  to  me,  and  when  1  had  reflected  a  little 

4  more  upon  it,  as  likewife  that  your  Lordfhip 
46  did  not  ufe  to  fpcak  by  chance,  and  confe- 

'  quently  that  you  had  good  ground  for  what 
44  you  faid,  I  own  it  heated  me  all  over -,  which 

'  made  me  exprefs  my  thoughts  to  you,  with 

*  The  original  is  in  the  editor's  hands, 

c  2  more 


lii  The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR. 

"  more  tranfport  than  was  fit,  and  I  will  fay  no 

"  more  of  them,  for  fear  of  running  into  new 

"  excefies.      What  your  Lordihip   propofes  for 

**  my   Lord    Clarendon   to   defire,    is    perfectly 

"  agreeable  to  my  mind  ;    but  I  know  not,  whe- 

"  ther  it  be  not  a  little  too  early,  and  that  fuch 

*c  a  petition  might   be  prefented   with  a   better 

46  grace,  if  he  were  once  out  of  the  Tower  upon 

<c  bail,  than  it  would  be  while  he  is  under  this  clofe 

"  confinement.      But    as    your    Lordmip    fays, 

<c  the  affair  of  Mons  muft  for  the  prefent  put  a 

<c  Hop  to  every  man's  private  thoughts,  for  that 

<c  is  a   matter  of   fuch   vaft   importance   to  the 

"  Publick,  that  it  is  but  very  fit,  that  all  par- 

tc  ticular   confiderations  mould  give  way  to   it, 

"  and  wait  the  determination  of  that  great  point  •, 

"  I  cannot  but  believe  the  French  are  mailers 

"  of  it  before  now,  becaufc  all  the  letters,  that 

"  came  by  the  laft  poll,   that   I  could  hear  of, 

"  looked   upon  it,    as  a  thing  impracticable  to 

"  relieve  it,    but  we  have   had  no  letters  fince 

<c  Saturday.      What    the   French   will  do  next, 

*c  whether  fend  their   men  into  quarters  for  two 

"  months,  or  try  to  follow  their  blow,    is  what 

<c  men  are  now  moft  anxious  about.     One  of  my 

<c  old  friends,  with  whom  of  late  I  have  renewed 

*6  my  acquaintance,  fays  upon  all  thefe  mighty  oc- 

<e  cafions,  Prudens  futuri  temporis  exitum  Caligi- 

"  nofa  node  premit  Deus  Ridetque  fi  mortalis  ultra 

"  Fas  trepidat.    But  I  confefs  to  you,  I  cannot  be 

<c  quite  fo  overcome  with  philofophy,  as  not  to  be 

"  concerned  beforehand,  at  what  this  dark  night 

<c  is  to  briiag  forth.     One  private  concern,  in  the 

"  midft  of  all  thefe  publick  ones,  has  given  me 

"  a  great  deal  of  uneafinefs,    and  I  doubt  not 

<s  will  do  fo  to  your  Lordfhip,  when  I  tell  you 

64  how  very  ill  my  Lady  Ranelagh  has  been  thefe 

"  two  or  three   days,  with  a  fever,  which  has 

"  almoft  quite  deilroyed  her ,   I  am  afraid  ft  ill 

for 


The  L I F  E  of  the  A  U  T  HO R.  1m 

cc  for  her  :  the  lad  night  fhe  had  a  little  reft  ; 
44  but  fhe  is  fo  weak,  and,  you  know,  of  late  has 
"  been  fo  very  tender,  that  I  am  in  great  pain  for 
"  her.  I  know  your  Lordfhip  will  be  troubled  to 
44  lofe  a  very  good  friend  and  humble  fervant 
Cc  of  your  own,  as  well  as  a  moil  wonderful 
"  good  perfon,  to  all  that  knew  her.  For  my 
4c  own  part,  I  know  no  body  alive,  to  whom  I 
"  have  fo  many  obligations,  which  I  am  forry  to 
4c  fee  how  little  I  can  return,  when  there  is  moft 
4c  need  of  ferving  her.  Amongft  all  her  favours, 
44  one  that  I  mail  never  forget  was,  her  defire  and 
4t  endeavours,  not  only  to  renew  for  me  the  ac- 
4fc  quaintance,  I  formerly  had  with  your  Lordfhip, 
44  but  to  knit  it  clofer  into  a  friendmip  ;  in  which 
4c  I  am  always  to  own  your  Lordfhip's  ready  con- 
*4  currence  •,  and  I  hope,  I  (hall  not  fail,  as  faith - 
46  fully  to  perform  all  the  part,  that  belongs  to, 

"  My  Lord, 
44  Your  Lordfhip's  moft  faithful 

44  humble  fervant, 
April  2,  1691.  4C  ROCHESTER." 

Hitherto  the  reader  has  view'd  our  author,  as  a 
Divine,  only  in  the  private  character  of  a  Mi- 
nifter  in  his  Parifh,  a  Profeflbr  in  his  Chair,  or  a 
Preacher  in  his  Lecture  •,  but  we  muft  now  obferve 
his  conduct  in  a  higher  function.  As  foon  as  the 
Sefllon  of  Parliament  in  1689  was  ended,  he  went 
down  to  his  Diocefe  ;  where  he  formed  fuch  a  plan, 
for  executing  the  duties  of  his  Epifcopal  Office, 
as  he  feldom  afterwards  had  occafion  to  alter. 

His  primary  vifitation  could  only  be  regulated,  pjjs  ja. 
by  the  practice  of  his  predecefTors,  who  contented  hours  in 
themielves   with  formal   Triennial  vifitations    of llis  Di°- 
their  Diocefe,  in  which  they  ufed  always  to  con-  £efe;  aiuj 

c.  i  t  TIT          ^ii-r  Epiicopal 

iirm  ;  but  when  he  perceived  the  hurry,  the  dii-  fun:hon. 
order  and  noife,  that  attended  thefe  publick  meet 
ings,  he  thought  them  wholly  unfit  for  folemn  acts 

c  3  of 


liv  The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR. 

of  Devotion  :  The}7  fecmed  much  propercty  for 
the  exercife  of  an  Ordinary's  Jurifdiction  according 
to  Law,  than  for  the  performance  of  the  more 
Chriftian  functions  of  a  Bifhop  :  Thefe  were  in- 
confiftent  with  that  pomp  and  mew,  which  perhaps 
the  other  required.  He  had  always  looked  upon 
Confirmation^,  as  the  likelier!  means  of  reviving 
a  Spirit  of  Chriftianity  -,  if  men  could  be  brought 
to  confider  it,  not  as  a  mere  Ceremony,  but  as  an 
aft  whereby  a  man  became  a  Chriitian  from  his 
own  choice ;  fmce  upon  attaining  ro  the  ufe  of 
reafon,  he  thereby  renewed  for  himfeif  a  Vow, 
which  others  had  only  made  for  him  at  Baptifm. 
He  wrote  a  fhort  Directory,  containing  proper 
rules  how  to  prepare  the  Youth  upon  fuch  occa- 
fions  ;  this  he  printed,  and  fent  copies  of  it,  fome 
months  beforehand,  to  the  Minifter  of  every  Parim, 
where  he  intended  to  confirm.  He  every  fummer 
took  a  tour,  for  fix  weeks  or  two  months,  through 
fome  diftricl:  of  his  Bifhoprick,  daily  preaching 
and  confirming  from  Church  to  Church,  fo  as  in 
the  compafs  of  three  years  (befides  his  formal  Tri 
ennial  Vifitation)  to  go  through  all  the  principal 
livings  in  his  Diocefe.  The  Clergy,  near  the 
places  he  parTed  through,  generally  attended  on 
him  ;  therefore,  'to  avoid  being  burthenfome  in 
thefe  Circuits,  he  entertained  them  all  at  his  own 
charge.  He  likewife  for  many  years,  entered  into 
conferences  with  them,  upon  the  chief  heads  of 
Divinity  :  One  of  which  he  ufually  opened  at  their 
meeting,  in  a  difcourfe  that  lafted  near  two  hours  ; 
and  then  encouraged  thofe  prefent,  to  ftart  fuch 
queftions  or  difficulties  upon  it,  as  occur'dto  them. 
Four  of  thefe  difcourfes  againit  Infidelity,  Socini- 
anifm,  Popery  and  Schifm,  were  printed  in  the 
year  *  694.  When  our  Author  had  pufalifhed  His 
Expofuion  of  the  Thirty-nine  Articles,  conferences 
of  this  nature  feemed  in  fome  meafure  needlefs  : 
He  therefore  difcontinued  them,  in  order  to  apply 
himfeif  wholly  to  the  Work  of  Confirmation.  To 

be 


The  L  IF  E  of  the  A  U  T  H  O  R.  lv 

be  more  ufeful  in  it,  he  difpofed  his  annual  progrefs, 
during  the  laft  ten  years  of  his  life,  in  the  follow 
ing  manner.  He  went  through  five  or  fix  of  the 
confiderable  Market-towns  every  year  :  he  fix'd 
himfelf  for  a  whole  week  in  each  of  them  :  and 
though  he  went  out  every  morning  to  preach  and 
confirm  in  fome  Parim,  within  fevenor  eight  miles 
of  the  Place  -,  yet  at  the  Evening-prayer,  for  fix 
days  together,  he  catechifed  the  youth  of  the  town, 
in  the  principal  Church  there,  expounding  to  them 
fome  portion  of  the  Church  Catechifm  every  day, 
'till  he  had  gone  through  the  whole:  And  on 
Sunday,  he  confirmed  thofe,  who  had  been  thus 
examined  and  inftrudted,  and  then  inviting  them 
all  to  dine  with  him,  he  gave  to  each  a  ufeful 
prefent  of  Books.  As  the  Country  flocked  in, 
from  all  parts  to  hear  him;  he  was  in  hopes  this 
would  encourage  the  Clergy  to  Catechife  more, 
and  would  raife  an  emulation  in  Chriftian  Know 
ledge,  among  the  inferior  fort  of  people,  who 
were  ignorant  to  a  fcandal. 

In  the  intervals  of  Parliament,  when  the  Bifhop 
was  not  upon  this  progrefs,  his  ufual  refidence  was 
at  Salifbury ;  there  he  preached  the  Thurfday's 
lecture,  founded  at  St.  Thomas's  Church,  during 
the  whole  time  of  his  ftay  ;  he  likewife  preached 
and  confirmed  every  Sunday  Morning  *,  in  fome 
Church  of  that  City,  or  of  the  neighbourhood 
round  about  it :  And  in  the  evening  he  had  a 

*  He  was  fo  punctual  in  this,  that  no  change  of  Weather 
could  ever  induce  him,  to  difappoint  any  Congregation  where 
he  was  expected  :  And  this  afliduity  had  well  nigh  coft  him  his 
life,  in  the  year  1698.  For  having  appointed  to  preach  and 
confirm,  at  the  Parifo  Church  of  Dinton,  within  twelve  miles 
of  Salifbury,  on  a  prefixed  Sunday  ;  the  Rains,  that  fell  on 
that  day,  and  for  fome  cijys  before,  had  fo  fwelled  a  Brook, 
which  he  was  to  crof>,  that  his  coach  was  over-turned  ^  in  the 
water,  and  his  own  life  hardly  faved  by  a  Miller,  who  jumped 
in  and  drew  the  Bifhop  out  of  the  water  j  for  which  feafonable 
fervice,  our  Auchor  paid  him  a  yearly  gratuity  all  the  reft  of 
his  life. 

c  4  lecture 


Ivi  The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR. 

lefture  in  his  own  Chapel,  to  which  great  crouds 
reforted,  wherein  he  explained  fome  portion  of 
Scripture,  out  of  the  gofpels  and  epiftles  in  the 
liturgy.  He  generally  came  down  from  London, 
fome  days  before  Lent,  on  purpofe  to  prepare  the 
youth  of  the  two  great  Schools  for  Confirmation  ; 
by  catechizing  them  every  Week,  during  that 
feafon,  in  the  Cathedral  Church,  and  inftructing 
them  in  the  fame  manner,  as  he  did  thofe  in  the 
other  Towns  of  his  Diocefe.  And  to  render  this 
tafk  of  inftruction  more  eafy  to  the  reft  of  his 
Clergy,  he  at  length  publifhed  an  Explanation  of 
the  Church-Catechifm  in  the  year  1710. 

The  Bifhop's  confiftorial  court,  being  much 
cry'd  out  againft,  as  a  grievance  both  to  the  Clergy 
and  Laity,  he  endeavoured  to  reform  it,  and  for 
fome  years  went  thither  in  perfon  -,  but  though  he 
might  do  fome  little  good  by  this  attendance,  it  was 
fo  little,  that  he  at  laft  gave  it  over ;  for  the  true 
foundation  of  complaints  was,  the  dilatory  courfe 
of  proceedings,  and  the  exorbitant  fees,  which  the 
Bifhop  had  no  authority  to  correct  :  Nay,  he  could 
not  even  difcharge  poor  fuitors,  who  were  opprefs'd 
there  with  vexatious  profecutions,  any  otherwife 
than  by  paying  their  fees  himfelf,  as  he  frequently 
did. 

No  part  of  the  Epifcopal  Office  was  more  ftriftly 
attended  to  by  him,  than  the  examination  of  thofe, 
who  came  for  Orders  :*  in  this  matter  the  Law  has 
left  the  Bifhop  entirely  at  liberty,  to  admit  or  refufe, 
He  never  turned  them  over  to  the  care  of  a  Chaplain 
or  Archdeacon,  farther  than  to  try  their  fkill  in 
the  learned  languages.  He  examined  them  him* 
felf  as  to  the  proofs  of  the  Chriftian  Religion,  the 
authority  of  the  Scriptures,  and  the  nature  of  the 
Gofpel-Covenant.  If  they  were  deficient  in  thofe, 
he  difmifs'd  them  at  once,  with  proper  directions 
how  to  be  better  prepared  for  a  fecond  trial  :  But  if 
they  were  competently  knowing  in  thefe  efTential 
points,  he  went  through  the  other  heads  of  Di 
vinity 


The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR. 

vinity  with  lefs  ftriftnefs.  When  he  was  once  fa- 
tisfied  with  their  capacity,  he  next  directed  his 
difcourfe  to  their  Confcience  :  He  laid  before  them 
the  bafenefs  of  taking  up  a  Sacred  Profeffion, 
merely  for  the  lucre  or  fubfiflence  it  might  afford  ; 
he  gave  them  a  diftinft  view  of  all  the  branches  of 
the  Paftoral  Care,  (of  which  he  publifhed  a  Trea- 
tife,  for  the  ufe  of  his  Diocefe,  in  1692 ;)  and  en- 
deavoured  ftrongly  to  diffuade  them  from  entring 
into  Holy  Orders,  unlefs  they  were  firmly  refolved 
to  perform  all  the  duties  of  their  fundtion  ;  more 
particularly  to  lead  fuch  lives  as  might  not  contra- 
did:  the  doctrines,  they  were  to  teach.  A  day  or 
two  before  Ordination,  he  fubmitted  all  thofe  whom 
he  had  accepted,  to  the  examination  of  the  Dean 
and  Prebendaries,  that  fo  he  might  have  their 
approbation. 

In  the  admiffion  of  Prefentees,  he  could  not  be 
fo  ftridt ;  the  Law  having  in  fome  meafure  taken 
the  Judgment  of  their  Qualifications  out  of  the 
Ordinary  ;  yet  in  this  he  went  unufual  lengths,  of 
which  I  fhall  mention  one  fingular  inflance  *    In 
the  latter  part  of  the  Reign  of  Queen  Anne,  the 
Lord  Chancellor  prefented.  the  younger  Son  of  a 
noble  family  in  Oxford/hire  to  a  parfonage  within 
his  Diocefe,  which  was  in  the  gift  of  the  Crown. 
Upon  trial,  our   author  found   him   fo  ignorant, 
that  he   refufed   to  inftitute  him ;    the   Miniftry 
threaten'd  him  with  a  Law-fuit,  but  finding  him 
reio  ate,  they  at  length  -acquiefced  under  the  re- 
tuial.     Thereupon  the  Bifhop  fent  for  the  youno- 
Gentleman,  and  told  him,  «  That  as  his  Patront 
had  given  up  the  conteft,  and  he  had  no  defign 
to  do  him  any  perfonal  injury,  if  he  could  pre- 
•  vail  on  his  friends,  to  keep  the  Benefice  vacant, 
he  himfelf  would  undertake  the  charge  of  quali 
fying  him  for  it."    Accordingly  he  took  fuch 
happy  pams  in  his  Inftrudion,  that  fome  months 

S  I,had/romMr-  Mackney,  as  a  fad  well  known  to 
and  to  fome  others  now  alive. 

after,, 


Iviii  The  L I F  E  of  the  A  U  T  H  O  R. 

after,  the  Prefentee  pafs'd  examination  with  ap~ 
plaufe,  and  had  inftitution  given  him  to  the 
Living. 

As  the  Pafloral  Care,  and  the  admitting  none 
to  it,  who  were  not  duly  qualified,  was  always 
tippennoft  in  his  Thoughts,  he  concluded  that  he 
could  not  render  a  more  ufeful  fervice  to  Religion, 
to  the  Church,  and  more  efpecially    to  his   own 
Diocefe,  than  by  forming  under  his  eye  a  number 
of  Divines,  well  inftructed  in  all  the   articles  of 
their    duty.     He  relblved  therefore,  at   his  own 
charge,  to   maintain  a  final!  nurfery  of  Undents 
in  Divinity  at  Saiifbury,  who  might  follow  their 
ftudies,  till  he  fhould  be  able  to  provide  for  them. 
They  were  ten  in  number,  to  each  of  whom  he 
allowed  a  falary  of  thirty  Pounds  a-year  :  They 
were  admitted  to  him  once  every  day,  to  give  an 
account  of  their  progrefs  in  Learning,  to  propofe 
to  him  fuch  difficulties  as  they   met  with,  in  the 
courfe  of  their  reading,  and  to  hear  a  lecture  from 
him,  upon  fome  fpeculative  or  practical  point  of 
Divinity,  or  on  fome  part  of  the  paitoral  Function, 
which  laded  above  an  hour  :  During  the  Bifhop's 
abfence,  the  learned  Dr.  Whitby  fupplied  his  place, 
in  overlooking   and   directing  their  Studies.     By 
this  means,  our  author  educated    feveral    young 
Clergymen,  who  proved  an  honour  to  the  Church  ; 
but  as  this  came  to  be  confidered  as  a  prefent  pro- 
vifion,  with  fure   expectations  of  a   future  fettle- 
ment,  he  was  continually  importuned,  and  fome- 
times  impofed  upon,  as  to  the  perfons  recommend 
ed  to  be  of  this  number  :  And  the  foundation  it- 
felf  was  fo  malicioufty  exclaimed  at,  as  a  defign'd 
affront  upon  the  method  of  education  at  Oxford, 
that  he  was  prevailed  upon,  after  fome  years,  to 
lay  it  wholly  afide. 

Our  Author  was  a  warm  and  conftant  enemy  to 
Pluralities  of  Livings,  not  indeed  where  the  two 
Churches  lay  near  each  other,  and  were  but  poorly 
endowed,  for  in  that  cafe  he  rather  encouraged 

them  j 


The  LIFE  of  the  A  U  T  HO  R. 

them  j  as  knowing  the  "  Labourer  was  worthy 
*'  his  hire."  But  whenfoever  Non-refidence  was 
the  confequence  of  a  plurality,  he  ufed  his  ut- 
moft  endeavours  to  prevent  it,  and  in  ibme  cafes 
even  hazarded  a  fufpenfion,  rather  than  give  infti- 
tution.  In  his  charges  to  the  Clergy,  he  exclaimed 
againft  pluralities,  as  a  facrilegious  Robbery  of  the 
revenues  of  the  Church  ;  a  remarkable  erred:  of 
his  Zeal  upon  this  fubject  may  not  be  improper  to 
be  here  related  *.  In  his  firfl  vifitation  at  Salif- 
bury,  he  urged  the  authority  of  St.  Bernard,  who 
being  confulted  by  one  of  his  followers,  whether  he 
might  not  accept  of  two  Benefices,  reply'd,  "  And 
"  how  will  you  be  able  to  ferve  them  both  ?"  "  I 
"  intend  (anfwered  the  Pried)  to  officiate  in  one 
"  of  them  by  a  Deputy."  "  Will  your  Deputy  be 
"  damn'd  for  you  too  ?  (cry'd  the  Saint.)  Believe 
"  me,  you  may  ferve  your  Cure  by  proxy,  but 
"  you  muft  be  damn'd  in  perfon."  This  exprefTion. 
fo  affected  Mr.  Kelfey,  a  pious  and  worthy 
Clergyman  there  prefent,  that  he  immediately  re- 
figned  the  rectory  of  Bemerton,  worth  two  hundred 
pounds  a-year,  which  he  then  held  with  one  of  a 
greater  value.  Nor  was  this  Chriftian  Act  of  felf- 
denial  without  its  reward  •,  for  though  their  prin 
ciples  in  Church  Matters  were  very  oppofite,  the 
Bilhop  conceived  fuch  an  efteem  for  him,  from 
this  adion,  that  he  not  only  prevailed  with  the 
Chapter  to  elect  him  a  Canon,  but  like  wife  made 
him  Archdeacon  of  Sarum,  and  gave  him  one  of 
the  bed  Prebends  in  the  Church. 

In  the  point  of  refidence,  our  author  was  fo  ftrict, 
that  he  never  would  permit  his  own  Chaplains 
to  attend  upon  him,  after  they  were  once  preferred 
to  a  Cure  of  Souls,  but  obliged  them  to  be  con- 
flantly  refident  at  their  Livings.  Indeed  he  con- 

*  This  fa£l  was  told  me  by  Mr.  Waftefield,  and  is  well  known 
at  Salillrary. 

fidered 


lx  The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR. 

fidered  himfelf,  as  under  the  fame  obligation,  as 
Pallor  of  the  whole  Diocefe,  and  never  would  be 
abfent  from  it,  but  during  his  neceflary  attendance 
on  Parliament  ;  from  which,  as  foon  as  the  prin 
cipal  bufmefs  of  the  nation  was  difpatch'd,  he  al 
ways  obtain'd  leave  to  depart,  in  order  to  return 
to  his  Function.  And  though  King  William,  upon 
his  going  over  to  Ireland  or  Flanders,  always  en 
joined  him  to  attend  upon  Queen  Mary,  and  afilft 
her  with  his  faithful  Council  on  all  emergencies  ; 
yet  he  would  not,  upon  fuch  occafions,  accept  of 
lodgings  at  Whitehall,  but  hired  a  houfe  at 
Windior,  in  order  to  be  within  his  own  Bi- 
ihoprick,  and  yet  near  enough  to  the  Court,  to 
pay  his  duty  twice  a  week,  or  oftener,  if  bufmefs 
required  it. 

His  uni-        No  Principle  was  more  deeply  rooted  in  him, 

verfal       than  that  of  Toleration  ;    it  was  not  confined  to 

o^Tofe6-  any  ^e<~*  or  -Cation,  it  was  as  univerfal  as  Chrifti- 

xation  ex-  anity  itfelf  :  He  exerted  it  in  favour  of  a  Nonjuring 

tends  to    Meeting-houfe  at  Salifbury,  which  he  obtained  the 

Nonjuron.  Royal  Permiffion  to  connive  at  ;  and  when  the 

Preacher   there.   Dr.  Beach,    by  a  feditious  and 

treafonable  Sermon  had  incurred  the  Sentence  of 

the  Law,  our   author  not   only  faved  him  from 

punimment,  but  even  procured  his  pardon,  with 

out  the  terms   of  a  publick  Recantation,    upon 

which  it  was  firft  granted  ;  as  may  be   collected 

from  the  following  letters,  the  one  from  the  Earl 

of  Nottingham,  then  Secretary  of  State,  the  other 

from  Dr.  Beach  himfelf. 

"  My  Lord,  *  Whitehall,  29  March  1692. 

T  Have  acquainted  the  Queen,  at  the  Cabinet 
A  Council,  with  what  your  Lordfhip  writes  in 
"  behalf  of  Dr.  Beach  ;  and  though  her  Majefty 
"  is  always  inclined  to  ftiew  Mercy,  and  efpecially 
"  to  fuch  as  your  Lordfhip  recommends  to  her 

*  The  original  is  in  the  Editor's  hands. 

favour  ; 


" 


The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR. 

«  favour  ;  yet  fince  the  crime,  and  the  fcandal  of 
it,  has  been  very  pubiick,  her  Majefty  thinks 
the  acknowledgment  of  it  fhould  be  fo  too:* 
And  therefore  would  have  him  make  it  in  the 

<  Church.     When  this  is  done,  your  Lordfhip's 

<  interceffion  will  eafily  prevail.  I  am,  with  great 
«  refpect, 

"  My  Lord, 

"  Your  Lordfhip's  moft  humbfe 
<*  and  faithful  fervant, 

<c  NOTTINGHAM." 

"  My  Lord,  * 

«  <c II  7ITH  all  due  deference  of  honour,  and 
"    W    w^tn  a^  t^ie  refpeftfal  regard,  that  can 
"  be  correfpondent  to  the  no  lefs  generous,   than 
"  acceptable  melTage,  which  I  received  from  your 
"  Lordfhip  by  Dr.  Geddes,  I  humbly  tender  this 
"  to  your  Lordfhip,  hoping  it  may  be  favourably 
<c  received,    in  lieu  of  my    perfonal  attendance, 
c<  which  mall  be  readily  paid  (as  it  is  due)  at  any 
*'  time.  Dr.  Geddes  has  delivered  me  the  defirable 
"  tidings  of  your  Lordfhip's  free  refolution,  to 
"  refcue  me,  from  the  farther  profecution  of  that 
"  unhappy   verdict,    I  labour  under.     It  is   my 
"  defire,  being  freed  from  this  troublefome  ftorm, 
"  to  live  in  peace  and  quiet,  without  difturbance  of 
"  the  government  in  general,  and  of  any  perfon  in 
"  particular.     And  I  cannot   but  deeply   refent 
"  your  obliging   readinefs  to  relieve  me,  becaufe 
"  it  is  not  clogged  with  any  bitter  conditions  or 
4C  referves,  that  would  leflen  the  favour.     What 
*c  your  Lordlhip  has  refolved,  is  what  I  humbly 
"  defire,  and  do  not  doubt  but  your  Lordfriip  will 
"  purfue.     The  fooner  the  favour  can  be  accom- 
"  plillied,  and  with  the  lefs  noife  before  Term* 

*  The  original  is  in  the  Editor's  hands. 

"  the 


Ixii   j        •  The  L  I  F  E  of  the  A  U  T  H  O  R. 

<c  the  more  it  will  be  endeared  to,  and  challenge 
"  all  gratitude  from, 

"  My  Lord, 
"  Your  much  obliged 

"  and  obedient  fervant, 

"  WM.  BEACH." 

Yet  when  this  fpirit  of  Moderation,  of  which 
the  Nonjurors  felt  the  good  effects,  was  extended 
to  the  Diilenters,  our  Author's  enemies  reprefented 
him,  as  betraying  the  Church  into  their  hands ; 
though  he  was  really  taking  the  moft  effectual 
means  to  bring  them  over,  not  indeed  by  com- 
pulfion,  but  by  the  more  Chriftian  methods  of 
chanty  and  peffuafion  :  In  which  he  was  fo  fuc- 
cefsful,  that  many  Diflenting  Families,  in  his 
Diocefe,  were  by  him  brought  over  to  the  Com 
munion  of  our  Church,  in  which  they  ftill  con 
tinue  ;  and  of  two  Prefbyterian  Preachers,  who 
were  well  fupported  when  he  firft  came  to  Salif- 
bury,  one  was  foon  after  obliged  to  quit  the  place, 
and  the  other  but  poorly  fubfifted  in  it. 
His  He  perceived  that  the  chief  ftrength  of  the 

fchemc     Sectaries   lay   in   the  market-towns  >    the  livings 
mentirfr    t^iere  were  m°&  commonly  in  the  gift  of  the  Lord 
poo/lif-   Chancellor-,  and  as  the  Lord  Somers,  during  his 
ings  in  hi- enjoyment   of  the  Seals,   left  the  nomination  to 
own  Dio-  thofe  in  the  Diocefe  of  Sarum,  to  the  Bifhop  -,  he 
endeavoured  to  place  in  them  none  but  learned, 
pious,  and  moderate  Divines,  as   b,eing  the  beft 
qualified  to  prevent  the  growth  of  Schifm.    But  as 
the  Benefices  were  generally  fmall,    and  a  poor 
.Church  will  be  too  often  fervedby  as  poor  a  Clerk; 
our  Author  determined  to  obviate  this  difficulty, 
by  bellowing  upon  thefe  Cures  the  Prebends  in  his 
gift,  as  they  became  vacant ;  and  till  fuch  a  va 
cancy  happened,  out  of  his  own  income  he  allowed 
the  Minifter  of  every  fuch  Church  a  penfion   ot 
6  twenty 


The   L I  F  E  of  the    A  U  T  H  O  R.  Ixiii 

twenty  pounds  a-year  *  :  When  the  Prebend  itfelf 

was  conterred   upon  him,  the  Biihop  infifted  on 

his  giving  a  Bond  to  refign  it,  if  ever  he  quitted 

the  Living.     Though  this   matter  had  been  laid 

before  the^  mod  eminent  Prelates   and  Divines  of 

our  Church,  as  well  as  the  mod  learned  among 

the  Canonifts,  who  highly  approved  the  defign  ; 

yet  it  was  fo    warmly    oppofed   by   fome  of  the 

Clergy,  that  in  order  to  raiie  no  farther  ftrife  in  the 

Church,  our  Author  was  prevailed  onto  relinquifh 

this  project,  and  give  up  all  the  bonds    he  had 

taken.     But  as  he  could  not,  without  the  tendered 

concern,   behold  the  deilitute  condition  of  thefe 

poor  Benefices,  mofl  of  which  were  attended  with 

the  largeft  Cure  of  Souls ;  fo  his  difappointment 

in   this  fcheme,  he  had    formed  for  his  own  Bi- 

fhoprick,  only  gave  occafion  to  a  more  univerfal 

plan,  which  he  projected  for  the  improvement  of 

all   the  fmall  Livings  in  England,  and  which  was 

liable  to  no  exception.     This  he  prerled  forward 

with  fo  much  fuccefs,  that  it  terminated  at  length 

in    an    Act    of  Parliament,    pafs'd  in  the  fecond 

year  of  Queen  Anne,  "  for  the  Augmentation  of 

"  the  Maintenance  of  the  poor  Clergy." 

He  had  ftrft  laid  this  propofal  before  Queen  His 
Mary,   who  had  undertaken  to  obtain  the  King's 
approbation    and  confent  •,    after   her  death,    the  jng  a   t 
profpect  of  Peace  in  1696,  and  the  actual  conclu-  poor  liv- 
fion  of  it  in  1697,  feemed  to  furnifh  a  proper  op-  inss  in 
portunity,  for  offering  the  fame  Scheme  to  King  En2land 
William,  which  he  did  by  the  two  following  Me 
morials. 


*  This  appears  from    his  Steward's  accounts,  and  was  con 
firmed  to  rue  by  Mr.  Wallefield. 


MEMO- 


Ixiv  The  LIFE  of  the  AU T  H  O  R. 

MEMORIAL  concerning  the  firft  Fruits  and 
Tenths.  Given  in  to  the  King  in  January 
1696*. 

HE  Tenths  and  Firft  Fruits  were  firft 
laid  on  by  Popes,  on  pretence  of  fupport- 
cc  ing  the  Holy  War  ;  in  the  twenty-fixth  year  of 
*c  the  Reign  of  King  Henry  the  Eighth,  thefe 
"  were  given  to  the  Crown ;  and  fince  tlfat 
"  time  have  been  granted  away  in  Penfions,  by 
"  dormant  warrants.  They  are  now  in  the  hands 
«e  of  the  Duke  of  St.  Albans,  Countefs  of  Pli- 
"  mouth,  Countefs  of  Briftol,  Earl  of  Bath,  Earl 
"  of  Oxford,  and  a  few  others.  This  revenue  may 
44  juftly  be  called  in  queftion,  as  unlawful  and  fa- 
"  crilegious  in  its  nature  ;  the  applying  it  to  a 
cc  good  ufe  is  the  beft  way  to  juftify  it. 

44  The  condition  of  many  Livings  in  this  king- 
44  dom  is  moft  miferable  -,  many  have  not  twenty 
4C  pounds,  and  in  fome  places,  three  of  them  put 
"  together  do  not  amount  to  forty  pounds  a-year. 
44  A  poor  Clergyman  may  be  fcandalous,  but  he 
44  muft  be  contemptible  and  ignorant.  To  this, 
"  in  a  great  meafure,  we  owe  the  Atheifm  and 
44  Impiety,  the  Sects  and  Divifions,  that  are  fpread 
"  over  the  nation. 

44  It  would  be  a  noble  demonftration,  both  of 
44  zeal  for  the  honour  of  God  and  Religion,  and 
44  affedion  for  the  Church  of  England,  if  the  King 
"  would  appropriate  this  revenue,  to  the  raifing  of 
14  the  Livings  in  this  nation  to  fome  juft  propor- 
"  tion,  beginning  at  thofe  in  Corporations,  and 
*4  thofe  within  the  King's  gift,  but  not  ex- 
"  eluding  others,  upon  condition  that  the  King 
<c  fhall  have  his  turn  in  prefenting,  in  proportion 
"  ttTthe  augmentation  that  fhall  be  made  by  this 
"  provifion. 

*  The  Memorial  in  the  Bifhop's  own  hand,  with  a  Memo 
randum  when  it  was  delivered,  is  in  the  Editor's  hands. 

"  A  Car- 


the  L  t  F  E  of  the  A  U  TH  O  R,  lxv 

*c  A  Corporation  might  be  fettled,  as  was  from 
"  the  Reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth  down  to  that  of 
"  Charles  the  Firft,  with  power  to  receive  the 
"  gifts  of  charitable  perfons,  to  the  fame  pious 
"  end :  And  all  Bifhops,  Deans  and  Chapters, 
"  might  be  obliged  to  pay  towards  it  a  fourth  or 
"  fifth  of  every  Fine  that  they  received. 

"  This,  by  the  Bleffing  of  God,  would  make 
"  the  concerns  of  Religion  and  of  the  Church  put 
"  on  another  face,  it  would  much  raife  his  Ma- 
"  jefty's  Name  and  Character  in  the  prefent,  and 
"  in  all  fucceeding  ages ;  by  this  the  King  gives 
"  away  nothing,  that  is  in  his  own  pofleffion  •,  he 
<<  only  gives  away  the  power  of  granting  fuch  new 
"  penfions,  as  may  be  vacant  in  his  time.  And 
"  there  is  little  doubt  to  be  made,  (befides  a  blef- 
*'  fm  j;  from  God,  which  may  be  expected  upon 
6  fo  noble  a  defign)  that  this  would  be  made  up 
"  to  the  Crown  by  Parliament :  And  would  alib 
"  give  fuch  an  impreffion  of  the  King,  as  would 
*'  have  good  effect  on  all  his  affairs." 

A  Second  MEMORIAL  concerning  the  Tenths 
and  Firft  Fruits.  Given  in  to  die  King  in  De 
cember  1697  *. 

T  is  humbly  propofed,  that  his  Majefty  would 
_  be  pleafed  to  confider,  how  proper  it  will  be 
c  at  this  time,  to  declare  his  Reiblutiori  of  apply- 
6  ing  the  Firft  Fruits  and  Tenths  to  mending  the 
"  ftate  of  the  poor  Livings  in  England, 

"•The  Peace  being  now  concluded,  this  will 
"  be  a  noble  beginning  of  his  Majefty's  Reign 
"  in  Peace,  and  a  fuitable  return  to  God,  for 
"  his  great  bleflings  on  his  Royal  Perfon  and 
'  affairs  >  it  will  gain  him  the  hearts  of  all 
"  true  friends  of  the  Church  of  England  ;  and 

*  The  Memorial   in  the  Bifhop's  own  hand,  \vi  h  a  memo 
randum  when  he  delivered  it,  is  in  the  Editor's  hands. 

VOL.  I.  d  «  fmce 


Ixyi  The  L 1FE  of  the  AUT  H  O  R. 

"  fmce  the  Burroughs  are  generally  the  worft 

"  ferved,  their  Livings  being  univerfally  very 

"  fmall,  this  may  probably  have  a  great  effedt 

"  on  all  the  King's  affairs,  perhaps  on  the  fuc- 

"  ceeding  elections  of  Parliament. 

"  If  his  Majefty  be  refolved  to  do  it,  it  is 

<c  humbly  fuggefted,  that  he  would  declare  his 

*c  refolution  in  the -treafury,  and  appoint  the  Com- 

"  miffioners  to  acquaint  the  Houie  of  Commons 

<c  with  it,  who  will  no  doubt  very  quickly  make 

"  it  up  to  the  Crown.  Upon  this,  it  is  propofed, 

"  that  the  King  will  order  a  Commiflion  for  ma- 

"  naging  this  fund^  and  making  it  moil  effectual 

"  to  the  end  intended  by  it. 

*'  The  perfons  proper  for  fuch  a  Commiffion, 

*c  Would  be  the  two  Archbifhops,  with  two  other 

"  Biihops,  the  Lord  Chancellor,  the  Lord  Privy - 

"  Seal,  the  two  Secretaries  of  State,  the  firft  Com- 

<6  miflioner  of  the  Treafury,  the  Chancellor  of 

"  the  Exchequer,  the  two  Chief  Jufhces,  the  Chief 

"  Baron,  and  the  King's  Attorney-General.*' 

Though  this  Propoial  was  highly  acceptable  to 
the  King  ;  though  it  was  itrongly  feconded  by  the 
Princefs  of  Denmark,  who  defired  Copies  to  be 
given  her  of  the  two  foregoing  Memorials  •,  yet 
underhand  it  met  with  fuch  opposition  amongft  the 
Miniilry^  as  for  a  time  obftrudted  the  execution  of 
it.  The  Bifhop  would  not  however  be  difcouraged 
in  it-,  but  renewed  his  follicitations  upon  this 
head,  fo  powerfully,  in  the  year  1701,  that  nothing 
but  the  death  of  King  William  could  have  pre 
vented  its  then  taking  effed.  He  had  concerted 
his  meafures  upon  this  occafion,  with  the  Earl  of 
Godolphin  (who  afterwards  carried  this  defign  into 
execution)  and  with  the  Lord  Sorners,  whole  Let 
ter  upon  that  fubjed  I  lhall  here  infert, 

"  My 


The  LIFE  of  the  AU  T  H  O  R.  Ixvii 

"  My  Lord,  *  22  Nor.  1701* 

"  T  Acknowledge  the  honour  of  your  Lordfhip's 
"  JL  letter  of  the  1 7th,  with  great  thankfulnefs  j 
"  I  wifh  it  may  lie  in  my  power  to  contribute  to 
5*  the  excellent  deiign  you  propofe  ;  no  man  will 
"  enter  into  it  more  willingly,  nor  fhall  labour  in 
"  it  more  heartily.  The  Point  of  the  Firft  Fruits 
"  and  Tenths  is  what  I  have  propofed  feveral 
•'*  times,  with  much  earneftnefs,  but  without  fuc- 
cc  cefs.  When  I  have  the  happinefs  of  feeing  your 
."  Lordfhip,  we  fhall,  I  hope,  difcourfe  at  large 
"  upon  the  whole  fubjedt.  In  the  mean  time 
"  allow  me  to  allure  you,  that  I  am  with  great  aritt 
*'  fyicere  refpecl, 

"  My  Lord, 
"  Your  Lordfhip's  moll  obedient 

41  humble  Servant, 

"    SOMERS." 

Having  thus  given  a  fhort  account  of  every 
principal  part  of  our.  Author's  conducl,  that  pro 
perly  relates  to  his  Epifcopal  Character,  of  whiJh 
I  thought  the -reader  would  be  belt  able  to  judge, 
if  it  were  laid  before  him  in  one  general  view,  with 
out  any  ftrid  regard  to  the  feries  of  time  ;  I  fhall 
now  return  to  the  thread  of  my  narration,  by  re 
lating  the  other  remarkable -incidents  of  his  life,  in 
the  order  in  which  they  happened. 

^  Thfe  year  1694  proved  greatly  unfortunate  to  Tjle  deat 
him,  1  might  have  laid  to  the  whole  nation,  by  the  of  Queen 
death  of  Archbifhop  Tillotfon  ;  a  name  too  ^1  Mary  and 
known  to  need  an  encomium  ;  whofe  funeral  fermon 
our  Author  preach'd,  and  whofe  vindication  he  un- 
dertook,  agai;ift  a  Writer  who  had  virulently  at- 
tack'd  his  memory.  This  great  lofs  to  the  Church 
was  foon  after  followed  by  a  greater,  that  of  the 
excellent  Queen  MARY,  who  had  always  honoured 

*  The  original  is  in  the  Editor's  hands.  ; 

d   2  our 


Ixviii  The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR. 

our  Author  with  a  high  degree  of  favour  and  con 
fidence.  The  ftrong  impreffion  her  uncommon 
talents  and  fliining  qualities  had  made  upon  him, 
occafioned  that  EfTay  on  her  Character,  which  he 
publifhed  in  the  year  1695. 
He  is  one  During  her  life,  the  affairs  and  promotions  in  the 

Oij  rhevECi  Church  had  wholly  pafs'd  through  her  hands  ;  it 
cleuaftical  .   ,       c  r         i  •   i     i      T^- 

Comm'ffi-  was  an  article  of  government,  for  which  the  King 

on  to  re-  thought  himfelf  unqualified,  yet  was  unwilling  to 
commend  cornmit  to  the  care  of  his  Minifters  :  Upon  her 
^eatf61"  death  therefore,  a  CommifTion  was  granted  to  the 
two  Archbifhops,  to  our  Author,  and  to  three 
other  Prelates  ,  whereby  they,  or  any  three  of 
them,  were  appointed  to  recommend  to  all  Bi- 
fhopricks,  Deaneries,  or  other  vacant  Preferments 
in  the  Church,  fignifying  the  fame  to  his  Majeity, 
by  writing  under  their  hands  :  And  during  the 
King's  abfence  beyond  Sea,  they  were  empowered, 
of  their  own  authority,  to  prefent  to  all  Benefices 
in  the  gift  of  the  Crown,  that  were  under  the 
value  of  an  hundred  and  forty  pounds  a-year.  A 
like  Com  million  was  granted  in  the  year  1 700,  and 
the  Bifliop  of  Salifbury  continued  ftill  to  be  of  the 
number.  It  would  be  tedious  here  to  enumerate 
the  feveral  marks  King  William  gave  him  of  his 
friendfhip,  during  the  whole  courfe  of  his  Reign  -, 
but  tho'  he  obtained  of  his  Majefty  employments, 
penfions,  and  gratuities  for  others,  even  to  the 
value  of  ten  thouiand  pounds  to  One  Perfon  now 
living-,  yet  there  was  not  one  fingle  inftance, 
wherein  he  follicited  a  favour  for  himfelf  or  his 
family  :  On  the  contrary,  he  declined  preferment 
when  it  was  offered  to  him. 
Is  made  In  the  year  1698,  when  it  became  necefTary  to 

f0r€thet0r  fettle  the  Duke  of  Gloucefter's  family,  the  King 

Duke  of   fent  tne  -^ar^  °f  Sunderland  with  a  meffage  to  the 

Glo  u  efter  Princefs  of  Denmark,  acquainting  her,  u  That  he 

"  put  the  whole  management  of  her  Son's  houfhold 

<c  into  her  hands,  but  that  he  owed  the  care  of  his 

**  education  to  himfelf  and  his  people,  and  there- 

"  fore 


The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR.  Ixix 

<c  fore  would  name  the  perfons  for  that  purpofe." 
Accordingly  the  Earl  of  Maryborough  being  nomi 
nated  his  Governor,  the  Bifhop  of  Saliibury  was 
appointed  his  Preceptor.  He  was  then  retired  into 
his  Diocefe,  having  lately  loft  his  Wife  by  the 
Small  Pox.  He  took  that  occafion  therefore  to  Which  he 
wave  the  offer  of  this  important  charge  ;  though  endea- 
he  was  allured,  the  Princefs  had  teftify'd  her  ap- 
probation  of  the  King's  Choice.  He  wrote  to  the 
Earl  of  Sunderland,  to  ufe  his  intereft,  that  he 
might  be  excufed,  and  in  return  received  from 
him  the  following  letter. 

"  My  Lord,  *  June  29. 

"  T  Am  extremely  troubled  for  your  lofs,  it  being, 
"  A  by  all  that  I  have  heard,  a  very  great  one  : 
"  But  you  mud  not  leave  ferving  the  Publick, 
"  upon  any  private  confideration.  I  intend  to  be 
"  in  town  next  week,  and  if  I  have  any  credit  at 
"  all,  you  may  be  afllired  that  you  fhall  be  fent 
"  for,  and  fhall  come  thither,  uniefs  you  will  fall 
"  out  with  all  your  friends,  and  with  the  King  in 
u  the  firft  place.  I  am,  with  great  truth, 

"  My  Lord, 
"  Your   moft   faithful 

6C  humble  Servant, 

"  SUNDERLAND." 

Our  Author  wrote  likewife  to  his  friend  Arch* 
bifhop  Tennifon,  defiring  him  to  wait  on  the 
King  in  his  name,  and  intreat  his  Majefty,  to 
allow  him  to  decline  this  employment :  The  Arch* 
bifhop  replied,  and  offered  many  arguments  to 
perfuade  him  to  accept  of  it ;  which  only  produ 
ced  a  fecond  letter,  ftronger  than  the  former,  and 
to  tke  fame  purpofe  :  To  which  his  Grace,  by  King 
William's  direction,  returned  the  following  anfwer. 

*  The  original  letter  is  in  the  Editor's  hands, 

d  3  «  My 


<c 


<c 


*' 


kx  The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR. 

*c  My  Lord,  *  Lambeth,  June  28, 1698. 

Received  your  fecond,  in  which  you  feem  to 
infift  on  the  contents  of  the  firft  ;  upon  that 
<c  account,  I  waited  on  the  King,  not  being  willing 
"  to  decline  doing,  what  you  fo  earneilly  prefs'd. 
The  King  exprefs'd.  himfelf  with  great  tendernefs 
upon  this  fubjecl ;  he  commanded  me  to  let  you 
Uiiderftand,  that  he.  had  fent  for  you,  before  this 
time,  it  this  misfortune  had  not  happened;  and 
"  that  he  ftill  clelires  you  to  come,  as  loon  as  with 
"  decency  you  can.  He  looks  upon  you,  as  a 
"  Divine,  who  in  fuch  cafes  had  comforted  many, 
"  and  thinks  it  will  look  beft,  not  to  fuffer  fuch  a 
<(  crofs,  to  get  fuch  power  over  you,  as  to  mak« 
<c  y.u  decline  fo  publick  a  fervice.  He  fpoke  to 
"  diis  efFe£,  without  my  urging  my  private  opi- 
"  nion,  which  is,  what  it  was  in  my  firft.  f 
6C  heartily  pray  for  you,  I  pity  you  as  my  own 
*'  Brother,  but  1  cannot  bring  myfelf  in  this,  to 
'c  be  of  your  Lordihip's  opinion.  It  is  true,  if 
"  no  fteps  had  been  made  in  this  affair,  your  ex- 
<c  cufe  would  the  eafier  have  made  its  way  •,  but 
<c  feeing  things  are  fo  far  advanced,  it  feems  not 
<c  proper  to  go  back.  If  upon  this,  that  hopeful 
^  Prince  mall  fall  into  fuch  hands,  as  are  unfit, 
**  your  Lordfhip  would  then  reflect,  upon  your 
"  having  declined  the  Service,  with  pain  and 
^  grief.  Pray,  next  poft,  let  me  have  fome  an- 
*<  fwer,  our  good  Mafter  the  King  may  be  pleafed 
^  with.  I  am, 

"  My  Lord, 
"  Your  affedionate  Brother, 

"  TKO.  CANTUAR.'* 

As  the  reft  of  the  Bifhop's  friends  concurred  in 
the  fame  ftrain,  earneftly  preffing  him  not  to  re- 
fufe  a  ftation,  wherein  he  might  do  his  Country 

*  The  original  i,  In  the  Editor's  hands. 

fuch 


The  L  I  F  E  of  the  A  U  T  H  6  R.  Ixxi 

fuch  fignal  fervice,  as  in  the  right  education  of  the 
Duke  of  Glouceiler  ;  he  thought  it  might  be  ccm- 
flrued  obflinacy  not  to  fubmit.  He  therefore, 
fignified  his  compliance,  in  his  anfwer  to  the 
Archbilhop  of  Canterbury  ;  who  thereupon  wrote 
him  another  Letter,  which  1  fhall  here  infert. 

"  My  Lord,  *  Kenfington,  July  4,  1  698. 

"  T  ATE  lad  night  the  King  fpoke  again  about 
"  JL^  y°ur  coming  up  *,  the  time  you  mention 
*«  (Friday  fortnight)  he  thinks  much  too  long;  he 
"  therefore  commanded  me  to  fend  an  exprefs  to 
*c  you,  in  order  to  your  coming  up  as  foon  as  pofil- 
<c  bly  you  can  :  Fie  having  time,  little  enough  to 
"  fettle  that  matter,  before  his  going  beyond  Sea  ; 
"  which  will  not  now  be  long  ;  becaufe  the  Parlia~ 
*'  ment  may  fpeedilyend,  perhaps  this  day.  He  con- 
"  fiders  very  gracioufly  the  commendablenefs  of 
*c  your  fubmiffion  in  thefe  circumftances,  which  is 
<c  indeed  worthy  of  you.  Pray  haften  as  much  as 
(<  you  poiTibly  can,  and  may  God  bring  you  fafely 
"  hither.  I  am 

"  Your  affectionate  Brother, 

"  THO.  CANTUAR." 

P.  S.  "  The  Parliament  rifes  to-morrow,  and  the 
"  King  goes  ibon  to  Windfor,  where  you  may 
"  wait  on  his  Majcfty, 

•f-  When  our  Author,  upon  his  arrival  at 
Windfor,  had  his  firft  audience  of  the  King,  he 
affured  his  Majeily  it  was  no  longer  his  intention 
to.  decline  fo  honourable  an  employment,  as  the 
educating  a  Prince  fo  nearly  related  to  the  Crown, 
fince  his  Royal  Mafter  thought  him  worthy  of  that 
Truft  j  but  as  tl;e  diicharge  of  his  duty  in  this 


*Thc?  original  is  in  the  Editor's 

i  This  faft  was  related  to  the  Ediioi  by  Mr.  Mackney,  who 

then  attended  the  Biftiop  to  Windfor,  and.  had  it  from  his  own 

d  4  ftation 


The  LIFE   of  the   AUTHOR. 

Ration  muft  confine  him  conftaritly  to  Court* 
which  was  inconfiftent  with  his  Epifcopal  Function, 
he  defired  leave  to  refign  his  Bifhoprick.  The 
King  was  much  furprized  at  the  Propofal,  to 
which  he  would  by  no  means  confent :  However, 
finding  our  Author  perfifted  in  it,  he  was  at  length 
prevailed  on,  to  agree,  that  the  Duke  fhould  re- 
fide  all  the  fummer  at  Windfor,  and  that  the 
Birtiop  fhould  have  ten  Weeks  allowed  him  every 
year,  to  vifit  the  other  parts  of  his  Diocefe. 

The  method  he  purfued  in  the  Duke  of  Glou- 
cefter's  education,  and  the  amazing  progrefs  made 
in  it,  during  the  fhort  time  that  Prince  was  under 
his  care,  are  mentioned  in  the  Hiftory  :  To  which 
I  mail  only  add,  that  he  conducted  himfelf  in  fuch 
a  manner,  that  the  Princefs  of  Denmark  ever  after 
retained  a  peculiar  regard  for  him,  of  which  he 
received  fome  fenfible  marks,  when  me  came  to 
the  Throne,  even  at  times  when  he  was  engaged 
in  a  pubjick  oppofition  to  the  meafures  of  her 
Miniiters, 

His  mar-  The  afiiduous  attendance  our  author  was  obliged 
MJf  ™£  to,  whilft  he  was  Preceptor  to  the  Duke,  and  the 
tender  age  of  his  own  children,  made  it  requifite 
to  look  out  for  a  proper  miftrefs  to  his  family. 
He  ftx'd  upon  Mrs.  Berkeley,  a  Lady  of  uncom 
mon  degrees  of  Knowledge,  Piety  and  Virtue  -,  as 
may  appear  from  Her  Method  of  Devotion,  which 
bore  feveral  imprefflons  in  her  Life-time  ;  and  was 
reprinted  after  her  death,  with  an  account  of  her 
Life,  by  Dr.  Goodwyn,  (the  late  Archbifhop  of 
Cafhels  in  Ireland)  which  renders  it  unnecefTary 
here  to  enlarge  upon  her  character. 

He  writes      In  the  year   1659,  pur  Author  publifhed   His 

^nExpo-  Expofitipn'  of  the   Thirty-nine   Articles    of  the 

fbeThirty  Church  °f  England.     He  was  firft  engaged  in  this 

nineAr     undertaking  by  Queen 'Mary,  who  had  fo  highly 

tickf.        approved  of  his  Four  Difcourfes  to  his  Clergy, 

and    his  Treatife  of  the  Pafloral  Care,  that  She^ 

as  well  as  Archbilhop  Tjllotfon,  judged  no  man 


The  L  IF E  of  the   A  U  T  H  O  R.  Ixxiu 

fo  proper  as  himfelf,  to  render  this  important  fer- 
vice  to  the  Church.  At  their  intreaty  therefore, 
he  undertook  this  laborious  talk,  which  he  per- 
form'd  in  lefs  than  the.compafs  of  a  year,  though 
he  kept  it  by  him  five  years,  for  correction.  It 
was  firft  revifed,  and  in  many  places  altered  by 
Dr.  Tillotfon,  whofe  opinion  of  this  performance 
will  beft  be  learnt  from  one  of  his  own  letters. 

ct   My  Lord,*  Lambeth-Houfe,  Oft.  23,  1674. 

*c  ¥  Have  with  great  pleafure  and  fatisfaction 
"  A  read  over  tne  great  volume,  you  fent  me  ; 
u  and  am  aftonifh'd  to  fee  fo  vaft  a  work,  begun 
"  and  finifh'd  in  fo  ihort  a  time.  In  the  article 
"  of  the  Trinity  you  have  faid  all,  that  I  think 
<c  can  be  faid  upon  fo  obfcure  and  difficult  an 
fc  argument.  The  Socinians  have  juft  now  pub- 
fc  lifhed  an  anfwer  to  us  all ;  but  I  have  not  had 
"  a  fight  of  it.  The  negative  articles  againft  the 
"  Church  of  Rome,  you  have  very  fully  ex- 
"  plained,  and  with  great  learning  and  judgment. 
*<  Concerning  thefe,  you  will  meet  with  no  op- 
<c  pofition  amongft  ourfelves.  The  greateft  dan- 
"  ger  was  to  be  apprehended  from  the  points  in 
"  difference  between  the  Calvinifts  and  Remon- 
"  ftrants,  in  which  you  have  (hewn,  not  only 
"  great  fkill  and  moderation,  but  great  prudence 
"  in  contenting  yourfelf,  to  reprefent  both  fides 
"  impartially,  without  any  pofitive  declaration 
"  of  your  own  judgment.  The  account  given 
^  of  Athanafius's  Creed,  feems  to  me  no-wife 
*c  fatisfaclory ;  I  wlih  we  Were  well  rid  of  it. 
"  I  pray  God  long  to  preferve  your  Lordfhip,  to 
V  do  more  fuch,  fervices  to"  the  Church.  I  am, 
**  My  Lord, 

u  Yours  moft  affedionately, 

«  Jo.  CANT." 

*  Ati  attefted  copy  of  this  letter,  in  the  hand- writing  of  the 
preient  Archbifhc^  $>f  Dublin,  is  ip  ihp  Editpr's  iiartj^ 

This 


Ixxiv  The  L I F E  of  the  A  U  T H  Ofc. 

This  work  was  afterwards  perufed  and  approv 
ed  by  Archbifhop  Tennifon,  Archbiihop  Sharp, 
Bifhop  Stillingfleet,  Patrick,  Lloyd,  Hall  and 
Williams  :  The  laft  of  thefe  ftrongly  recommend 
ed,  .  the  confidering  them  only  as  articles  of  peace, 
in  which  men  were  bound  to  acquiefce  without 
contradiction  ;  not  as  articles  of  faith,  which 
they  were  obliged  to  believe.  There  might  per 
haps  be  reafon  to  wifh,  that  they  had  only  been 
impofed  as  fuch,  but  there  was  nothing  in  our 
•"Conftitution  to  warrant  an  expofitor,  in  giving 
that  fenfe  to  them  :  The  book  likewife  pafs'd 
through  the  hands  of  maity  learned  men  in  both 
Univerfities,  and  was  generally  applauded.  Up 
on  its  firft  appearance  in  print,,,  it  was  univerfally 
well  received  ;  thofe,  who  had  been  employed  to 
criticife  every  work  the  Bifhop  had  publifhed  for 
fome  years,  were  filent  as  to  This.  Indeed  when 
the  Convocation  met,  and  the  two  Houfes  were 
Warmly  engaged  in  difputes,  relating  to  their  re- 
fpeclive  privileges,  in  which  our  Author  bore  a 
-confiderable  fhare ;  the  Lower  Houfe,  in  refent- 
ment,  brought  up  a  general  cenfure  of  his  Expofi- 
tion,  but  refufed  to  point  out  the  particulars 
upon  which  it  was  grounded  :  Though  the  Upper 
Houfe  remonftrated,  how  necefTary  that  was,  i^n 
in  order  to  enable  them  to  concur  in  the  cenfure, 
which  they  could  not  pretend  to  do,  till  they  were 
informed  of  the  reafons  for  it. 

For  five  or  fix  years  before  his  death,  our  Ay- 
thor  grew  more  abftracted  .from  the  world,  than 
the  fituation  he  had  been  in,  during  the  former 
parts  of  his  life,  had  permitted.  To  avoid  tjje 
diffraction  of  ufelefs  vifits,  he  fettled  in  St. 
John's  Court  in  Clerkenwell,  and  kept  up  only 
an  intercourfe  with  his  moil  fefeft  and  intimate 
acquaintance :  Their  names  will  be  an  honour  to 
his  memory,  and  therefore  I  beg  leave  to  men 
tion  the  moft  confiderable  amongft  them.  Such 
were  the  late -Dukes  of  Marlborough,  Newcaftle 

a.nd 


The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR.  ixxr 

and  Shrewfbury ;  the  Earls  of  Godolphin,  Cow- 
per  and  Halifax  ;  the  Lord  Somers  and  Pelham  : 
And  the  prefent  Dutchefs  Dowager  of  Marl  bo 
rough,  the  Dukes  of  Montrofe  and  Roxburgh ; 
the  Lord  Townfhend,  the  Lord/King,  the  Matter 
of  the  Roils  Sir  Joleph  Jekyll,  the  Lord  Chief 
Juftice  Eyre,  and  Mr.  Baillie  of  Jervifwood, 
who,  as  he  was  his  near  relation,  fo  he  always 
lived  with  him  in  the  friendfhip  and  freedom  of  a 
brother. 

I  have  faid  nothing  in  relation  to  the  part  our  Aw-  His  dili- 
thor  a6bed  in  Parliament,  in  Convocation,  or  in  the  gerice  i 
feveral  matters  of  ftate,  wherein  he  was  confulted  h- 
and  employed  •,  this  is  fully  and  impartially  fet 
forth  in  {he  Hiftory  itfelf.  Yet  I  ought  to  inform 
the  reader,  that  the  Bifhop'js  neceffary  attendance  on 
the  Houfe  of  Lords,  in  the  winter  feafon,  was 
not  a  means  of  abating  his  diligence  in  the  duties 
of  his  calling,  though  it  diverted  the  exercifc 
of  it,  from  the  proper  fcene,  his  diocefe.  For 
whilit  he  itaid  in  town,  he  failed  not:  of  preach 
ing  every  Sunday  morning,  in  fome  church  or 
other  in  London  ;  and  as  he  was  much  followed, 
he  was  generally  engaged  for  chanty  fermons,  at 
which  he  himfelf  was  always  a  liberal  contribu 
tor  :  In  the  Sunday  evening,  he  had  a  Lecture  in 
his  own  houfe,  upon  fome  feledb  portion  of  Scrip 
ture  ;  to  which  many  perfoiis  of  diftinction  re- 
forted,  though  at  firft  it  was  only  intended,  for 
the  benefit  of  his  own  family. 

As  he  lived  to  fee  the  turn,  which  the  affairs  of 
Great  Britain,  I  might  fay  of  Europe,  took  upon 
the  death  of  Queen  Anne,  for  whom  he  had1  al 
ways  the  higheil  perfonal  veneration,  but  whom 
he  thought  unwarily  engaged  in  meafiires,  which 
might  have  proved  fatal  :  I  need  not  fay,  with 
what  comfort  he  faw  a  fucceffion  take  place,  of 
which  he  himfelf -had  been  the  firit-mover  ;  and 
a  Family  eftablifhed,  in  whofe  intereits  he  hM 
been  fo  ftedfail  and  zealous,  and  by  whom  hfe 


Ixxvi  The  L I F  E  of  the  AUTHOR. 

had  been  fo  much  entrufted.  He  published  a 
Writes  a  third  Volume,  as  a  fupplement  to  his  two  for- 
birdvo-  mer5  0£  tke  j-jiftojy  Of  tne  Reformation,  at  the 
fuppie-8  ^me  °f  his  ^ate  Majefty's  arrival  in  England,  to 
ment  to  whom  it  was  dedicated.  And  as  if  his  life  had 
his  Hifto-  only  been  prolonged  to  fee  this  great  work  com- 
ry  of  the  pjeat  an(j  ^  proteftant  intereft  in  a  fair  prof- 
Kerorma-  xn  rr  .  r,  i»  i  /•  r 

tion.         Pect  of  fecunty,  he  died  foon  after. 

His  do-         Thus   1   have   endeavoured   to   give  fome  ac- 

raeftick     count    of  our  Author's     behaviour,    in   all    the 

charader.  different  ftations  he  pafs'd  through  in  publick  :  it 

may  be    expected,     I  fhould    fay    fomething    of 

him,  in  domeftick  life. 

j  His  time  His  time,  the  only  treafure  of  which  he  feem- 
/>how  em-  ecl  covetous,  was  employed  in  one  regular  and 
ployed.  uniform  manner.  His  conftant  health  permitted 
him  to  be  an  early  rifer  ;  he  was  feldom  in  bed 
later  than  five  a-clock  in  the  morning  during  the 
fummer,  or  than  fix  in  the  winter.  Private  me 
ditation  took  up  the  two  firft  hours  and  the  laft 
half-hour  of  the  day.  His  firft  and  laft  appear 
ance  to  his  family  was,  at  the  morning  and 
evening  prayers,  which  were  always  read  by  him- 
felf,  though  his  chaplains  were  prefent.  He 
drank  his  tea  in  company  with  his  children,  and 
took  that  opportunity  of  inftructing  them  in  re 
ligion  ;  he  went  through  the  Old  and  New  Tefta- 
ment  with  them  three  times,  giving  his  own 
comment  upon  fome  portion  of  it,  for  an  hour 
every  morning.  When  this  was  over,  he  retired 
to  his  ftudy,  where  he  feldom  fpent  lefs  than  fix* 
often  more  than  eight  hours  in  a  day,  The  reft 
of  his  time  was  taken  up  with  bufmefs,  exercife 
and  neceflary  reft,  or  beftowed  on  friendly  vifits 
and  chearful  meals.  As  he  kept  an  open  table, 
in  which  there  was  plenty  without  luxury,  fo  no 
man  was  more  pleafed  with  innocent  mirth  there, 
no  man  encouraged.it  more,  or  had  a  larger  fund 
of  entertainment  to  contribute  towards  it.  His 
equipage,  like  his  table,  was  decent  and  plains 

and 


uca- 


The  LIFE  of  the  A  U  T  H  O  R.  Ixxvii 

and  all  his  expences  denoted  a  temper  generous, 
but  not  profuie.  The  Epifcopal  palace,  when  he 
came  to  Salifbury,  was  thought  one  of  the  worft  ; 
and  when  he  died,  was  one  of  the  beft  in 
England* 

The  character  I   have   given   his    wives,    will  An  affec- 
fcarce  make  it  an  addition  to  his,  that  he   was  a  tionate 
moft    affectionate    hufband.        His    tender    care  hl 
of   the   firft,    during   a   courfe   of  ficknefs,  that 
lafted  for  many  years  ;  and  his  fond  love  to  the 
other  two,  and  the  deep  concern  he  exprefs'd  for 
their  lofs,  were  no  more  than  their  juft  due,  from 
one  of  his  humanity,  gratitude  and  difcernment. 

His  love  to  his.  children,  perhaps  accompanied  His  care 
with  too  much  indulgence,  was  not  exerted  in 
laying  up  for  them  a  hoard  of  wealth,  out  of  the  ed 
revenues  of  the  Church,  but  in  giving  them  a  don. 
noble  education*,  though  the  charge  of  it  was 
wholly  maintained  out  of  his  private  fortune. 
At  feven  years  old,  he  entered  his  fons  into  Latin, 
giving  each  of  them  a  diftinct  tutor,  who  had  a 
falary  of  forty  pounds  a  year,  which  was  never 
lefTen'c}  on  account  of  any  prebend  the  Bifhop 
gave  him.  After  five  or  fix  years  had  perfected 
his  fons  in  the  learned  languages,  he  fent  them 
to  the  Univerfity  •,  the  eldeil  a  Gentleman  Com 
moner  to  Trinity  College  in  Cambridge,  the 
other  two  Commoners  to  Merton  College  in  Ox 
ford  •,  where,  befides  the  college  tutor,  they  had 
a  private  one,  to  afTift  them  in  their  learning,  and 
to  overlook  their  behaviour.  In  the  year  1706, 
he  fent  them  abroad  for  two  years  to  ftnifh  their 
ftudies  at  Leyden  -,  from  whence  two  of  them 
took  a  Tour  through  Germany,  Switzerland  and 
Italy.  The  eldeft  and  youngeft,  by  their  own 
choice,  were  bred  to  the  law,  and  the  lecond  to 
divinity* 

In  his  friendlhips,  our  Author  was  warm,  open-  Hls  hrm* 
hearted  and  conftant  :    From  thofe  I  have  taken        *n  his 
the  liberty  to  mention,  the  reader  will  perceive, 

that 


Ixxviii  The  L I F  E  of  the  A U T  H  O  R. 

that  they  were  formed  upon  the  moil  prudent 
choice,  and  I  cannot  find  an  inftance  of  any  one 
friend  he  ever  loft,  but  by  death.  It  is  a  com 
mon,  perhaps  a  juft  obfervation,  that  a  hearty 
friend  is  apt  to  be  as  hearty  an  enemy  ;  yet  this 
rule  did  not  hold  in  our  Author.  For  though  his 
ftation,  his  principles,  but  above  all  his  fledfaft 
adherence  to  the  Hanover  Succeffion,  raifed  him 
many  enemies  ;  yet  he  no  fooner  had  it  in  his 
power,  to  have  taken  fevere  revenges  on  them, 
than  he  endeavoured,  by  the  kindeft  good  offices, 
to  repay  all  their  injuries,  and  overcome  them,  by 
returning  good  for  evil.  I  have  already  given  fome 
inftances  of  this  nature  here,  and  many  more  will 
occur  to  the  reader  in  the  Fliftory. 

__  The  Bifhop  was  a  kind  and  bountiful  mailer 

dud  to  to  h*s  fervants,  whom  he  never  changed,  but 
thofe  in  with  regret  and  through  necefilty  :  Friendly  and 
employ-  obliging  to  all  in  employment  under  him,  and 
in?nt  ar-  pecu|jariv  happy  in  the  choice  of  them  ;  efpeci- 

der  him.     fn     .       /          r     L     n.  j  i        r>-n          •    i  j 

ally  in  that  or  the  iteward  to  the  Bimopnck  and 
his  courts,  William  Waftefield,  Efq;  (a  gentle 
man  of  a  plentiful  fortune,  at  the  time  of  his 
accepting  this  poft)  and  in  that  of  his  domeftick 
fleward  Mr.  Mackney.  Thefe  were  both  men  of 
approved  worth  and  integrity,  firmly  attach'd  to 
his  interefts,  and  were  treated  by  him,  as  they 
well  deferved,  with  friendfhip  and  confidence. 
To  them,  I  muft  appeal,  for  the  truth  of  many 
facts  here  related,  particularly  thofe  concerning 
his  labours  in  his  diocefe  ;  from  them  1  likewife 
had  an  account  of  his  extenfive  chanties. 
His  chari-  This  was  indeed  a  principal  article  of  his  ex- 
ties,  pence,  impofllble  now  to  fix  as  to  all  the  parti 
culars  j  our  Author  being  as  fecret,  as  he  was 
liberal,  in  thofe  charities,  which  he  diftributed 
with  his  own  hands  :  Yet  the  greateil  part  of 
them  could  not  be  hid  from  the  perfons  who 
>;».Vwere'  entrufted  with  the  management  of  his  af 
fairs.  -His  gifts,  for  the  augmentation  of  fmall 

livings* 


.  H  The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR.  Ixxix 

livings,  of  an  hundred  pounds  at  a  time  ;  his 
conftant  penfions  to  poor  clergymen,  to  their 
widows,  to  ftudents  for  their  education  at  the 
Univerfities,  and  to  induflrious  families,  that  were 
ftruggling  with  the  world  ;  the  frequent  fums 
given  by  him,  towards  the  repairs  or  building  of 
Churches  and  Vicarage-Houfes  -,  his  liberal  con 
tribution,  to  all  publick  collections,  to  the  fup- 
port  of  charity- fchools  (one  of  which  for  fifty 
children  at  Salifbury  was  wholly  maintained  by 
him,)  and  the  many  apprentices,  at  different 
times  put  out  to  trades  at  his  charge,  were  chari 
ties  that  could  not  be  wholly  concealed.  Nor 
were  his  alms  confirmed  to  one  nation,  feel  or 
party ;  want  and  merit  in  the  object  were  the 
only  meafures  of  his  liberality.  Thus  when 
Mr.  Martin  (minifter  of  Compton  Chamberlein) 
for  refufmg  to  take  the  oaths  to  the  Government, 
foon  after  the  Revolution,  had  forfeited  his  Pre 
bend  in  the  Church  of  Sarum  ;  the  Bilhop,  out 
pf  his  own  Income,  paid  him  the  yearly  value  of 
it,  during  his  life.  His  ufual  allowance  for  cha 
rity  was  five  hundred  pounds  a-year,  which  he 
often  exceeded  •,  particularly  in  the  two  years 
that  he  was  Preceptor  to  the  Duke  of  Gloucefler,  in 
which  time  this  article  amounted  to  one  and  twenty 
hundred  pounds.  In  a  word,  no  object  of  chrif- 
tian  companion  ever  came  within  his  knowledge, 
without  receiving  a  proportionable  relief.  He 
looked  upon  himfelf,  with  regard  to  his  epifco- 
pal  revenue,  as  a  mere  Truflee  for  thd  Church, 
bound  to  expend  the  whole,  in  the  maintenance 
of  a  decent  figure  fukable  to  .his  itation,  in  hofpi- 
tality,  and  in  acls  of  charity.  And  he  had  fo 
faithfully  ballanced  this  account,  that  at  his  death 
no  more  of  the  income  of  his  JBifhoprick  remain 
ed  to  his  family  *,  than  what  was  barely  fufficient 
for  the  payment  of  his  debts. 

*  This  Mr,  Mackney  his  fteward  aiTured  me  appeared  in  his 
accounts. 

4  But 


Ixxx  The  LIFE   of  the  AUTHOR, 

His  Care      [  But  if  he  was  thus  liberal  of  his  own  purfe,  he 

venu^of"  was  not  ^e^s  ^r^  *n  Prefervmg  tne  revenues  of 
the  See.  ^s  See,  f°r  tne  benefit  of  his  fuccelibrs,  of 
which  this  remarkable  inflance  may  fufrice  ** 
One  of  his  predecefTors  had  converted  a  large 
eflate  at  Monckton  Farley,  held  of  the  Bifhop, 
from  a  leafe  of  one  and  twenty  years,  into  an 
eflate  for  three  lives,  and  had  received  a  valuable 
confrderation  for  fo  doing.  Our  Author  refolved, 
if  poffible,  to  reflore  it  to  the  former  tenure,  as 
being  much  more  advantageous  to  the  See  :  when 
therefore  one  of  the  lives  fell,  he  refufed  to  re 
new  ;  and  when,  the  other  two  lives  being  very 
unhealthy,  Sir  John  Talbot  offered  him  a  thou- 
fand  pounds  for  the  renewal  of  that  one  life,  and 
the  change  of  the  other  two,  he  ftill  perfifled  in 
his  refufal  :  Till  at  length  the  tenant,  apprehend 
ing  the  whole  eflate  would  have  fallen  in,  agreed  to 
accept  of  a  leafe  for  one  and  twenty  years,  for  which 
the  Bifliop  would  take  no  more  than  four  hundred 
pounds  Fine  to  himfelf ;  but  made  it  part  of  his 
agreement,  that  the  tenant  fhould  pay  ten  pounds 
yearly  rent,  to  the  minifler  of  the  parifh,  as  a 
perpetual  augmentation  to  that  poor  Living,  be 
fides  the  ufual  referved  rent  to  the  See. 
His  death.  Jn  March  1714-15,  being  the  feventy-fecond 
year  of  his  age,  our  Author  was  taken  ill  of  a 
violent  cold,  which  foon  turned  to  a  pleuritick  fe 
ver  ;  he^was  attended  in  it,  by  his  worthy  friend 
and  relation  Dr.  Cheyne,  who  treated  him  with 
the  utinoft  care  and  fkill :  But  rinding  the  diflem- 
per  grew  to  a  height,  which  feemed  to  baffle  all 
remedies,  he  called  for  the  affiflance  of  Sir  Hans 
Sloane  and  Dr.  Mead,  who  quickly  found  his 
.  cafe  was  defperate.  His  character  was  too  well 
known,  to  induce  any  one  to  conceal  from  him 

*  This  I  had  from  the  minifter  of  Monckton  Farley,  and 
many  others  at  the  time,  and  it  was  confirmed  to  me  fmce  by 
Mr.  Wallcfield  and  Mr.  Mackney. 

the 


The  LIFE  of  the  AUTHOR.  Jxxxi 

the  danger  his  life  was  in.  He  bore  the  notice 
of  it,  with  that  calm  refignation  to  Providence, 
which  had  always  fupported  him  under  the  fe- 
vereft  trials.  As  he  preferved  his  fenfcs  to  the 
laft,  fo  he  employed  the  precious  remnant  of  life, 
in  continual  ads  of  devotion,  and  in  giving  the 
beft  advice  to  his  family ;  of  whom  he  took 
leave,  in  a  manner,  that  mewed  the  utmoft  ten- 
dernefs,  accompanied  with  the  firmed  conftancy 
of  mind.  And  whilft  he  was  fo  little  fenfible 
of  the  terrors  of  death,  as  to  embrace  its  ap 
proach  with  joy  ;  he  could  not  but  exprefs  a  con 
cern,  for  the  grief  he  faw  it  caufed  in  others.  He 
died  on  the  feventeenth  day  of  that  month.  ^  _,;' 

It  would  be  a  prefumption  in  me  to  attempt 
the  drawing  his  character  ;  when  it  has  been  done 
by  fo  elegant  a  hand,  as  that  of  the  late  Marquis 
of  Halifax  :  As  this  beautiful  Piece,  I  believe,  has 
never  been  made  publick,  the  Reader  will  pardon 
my  inferting  it  here. 

"  Dr.  Burnet  *  is  like  all  men,  who  are  above  f.j;c  cj,a_ 
"  the  ordinary  level,  feldom  fpoke  of  in  a  mean,  rafter,  by 

c  he  muft  either  be  railed  at  or  admired  •,  he  has  th(: 
"  a  fwiftnefs  of  imagination,  that  no  other  plan  JJ1 

4  comes  up  to ;  and  as  our  nature  hardly  allows^ 
"  us  to  have  enough  of  any  thing,  without  having 

c  too  much,  he  cannot  at  all  times  fo  hold  in  his 

"  thoughts,  but  that  at  fome  time  they  may  run 

."  away  with  him ;  as  it  is  hard  for  a  vefTel,  that 

."  is  brim-full,  when  in  motion,  not  to  run  over  ; 

c  and  therefore  the  variety  of  matter,  that  he  ever 
"  carries  about  him,  may  throw  out;  more,  than 
<c  an  unkind  critic  would  allow  of.  His  firfl 

*  thoughts  nxay  fometimes  require  moj-.e  digeftion* 
"  not  from  a  defect  in  his  judgment,  but  from 

•  The  copy  from  which  this  is  printed,  was  taken  from 
one  given  to  the  Bifhop,  in  the  Marquis  of  Halifax's  own 
'hand -writing,  which  wai  in  the  Editor's- hand?,  but  is  at  prefent 
miflaid.  ' 

VOL.  I.  e  "  the 


Ixxxii  The  L I F  E  of  the   AUTHOR. 

4<  the  abundance  of  his  fancy,  which  furnifh.es  too 
"  fad  for  him.  His  friends -love  him  too  well,  to 
*<  fee  fmall  faults  ;  or  if  they  do,  think  that  his 
cc  greater  talents  give  him  a  privilege  of  ftraying 
"  trom  the  ftrict  rules  of  caution,  and  exempt  him 
*c  from  the  ordinary  rules  of  cer.fure.  He  pro- 
tc  duces  fo  fail,  that  what  is  well  in  his  writings 
"  calls  for  admiration,  and  what  is  incorrect  de- 
*6  ferves  an  excufe  ;  he  may  in  fome  things  require 
"  grains  of  allowance,  which  thofe  only  can  deny 
"  him,  who  are  unknown  or  unjuft  to  him.  He 
"  is  not  quicker  in  difcerning  other  men's  faults, 
"  than  he  is  in  forgiving  them  -,  lb' ready,  or  rather 
*c  glad  to  acknowledge  his  own,  that  from 
"  blemifhes  they  become  ornaments.  All  the  re- 
€t  peated  provocations  of  his  indecent  adverfaries, 
*'  have  had  no  other  e fie 61,  than  the  fetting  his 
*c  good-nature  in  fo  much  a  better  light ;  fmce  his 
"  anger  never  yet  went  farther  than  to  pity  them. 
*'  That  heat,  which  in  moil  other  men  raifes 
"  fharpnefs  and  fatire,  in  him  glows  into  warmth 
"  for  his  friends,  and  companion  for  thofe  in 
*'  want  and  mifery.  As  dull  men  have  quick 
"  eyes,  in  difcerning  the  fmaller  faults  of  thofe, 
*c  that  nature  has  made  fuperior  to  them,  they  do 
*c  not  mifs  one  blot  he  makes  :  and  being  beholden 
"  only  to  their  barrennefs  for  their  difcretion,  they 
<c  fall  upon  the  errors,  which  arife  out  of  his 
cc  abundance  •,  and  by  a  miflake  into  which  their 
<;  malice  betrays  them,  they  think  that  by  finding 
<c  a  mote  in  his  eye,  they  hide  the  beams,  that  are 
*c  in  their  own.  His  quicknefs  makes  writing  fo 
<c  eafy  a  thing  to  him,  that  his  fpirits  are  neither 
"  wafted  nor  foured  by  it  :  The  foil  is  not  forced, 
"  every  thing  grows,  and  brings  forth  without 
*'  pangs  •,  which  diftinguifhes  as  much  what  he 
*c  does,  from  that  which  fmells  of  the  lamp,  as 
"  a  good  palate  will  difcern  between  fruit,  which 
<e  comes  from  a  rich  mould,  and  that  which  tafr.es 
**  of  the  uncleanly  pains,  that  have  been  beftowed 

"  upon 


The  L I F  E  of  the  AU T H  O  R.         Ixxxiii 

upon  it.  He  makes  many  enemies,  by  fetting  1675. 
an  ill-natured  example  of  living,  which  they  *-nrw 
are  not  inclined  to  follow.  His  indifference  for 
preferment,  his  contempt  not  only  of  fplendor, 
but  of  all  unnecefTary  plenty,  his  degrading  him- 
felf  into  the  loweft  and  moft  painful  duties  of 
his  calling  j  are  fuch  unprelatical  qualities,  that 
Jet  him  be  never  fo  orthodox  in  other  things, 
in  thefe  he  muft  be  a  DiiTenter.  Virtues  of  fuch 
a  ftamp  are  fo  many  herefies,  in  the  opinion  of 
thbfe  Divines,  who  have  foftened  the  primitive 
injunctions,  fo  as  to  make  them  fuit  better  with 
the  prefent  frailty  of  mankind.  No  wonder  then, 
if  they  are  angry,  fince  it  is  in  their  own  de 
fence,  or  that  from  a  principle  of  felf-prefer- 
vation  they  mould  endeavour  to  fupprefs  a  man, 
whofe  parts  are  a  Ihame,  and  whofe  life  is  a 
fcandal  to  them." 


A  LIST 

t 

C 


A  LIST  of  Bifhop  BURNET's  Works. 

A  Dialogue  between  a  Conformift  and?    /-/- 
Non  Conformift.         —  j  l 

A  Vindication  of  the  Conflitution  of  the  (    ^ 

Church  and  State  of  Scotland.  —  J  l  72 
The  Myftery  of  Iniquity  unveiled.  —  1673 
An  Account  given  by  T.  Ken  a  Jefuit  of  }  ^ 

the  Truth  of  Religion  examined.  —  j  x  74 
Memoirs  of  Duke  Hamilton,  in  Folio.  •  -  1676 
An  Account  of  a  Conference  with  Cole-  i  r •  r 

man,&c.  fl676 

The  Hiltory  of  the  Reformation.     Fir-ft  ?    r 

Volume  il679 

Second  Volume.  -~—  1681 

Third  Volume.  ^_™  !7!5 

^The  Abridgement  of  the  Hiftory  of  the  1    ^ 

Reformation.  —  Sl682 

An  Account  of  the  Earl  of  Rocheflcr's  Death.  168  r 
The  Life  of  -Sir  Matthew  Hale.  1682 

The  Method  of  Converfion  by  the  Clergy  ")    ^ 

of  France  examined  • j 

The  Hiftory  of  the  Regale.  —     —     1682 

TheTranflation  of  Sir  Thomas  Mode's  Utopia  1683 
The  Life  of  Bifhop  Bedell.  —  1685 

The  Tranflation  of  Ladantius's  Deaths  of  i    SQ 

the  Pcrfecutors.  5lby? 

Letters  concerning  Dr.  Burner's  Travels.  -  1687 
The  Pailoral  Care.  -  1692 

Four  Difcourfes  to  his  Clergy.  1694 

-Eflay  on  the  Character  of  Qiieen  Mary  —  1695 
Vindication  of  Archbifhop  Tillotfon.  —  1696 
Expofition  of  the  Thirty-Nine  Articles  of  7 

the  Church  of  England.  —    (  '  7° 

A  Collection  of  Sermons  and  Parn-7   from  1678 

phlets  (in  three  Volumes  in  Quarto))  to  1 706 
The  Church  Catechifm  explained.  1710 

Sermons  preached  on  feverai  Occafions.  —  1713 
The  Hiftory  of  his  own  Time.  Two  Volumes  in 

Folio.     A  Pofthumous  Work. 

i 


THE 

HISTORY 


O  F 


My  Own  Times. 


THE 


PREFACE. 


A  M  now  beginning  to  review  and 
write  over  again  the  hiflory  of  rny 
own  time,  which  I  firft  undertook 
twenty  years  ago  *,  and  have  been 
continuing  it  from  year  to  year  ever 
fince  :  And  I  fee  fome  reafon  to  re 
view  it  all.  I  had  while  I  was  very  young  a  gn 
knowledge  of  affairs  than  is  ufual  at  that  age  ; 
my  father,  who  had  been  engaged  in  great  friend- 

*  This  hiftory  he  writ  fome   time  before  the   year  1705, 
I    but  how  long,  he  has  not  any  where  told ;  only  it  appears  it 
:    was  then  finiihed,  becaufe  in  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  King 
William  and  Queen  Msry  he  dates  the  cyndnuadoa  of  his  hifto- 
|    ry  on  the  firft  day  of  May,    1/05. 

VOL.  I.  B  Ihips 


The  PREFACE. 

fhips  with  men  of  both  fides,  living  then  retired 
from  all  bufmefs,  as  he  took  my  education  wholly 
'  into  his  own  hands,  fo  he  took  a  fort  of  pleafure 
to  relate  to  me  the  feries  of  all  publick  affairs.  And 
as  he  was  a  man  fo  eminent  for  probity  and  true  piety 
that  I  had  all  reafon  to  believe  him,  fo  I  faw  fuch 
an  impartial  fenfe  of  things  in  him,  that  I  had  as 
little  reafon  to  doubt  his  judgment  as  his  fincerity. 
For  tho*  he  adhered  fo  firmly  to  the  King  and  his 
fide,  that  he  was  the  fingular  inilance  in  Scotland 
of  a  man  of  fome  note  who  from  the  beginning  to 
the  end  of  the  war  never  once  owned  or  fubmitted 
to  the  new  form  of  govenrnent  fet  up  all  that  while  •, 
yet  he  did  very  freely  complain  of  the  errours  of 
the  King's  Government,  and  of  the  Bilhops  of 
Scotland.  So  that  upon  this  foundation  I  fet  out 
at  firft.  to  look  into  the  fecret  conduct  of  affairs 
among  us. 

I  fell  into  great  acquaintance  and  friendfhips 
with  feveral  perlbns  who  either  were  or  had  been 
Ministers  of  flate,  from  whom  when  the  fecret  of 
affairs  was  over  I  ftudied  to  know  as  many  parti 
culars  as  1  could  draw  from  them.  I  faw  a  great 
deal  more  among  the  Papers  of  the  Dukes  of  Ha 
milton  than  was  properly  a  part  of  their  memoirs, 
or  fit  to  be  told  at  that  time  :  For  when  a  licence 
was  to  be  obtained,  and  a  work  was  to  be  publifhed 
fit  for  that  family  to  own,  things  foreign  to  their 
Miniftry,  or  hurtful  to  any  other  families,  were 
•not  to  be  intermixed  with  the  account  I  then  gave 
of  the  late  wars.  And  now  for  above  thirty  years 
I  have  lived  in  fuch  intimacy  with  all  who  have 
"had  the  chief  conduct  of  affairs,  and  have  been  fo 
much  trufted,  and  on  fo  many  important  occafion* 
employed  by  them,  that  I  have  been  able  to  pene 
trate  far  into  the  true  fecrets  of  counsels  andde- 
figns.^ 

This  made  me  twenty  years  ago  write  down  a 
relation  of  all  that  I  had  known  to  that  time : 
Where  I  was  in  the  dark,  I  paft  over  all,  and  on 
ly 


The   P  R  E-F  A  Q  E. 

ly  opened  thofe  tranfactions  that  I  had  particular 
occafions  to  know.  My  chief  defign  in  writing 
was  to  give  a  true  view  of  men  and  of  counfels, 
leaving  publick  tranfactions  to  Gazettes  and  the 
publick  hiilorians  of  the  times.  J  writ  with  a  de- 
fign  to  make  both  my  felf  and  my  readers  wifef 
and  better,  and  to  lay  open  the  good  and  bad  of 
all  fides  aed  parties,  as  clearly  and  impartially  a£ 
I  my  felf  underftood  it,  concealing  nothing  that  I 
thought  fit  to  be  known,  and  reprefeiiting  things 
in  their  natural  colours  without  art  or  difguife, 
without  any  regard  to  kindred  or  friends*  to  par 
ties  or  intereits  :  For  I  do  iblemnly  fay  this  to  the 
world,  and  make  my  humble  appeal  upon  it  to  the 
great  God  of  truth,  that  I  tell  the  truth  on  all  oc 
cafions,  as  fully  and  freely  as  upon  my  beft  inquiry 
I  have  been  able  to  find  it  out.  Where  things  ap 
pear  doubtful  I  deliver  them  with  the  fame-  incer- 
tainty  to  the  world* 

Some  may  perhaps  think  that  fn^flead,  of  favour^ 
ing  my  own  profeffion,  I  have  been  more  fevere 
upon  them  than  was  needful.  But  my  Zeal  for  the 
true  interefl  of  Religion  and  of  the : Clergy  made 
me  more  careful  to  undeceive  good  a-nd  well  mcan-r 
ing  men  of  my  own  order  and  profeflion  for  the 
future,  and  to  deliver  them  trom  common  preju-^ 
dices  and  miflaken  notions,  than  to  hide  or  excufe 
the  faults  of  thofe  who  will  be  perhaps  gone  off  the 
ftage  before  this  work  appear  on  it.  I  have  given 
the  characters  of  men  very  impartially  and  copi- 
oufly  -,  for  nothing  guides  ones  judgment  more  truly 
in  a  relation  of  matters  o;  fad,  than  the  knowing 
the  tempers  and  principles  of  the  chief  actors. 

If  I  have  dwelt  too  long  on  the  affairs  of  Scot 
land,  fome  allowance  is  to  be  made  to  the  affecti 
on  all  men  bear  to  their  native  country.  I  alter 
nothing  of  what  I  wrote  in  the  ftrft  draught  of  this 
work,  only  I  have  left  out  a  great  deal  that  wa$ 
perfonal  to  my  felf,  and  tq  Uigfe  I  am  descended 
B  z  '"  from: 


The  PREFACE. 

from  :    So  that  this  is  upon  the  matter  the  fame 
work  with  very  little  change  made  in  it. 

I  look  on  the  perfe&ing  of  this  work,  and  the 
carrying  it  on  thro*  the  remaining  part  of  my  life, 
as  the  greateft  fervice  I  can  do  to  God  and  to  the 
world  ;  and  therefore  I  let  about  it  with  great  care 
and  caution.  For  I  reckon  a  lie  in  hiitory  to  be  as 
much  a  greater  fin  than  a  lie  in  common  difcourfe, 
as  the  one  is  like  to  be  more  lading  and  more  ge 
nerally  known  than  the  other.  I  find  that  the  long 
experience  I  have  had  of  the  bafenefs,  the  malice, 
and  the  falfhood  of  mankind,  has  inclined  me  to 
be  apt  to  think  generally  the  worll  both  of  men  and" 
of  parties  :  and  indeed  the  peevifhnefs,  the  ill  na 
ture,  and  the  ambition  of  many  clergymen  has 
fharpned  my  fpirits  perhaps  too  much  againit  them  : 
So  1  warn  my  reader  to  take  all  that  1  fay  on  thefe 
heads  with  fome  grains  of  allowance,  tho'  I  have 
watched  over  my  felf  and  my  pen  fo  carefully  that 
I  hope  there  is  no  great  occafion  for  this  apology. 

I  have  mewed  this  hiftory  to  feveral  of  my 
friends^  who  were  either  very  partial  to  me,  or  they 
efteemed  that  this  work  (chiefly  when  it  mould  be 
over  and  over  again  retouched  and  poiifhed  by  me, 
which  very  probably  I  fhall  be  doing  as  long  as  I 
live)  might  prove  of  fome  ufe  to  the  world.  1  have 
bn  defign  avoided  all  laboured  periods  or  artificial 
itrains,  and  have  writ  in  as  clear  and  plain  a  ftyle 
as  was  poflible,  chufmg  rather  a  copious  enlarge 
ment,  than  a  dark  concifenefs. 

And  now,  O  my  God,  the  God  of  my  life,  and 
ipf  all  my  mercies,  1  offer  this  work  to  thee,  to 
whofe  honour  it  is  chiefly  intended  ;  that  thereby  I 
may  awaken  the  world  to  jult  reflections  on  their, 
own  e'rrours  and  follies,  and  call  on  them  to  ac 
knowledge  thy  Providence,  to  adore  it,  and  ever 
to  depend  on  it, 

{&     '        .' ' '  2    \£'3~  •„'.  t1?'''         -f 

THE 


THE 


HISTORY 


O  F 


My  Own  Times. 


BOOK     I. 

A  fummary  Recapitulation  of  the  ftate  of 
Affairs  in  Scotland,  both  in  Church  and 
State  ;  from  the  beginning  of  the  Troubles, 
to  the  Refloration  of  King  Charles  the 
Second,  1660. 


H  E  mifchiefs  of  civil  wars  are  fo 
great  and  lading,  and  the  effe&s  of 
them  branching  out  by  many  acci 
dents,  that  were  not  thought  on  at 
rirfl,  much  lefs  intended,  into  luck 
miichievous  confequences,  that  I 
have  thought  it  an  enquiry  that  might  be  of  great 
ufe  both  to  Prince  and  People,  to  look  carefully 
into  the  firfl  beginnings  and  occafions  of  them,  to 
obferve  their  progrefs,  and  the  errours  of  both 
h^nds,  the  provocations  that  were  given,  and  the 

B    3  jealoufies 


6  A  S  u  M  MARY   of  Affairs 

jealoufics  that  were  raifed  by  thefe,  together  with 
the  excefles  into  which  both  fides   have  run  by 
turns.     And  tho'  the  wars  be  over  long  ago,  yet 
lince  they  have  left  among  us  fo  many  feeds  of 
Jailing  feuds   and  animofities,    which  upon  every 
turn  are  apt  to  ferment  and  to  break  out  a-new, 
it  will  be  an  ufeful  as  well  as  a  pleafant  enquiry 
to  look  back  to  the  firfl  original  of  them,  and  to 
obferve  by  what  degrees  and  accidents  they  gathered 
Itrength,  and  at  laft  broke  forth  into  a  flame. 
The  dif-       The  Reformation  of  Scotland  was  popular  and 
trafticns    parliamentary  :  The  Crown  was,  during  that  time, 
•^g      either  on  the  head  of  a  Queen  th^t  was  abfent,  or 
James's     °f  a  KinS tnat  was  an  infant.     During  his  minority 
minority,  matters  were  carried  on  by  the  feveral  Regents,  fo 
as  was  moil  agreeable  to  the  prevailing  humour 
of  the  Nation.     But  when  King  James  grew  to  be 
of  age,    he  found  two   parties   in  the  kingdom. 
The  one  was,  of  thofe  who  wifned  well  to  the  in- 
tereft  of  the  Queen  his  Mother,  then  a  prifoner 
in  England  :  Thefe  were  either  proiefled  Papifts, 
or  men  believed  to  be  indifferent  as  to  all  religions. 
The  reft  were  her  inveterate  enemies,  zealous  for 
the  Reformation,  and  fixed  in  a  dependence  on  the 
Crown  of  England,  and  in  a  jealoufy  of  France. 
When  that  king  faw  that  thofe  who  were  moil  in 
his  interefls  were  likewife  jealous  of  his  authority, 
and^  apt  to  encroach  upon  it,  he  hearkned  firft  to 
the  infmuations  of  his  Mother's  party,  who  were 
always  infufmg  in   him    a  jealoufy  of  thefe   his 
friends  ;  faying,  that  by  ruining  his  Mother,  and 
letting  him  in  her  room  while  a  year  old,    they 
had  mined  monarchy,  and  made  the  Crown  fub- 
ject  and  precarious  5  and  had  put  him  m  a  very 
unnatural  poilure,  of  being  feized  of  his  Mother's 
Crown  while  me  was  in  e*ile  and  a  prifoner ;:  ad- 
fling,  that  he  was  but  a  king  m  name,  the  power 
^emg  m  the  hands  of  thofe  who  were  under  the 
inagement  ot  the  queen  of  England, 

Their 


before  the  RESTORATION.  j-' 

Their  insinuations  would  have  been  of  lefs  force,  The  prac- 
if  the  Houfe  of  Guife,  who  were  his  Coufm  Ger-'*1?61?*"; 

,      ,  1  ,     .  ,    c  r  Houie  or.. 

mans,  had  not  been  engaged  in  great  deiigns,  ot  Gu-fe 
transferring  the  Crown  of  France  from  the  Houfe 
of  Bourbon  to  themfelves  ;  in  order  to  which  it 
was  hecelTary  to  embroil  England,  and  to  draw, 
the  king  of  Scotland  into  their  interefts.  So  under 
the  pretence  of  keeping  up  the  old  alliances  be 
tween  France  and  Scotland,  they  lent  creatures  of 
their  own  to  be  Ambafladours  there ;  and  they 
alfo  lent  a  graceful  young  man,  who,  as  he  was 
the  King's  neareft  kinfman  by  his  father,  was  of  fo 
agreeable  a  temper  that  he  became  his  favourite, 
and  was  made  by  him  Duke  of  Lenox.  He  was 
known  to  be  a  Papift,  tho*  he  pretended  he 
changed  his  religion,  and  became  in  profeflion  a 
Proteftant. 

The  court  of  England  difcovered  all  thefe  arti 
fices  of  the  Guifians,  who  were  then  the  moft  im 
placable  enemies  of  the  Reformation,  and  were 
managing  all  that  train  of  plots  againft  Queen 
Elizabeth,  that  in  conclufion  proved  fatal  to  the 
Queen  of  Scots.  And  when  the  Englifh  Minifters 
faw  the  inclinations  of  the  young  King  lay  fo 
ftrongly  that  way,  that  all  their  applications  to 
gain  him  were  ineffectual,  they  infilled  fuch  a  jea- 
loufy  of  him  into  all  their  party  in  Scotland,  that 
both  Nobility  and  Clergy  were  much  alarmed 
at  it. 

But  King  James  learnt  early  that  piece  of  King- 
Craft,  of  difguifing,  or  at  leaft  denying  every  thing 
that  was  obfcrvcd  in  his  behaviour  that  gave 
offence. 

The  main  inftance  in  which  the  French  manage 
ment  appeared,  was  that  he  could  not  be  prevailed 
on  to  enter  into  any  treaty  of  marriage.  It  was 
not  fafe  to  talk  of  marrying  a  Papift  •,  and  as  long 
as  the  Duke  of  Guife  lived,  the  King,  tho'  then 
three  and  twenty  and  the  only  perfon  of  his  fami- 


$  A    S  u  M  M  A  R  Y   of  Affairs 

ly,  would  hearken  to  no  proportion  for  marrying 
a  Proteftant. 

Xing  But  when  the  Duke  of  Guife  was  killed  at  Blois, 

James  in   and  that  Henry  the  third  was  murdered  foon  after, 
the  inter-  fo  tnat  Henry  the  fourth  came  in  his  room,  King 
eft  of  Eng-  james  was  no  more  in  a  French  management :  So 
prefently  after  he  married  a  Daughter  of  Denmark, 
and  ever  after  that   he  was  wholly  managed  by 
Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Minifters.     I  have  feen 
many  letters  among  Walfingham's  papers  that  dif- 
cover  the  commerce  between  the  Houfe  of  Guife 
and  him*  :  But  the  moft  valuable  of  thefe  is  a  long 
paper  of  inflruclions  to  one  Sir  Richard  Wigmore, 
a  great  man  for  hunting,  and  for  all  fuch  fports, 
to  which  Xing  James  was  out  of  meafure  addicted. 
The  Queen  affronted  him  pubiickly  :  Upon  which 
he  pretended  he  could  live  no  longer  in  England, 
and  therefore  withdrew  to  Scotland.     But  all  this 
was  a  contrivance  of  Walfingham's,  who  thought 
him  a  fit  perfon  to  get  into  that  King's  favour:  So 
that  affront  was  defigned  to  give  him  the  more 
credit.     He  was  very  particularly  inftrucled  in  all 
the  proper  methods  to  gain  upon  the  King's  con 
fidence,  and  to  obferve  and  give  an  account  of  all 
he  faw  in  him  •,  which  he  did  very  faithfully.    By 
thefe  inftructions    it   appears    that    Walfingham 
thought  that  King  was  either  inclined  to  turn  Pa- 
piil,  or  to  be  of  no  religion,    And  when  the  court 
of  England  faw  that  they  could  not  depend  on 
him,  they  raifed  all  poffible  oppofition  to  him  in 
Scotland,  infufmg  ftrong  jealoufies  into  thofe  who 
were  enough  inclined  to  receive  them. 
A  cenfure      This  is  the  great  defect  that  runs  thro'  Archbi-r 
of  Spotf-  fhop  Spotfwood's  hiftory,  where  much  of  the  rude 
wood's     pppofition  that  King  met  with,  particularly  from 
the  AfTemblies  of  the  Kirk,  is  fet  forth  •,  but  the 
true  ground   of  all  the  jealoufies  they  were  pof- 
fefled  with  is  fupprefled  by  him.     After  his  mar 
riage  they  ftudied  to  remove  thefe  fufpicions  all 
*  That  is,  between  the  Houfe  of  Guife  and  King  Jam^s. 

that 


before  the   R  E  s  T  o  R  AT  I  O'N. 

that  was  pcffible  ;  and  he  granted  the  Kirk  all  the 
laws  they  de fired,  and  got  his  temporal  authority 
to  be  better  eftablimed  than  it  was  before  :  Yet  as 
the  jealoufies  of  his  ficklenefs  in  religion  were  ne 
ver  quite  removed,  fo  they  gave  him  many  new 
difgufls  :  They  wrought  in  him  a  moil  inveterate 
hatred  of  prefbytery,  and  of  the  power  of  the 
Kirk ;  and  he  fearing  an  oppofition  in  his  fucceed- 
ing  to  the  Crown  of  England,  from  the  Papifl 
party,  which,  tho'  it  had  little  ftrength  in  the 
Houfe  of  Commons,  yet  was  very  great  in  the 
Houfe  of  Lords,  and  was  very  considerable  in  all 
the  northern  parts,  and  among  the  body  of  the 
people,  employed  feveral*perlbns  who  were  known 
to  be  ^  apifts  tho'  they  complied  outwardly.  The 
chief  of  thefe  were  Elphinfton,  Secretary  of  State, 
whom  he  made  Lord  Balmerinoch ;  and  Seaton, 
afterwards  Chancellour  and  Earl  of  Dunfermling. 
By  their  means  he  ftudied  to  afiiire  the  Papifts  that  died 
he  would  connive  at  them.  A  letter  was  alfo  writ  gain  the 
to  the  pope  by  him  giving  aflurance  of  this,  which  ^'^ 
when  it  came  to  be  published  by  Bellarmin,  upon 
the  profecution  of  the  recufants  after  the  difcovery 
of  the  Gunpowder  Plot,  Balmerinoch  did  affirm, 
that  he  out  of  zeal  to  the  king's  fervice  got  his 
hand  to  it,  having  put  it  in  the  bundle  of  papers 
that  were  ngned  in  courfe,  without  the  King's 
knowing  any  thing  of  it.  Yet  when  that  difco- 
covery  drew  no  other  feverity  but  the  turning  him 
out  of  office,  and  the  paffing  a  fentence  condemn 
ing  him  to  die  for  it  (which  was  prefently  par 
doned,  and  he  was  after  a  Ihort  confinement  reftorei 
to  his  liberty,)  all  men  believed  that  the  King 
knew  of  the  letter,  and  that  the  pretended  confeili- 
on  of  the  Secretary  was  only  collufion,  to  lay  the 
jealoufies  of  the  King's  favouring  Popery,  which 
ftill  hung  upon  him  notwithstanding  his  writing 
on  the  Revelation,  and  his  affecting  to  enter  on  all 
occafions  into  controverfy,  averting  in  particular 
that  the  Pope  was  Anticlirift, 

As 


to  A   SUMMARY  of   Affairs 

Andtofc-      As  he  took  thefe  methods  to  manage  thePopifh 
cure  the    party5  he  was  much  more  careful  to  fecure  to  him- 
todie       fclf  the  bod7  of  the  Engliih  nation.     Cccill,  af- 
Crown  of  terwards   Earl -of  Salifbury,  Secretary  to  Queen 
England.  Elizabeth,  entred  into  a  particular  confidence  with 
him  :  And  this  was  managed  by  his  Ambaflador 
Bruce,    a  younger   brother  of  a  noble  family  in 
Scotland,  who  carried  the  matter  with  fuch  addrefs 
and  fecrecy,  that  all  the  great  Men  of  England, 
without  knowing  of  one  another's  doing  it,  and 
without  the  Queen's  fufpecling  any  thing  concern 
ing  it,  figned  in  writing  an  engagement  to  afiert 
and  Hand  by  the  King  of  Scots  right  of  fucceflion. 
This  great  fervice-  was  rewarded  by  making  him 
Matter  of  the  Rolls,  and  a  Peer  of  Scotland  :  And 
as  the  king  did  raife  Cecil  and  his  friends  to  the 
greateft  potts  and  dignities,    fo  he  raifed  Bruce's 
family  here  in  England. 

Tnat^  When  that  king  came  to  the  Crown  of  England 

King's  er~  ^e  difcovered  his  hatred  to  the  Scotifh  Kirk  on  ma- 
Govern-  nV  occafions,  in  which  he  gratified  his  refentment 
ment.  without  confulting  his  interefts.  He  ought  to 
have  put  his  utmoft  ftrength  to  the  finilhing  what 
he  but  faintly  begun  for  the  union  of  both  King 
doms,  which  was  loft  by  his  unreafonable  partiality 
in  pretending  that  Scotland  ought  to  be  confidered 
in  this  union  as  the  third  part  of  the  Ifle  of  Great 
Britain,  if  not  more.  So  high  a  demand  ruined 
the  defign.  But  when  that  failed,  he  fhould  then 
haveftudied  to  keep  the  affeftions  of  that  Nation 
firm  to  him  :  And  certainly  he,  being  fecure  of 
that  Kingdom,  might  have  fo  managed  matters, 
as  to  have  prevented  that  disjointing  which  hap 
pened  afterwards  both  in  his  own  reign,  and  more 
tragically  in  his  fon's.  Fie  thought  to  effcft  this 
by  his  profufe  bounty  to  many  of  the  Nobility  of 
that  Kingdom,  and  to  'his  domeftick  fervants : 
But  as  moft  of  thefe  fettling  in  England  were  of 
no  further  \afe  to  him  in  that  defign,  fo  his  fetting 
up  Kpifcopacy  in  Scotland,  and  his  cpnftant  aver, 

fioa 


before  the  RESTORATION.  i.#. 

fion  to  the  Kirk,  how  right  foever  it  might  be  in 
it  felf,  was  a  great  errour  in  policy  \  for  the  poor 
er  that  Kingdom  was,  it  was  both  the  more  eafy 
to  gain  them,  and  the  more  dangerous  .to  offend 
them.  So  the  terrour  which  the  affections  of  the 
Scotch  Nation  might  have  juftly  given  the  Englifn 
was  foon  loft,  by  his  engaging  the  whole  govern 
ment  to  fupport  that,  which  was  then  very  contra 
ry  to  the  bent  and  genius  of  the  Nation. 

But  tho'  he  fet  up  Bifhops,  he  had  no  revenues  He  Jet  up 
to  give  them,  but  what  he  was  to  purchafe  for  Epifcopa- 
them.  During  his  minority  all  the  tithes  and  llw 
church  lands  were  veiled  in  the  Crown :  But  this 
was  only  in  order  to  the  granting  them  away  to 
the  men  that  bore  the.  chief  fway*  It  is  true,  when 
he  came  of  age  he  according  to  the  law  of  Scot 
land  paft  a  general  revocation  of  all  that  had  beett 
done  in  his  infancy  :  And  by  this  he  could  have 
refumed  ail  thofe  grants.  He,  and  after  him  his 
fon,  fucceeded  in  one  part  of  his  defign  :  For  by: 
aft  of  Parliament  a  Court  was  erected  that  was  to 
examine  and  fequefter  a  third  part  of  the  tithes  in, 
every -parifh,  and  fo  make  a  competent  provilion 
out  of  them  to  thofe  who  ferved  the  cure ;  which1 
had  been  referved  in  the  great  alienation  for  the 
fervice  of  the  church.  This  was  carried  at  firft  to 
a  proportion  of  about  thirty  pounds  a  year,  and 
was  afterwards  in  his  fon's  time  railed  to  abouc 
fifty  pounds  a  year  ;  which  confidering  the  plenty 
and  way  of  living  in  that  country  is  a  very  liberal 
provifion,  and  is  equal  in  value  to  thrice  that  fum 
in  the  fouthern  parts  of  England.  In  this  he  had 
Both  the  clergy  and  the  body  of  the  people  on  his 
fide.  But  he  could  not  fo  eafily  provide  for  the 
Bifhops :  They  were  at  firft  forced  to  hold  their 
former  cures  with  fome  fmall  addition. 

But  as  they  alTumed  at  their  firft  fetting  up  little 
more  authority  than  that  of  a  conftant  prefident  of  %n  to  car. 
the  prefbyters,  fo  they  met  with  much  rough  op-  j7^  '**  er5- 
pofition.     The  King  intended  to  carry  on  a  con 
formity 


i2  A   S  v  M  M  A  R  y  of  Affairs 

formity  in  matters  of  religion  with  England,  an3 
he  begun  to  buy  in  from  the  Grantees  many  of  the 
eftates  that  belonged  to  the  Bifhopricks.  It  was 
alfo  enabled,  that  a  form  of  prayer  mould  be 
drawn  for  Scotland  :  And  the  King  was  autho 
rized  to  appoint  the  habits  in  which  the  divine 
offices  were  to  be  performed.  Some  of  the  chief 
holy-days  were  ordered  to  be  obferv'd.  The  Sa 
crament  was  to  be  received  kneeling,  and  to  be 
given  to  the  fick.  Confirmation  was  enacted  ;  as 
alfo  the  ufe  of  the  Crofs  in  Baptifm.  Thefe  things 
were  firft  paft  in  general  affemblies,  which  were 
compofed  of  Bifhops  and  the  deputies  chofen  by 
the  Clergy,  who  fat  all  in  one  houfe :  And  in  it 
they  reckoned  the  Bifhops  only  as  fingle  votes. 
Great  oppofition  was  made  to  all  thefe  fteps  :  And 
the  whole  force  of  the  Government  was  drained 
to  carry  elections  to  thofe  meetings,  or  to  take  off 
thofe  who  were  chofen ;  in  which  it  was  thought 
that  no  fort  of  practice  was  omitted.  It  was  pre 
tended,  that  fome  were  frighted,  and  others  were 
corrupted. 

Erroursof     The  Bifhops  themfelves  did  their  part  very  ill. 

the  Bi-  They  generally  grew  haughty  :  They  neglected 
their  functions,  and  were  often  at  Court,  and  loft 
all  efteem  with  the  people.  Some  few  that  were 
flricter  and  more  learned  did  lean  fo  grofly  to 
Popery,  that  the  heat  and  violence  of  the  Refor 
mation  became  the  main  fubject  of  their  fermons 
and  difcourfes.  King  James  grew  weary  of  this 
oppofition,  or  was  fo  apprehenfive  of  the  ill  effects 
that  it  might  have,  that,  what  through  floth  or 
fear,  and  what  by  reafon  of  the  great  diforder  into 
which  his  ill  conduct  brought  his  affairs  in  England 
in  his  latter  years,  he  went  no  further  in  his  de- 
figns  on  Scotland. 

Prince  He  had  three  children.      His   eldeft,   Prince 

Henry      Henry,  was  a  Prince  of  great  hopes  -,  but  fo  very 

JievoTtQ  little  like  his  *atlier>  tnat  *}e  was  rather  feared  than 
be  poifon- loveci  ty  ^ini»  ^e  wa*  fo  zealous  a  Proteftant, 
ed.  that, 


before  the  RESTORATION. 
that,  when  his  father  was  entertaining  propofiti- 
ons  of  marrying  him  to  popifh  PrinceiTes,  once 
to  the  Archduchefs,  and  at  another  time  to  a 
daughter  of  Savoy,  he  in  a  letter  that  he  wrote  to 
the  King  on  the  twelfth  of  that  O&ober  in  which 
he  died  (the  original  of  which  Sir  William  Cook 
fhewed  me)  defired,  that  if  his  father  married  him 
that  way  it  might  be  with  the  youngeft  perfon  of 
the  two,  of  whofe  converfion  he  might  have 
hope,  and  that  any  liberty  me  might  be  allowed 
for  her  religion  might  be  in  the  privateft  manner 
poffible.  Whether  this  averfion  to  Popery  haften'd 
his  death  or  not  I  cannot  tell.  Colonel  Titus  af- 
fured  me  that  he  had  from  King  Charles  the  firft's 
own  mouth,  that  he  was  well  allured  he  was  poi- 
foned  by  the  Earl  of  Somerfet's  means.  It  is  cer 
tain,  that  from  the  time  of  the  Gunpowder  Plot, 
King  James  was  fo  ftruck  with  the  terror  of  that 
danger  he  was  then  fo  near,  that  ever  after  he  had 
no  mind  to  provoke  the  Jefuits  j  for  he  faw  what 
they  were  capable  of. 

And  fmce  I  name  that  confpiracy  which  the  Pa-  TheGun- 
pifts  in  our  days  have  had  the  impudence  to  deny,  P°wdcr-  /" 
and  to  pretend  it  was  an  artifice  of  Cecill's  to  en 
gage  fome  defperate  men  into  a  Plot,  which  he 
managed  fo  that  he  could  difcover  it  when  he 
pleafed,  I  will  mention  what  I  my  felf  faw,  and 
had  for  fome  time  in  my  poflefTion.  Sir  Everard 
Digby  died  for  being  of  the  Confpiracy  :  He  was 
the  Father  of  the  famous  Sir  Kenelm  Digby.  The 
family  being  ruined  upon  the  death  of  Sir  Ke- 
nelm's  Son,  when  the  executors  were  looking  out 
for  writings  to  make  out  the  titles  of  the  eilates 
they  were  to  fell,  they  were  directed  by  an  old  fer- 
vant  to  a  cupboard  that  was  very  artificially  hid, 
in  which  fome  papers  lay  that  me  had  obferved  Sir 
Kenelm  was  oft  reading.  They  looking  into  it 
found  a  velvet  bag,  within  which  there  were  two 
other  filk  bags  :  (So  carefully  were  thofe  relicks 
kept :)  And  there  was  within  thefe  a  colle&isn  of 

aii 


^4  A  S  u  M  M  A  R  Y  of  Affairs 

aJl  the  letters  that  Sir  Everard  writ  during  his  im- 
prifonment.  In  thefe  he  exprefles  great  trouble, 
becaufe  he  heard  Tome  of  their  friends  blamed 
t;heir  undertaking  :  He  highly  magnifies  it ;  and 
fays,  if  he  had  many  lives  he  would  willingly  have 
facrificed  them  all  in  carrying  it  on.  In  one  paper 
be  lays,  they  had  taken  that  care  that  there  were 
not  above  two  or  three  worth  faving,  to  whom 
they  had  not  given  notice  to  keep  out  of  the  way : 
And  in  none  of  thofe  papers  does  he  exprefs  any 
fort  of  remorfe  for  that,  which  he  had  been  engaged 
in,  and  for  which  he  fuffered. 

King  Upon  the  difcovery  of  that  Plot  there  was  a  ge- 

James  was  neral  profecution  of  all  Papifls  fet  on  foot :  But 
K-^S  Jam£s  was  very  uneafy  at  it;  which  was 
cnuoh  encreafed  by  what  Sir  Dudly  Carlton  told 
him  upon  his  return  from  Spain,  where  he  had 
been  Ambailadour  -,  (which  I  had  from  the  Lord 
fiollis,  who  laid  to  me  that  Sir  Dudly  Carlton 
told  it  to  himfelf,  and  was  much  troubled  when 
he  faw  it  had  an  effect  contrary  to  what  he  had  in 
tended.)  When  he  came  home,  he  found  the 
King  at  Theobald's  hunting  in  a  very  carelefs  and 
unguarded  manner  :  Arid  upon  that,  in  order  to 
the  putting  him  on  a  more  careful  looking  to  him- 
felf,  he  told  the  King  he  muft  either  give  over 
that  way  ot  hunting,  or  flop  another  hunting  that 
he  was  engaged  in,  which  was  Prieft  hunting  : 
For  he  had  intelligence  in  Spain  that  the  Prieits 
\yere  comforting  themfelves  with  this,  that  if  he 
went,  on  againft  them  they  would  foon  get  rid  of 
him  :  Queen  Elizabeth  was  a  woman  of  form,  and 
was  always  fo  well  attended,  that  all  their  plots 
.againft  her  failed,  and  were  never  brought  to  any 
effect :  But  a  Prince  who  was  always  in  woods  or 
'  forefts  would  be  eafily  overtaken.  The  King  fent 
for  fcm  in  private  to  enquire  more  particularly  into 
this  :  ^And  he  faw  it  had  made  a  great  impreffion 
on  him:  But  wrought  otherwife  than  he  in 
tended.  For  the  King,  who  refolved  to  gratifie  his 
4  humour 


before  the  RESTORATION.  t  g. 

humour  in  hunting  and  in  a  careleTs  and  irregular 
way  of  life,  did  immediately  order  all  that  profe- 
cution  to  be  let  fall.     I  have  the   minutes  of  th^ 
Council  Books  of  the  year  1 606,  which  are  full  Q£ 
orders  to  difcharge  and  tranfport  Priefts,    fome- 
times  ten  in  a  day.     From  thence  to  his  dying  day  / 
he  continued  always  writing  and  talking  againft  [ 
Popery,  but   acting  for  it.     He  married  his  only  j 
daughter  to  a  Proteftant  Prince,  one  of  the  moft 
zealous  and  fincere  of  them  all,  the  Elector  Pfla- 
tine ;  upon  which  a  great  Revolution  happened  in 
the  affairs  of  Germany.     The  eldeil  branch  of  the  The  Elec- 
Houfe  of  Auftria  retained  fome  of  the  impreffions  tor  ^a- 
that  their  Father  Maximilian  II.  fludied  to  infufe  <£e1esMar~ 
into  them,  who  as  he  was  certainly  one  of  the  befl ri  *  ' 
and  wifeft  Princes  of  thefe  latter  ages,  fo  he  was 
unalterably  fixed  in  his  opinion  againil  perfecution 
for  matters  of  confcience  :    His  own  ientiments 
were  fo  very  favourable  to  the  Proteftant  doctrine, 
that  he  was  thought  inwardly  theirs,  ^iis  brother 
Charles  of  Grats  was  on  the  other  hand  wholly 
managed  by  the  Jefuits,  and  v/as  a  zealous  patron 
of  theirs,    and   as  zealoufly  fupported  by  them, 
Rodolph  and  Matthias  reigned  one  after  another, 
but  without  ifiue.     Their  brother  Albert  was  then 
dying  in  Flanders :  So  Spain  with  the  popifh  in- 
tereft  joined  to   advance  Ferdinand,    the  Ton  of 
Charles  of  Grats  :   And  he  forced  Matthias  to  re- 
fign  the  Crown  of  Bohemia  to  him,  and  got  him- 
felf  to  be  elected  King.  But  his  government  became 
quickly  levere :  He  refolved  to  extirpate  the  Protef- 
tants,  and  began  to  break  thro'  the  privileges  that 
were  fecured  to  them  by  the  laws  of  that  kingdom. 

This  occafioned  a  general   infurrection,  which  The  Af- 
was  followed  by  an  aflembly  of  the  States,   who  fairs  of 
together  with  thofe  of  Silefia,  Moravia  and  tufa- Bohcn**, 
tia  joined  in  depofing  Ferdinand  :  And  they  offer 
ed  their  Crown  firft  to  the  Duke  of  Saxony  who 
refufed  it,  and  then  to  the  Elector  Palatine:  &ho 
accepted  of  it,  being  encouraged  to  j&  by  his  two 


jg  A  S  u  .M  M  A  R  Y  of  Affairs 

uacles  Maurice  Prince  of  Orange  and  the  Duke 
of  Bouillon.  But  he  did  not  afk  the  advice  of  King 
James  :  He  only  gave  him  notice '  of  it  when  he 
had  accepted  the  offer.  Here  was  the  probableft 
occafion  that  has  been  offered  fmce  the  Reforma 
tion  for  its  full  eftablifhment. 
*f  The  Englifh  Nation  was  much  inclined  to  fup- 
port  it :  And  it  was  expefted  that  fo  near  a  con- 
jun&ion  might  have  prevailed  on  the  King :  But 
he  had  an  invincible  averfion  to  war;  and  was  fo 
poffeffed  of  the  opinion  of  a  divine  right  in  all 
Kings,  that  he  could  not  bear  that  even  an  elective 

-  and  limited  King  mould  be  called  in  queftion  by 
his  fubjeds :  So  he  would  never  acknowledge  his 
fon-in-law  King,  nor  give  him  any  affiftance  for 
the  fupport  of  his  new  dignity.     And  tho'  it  was 
alfo  reckoned  on,  that  France  would  enter  into  any 
defign  that   mould  bringdown  the  houfe  of  Au- 
ftria,  and  Spain   by  confequence,    yet  even  that 
was  diverted  by  the  means  of  De  Luynes ;  a  worth  - 
lefs  but  abfolute  favourite,  whom  the  Archduchefs 
Ifabella,     Princefs    of  the    Spanifli    Netherlands 
gained,  to  oblige  the  King  *  into  a  neutrality  by 
giving  him  the  richeft  heirefs  then  in  Flanders,, 
the   daughter  of  Peguiney,    left  to  her  difpofal, 

-  whom  he  married  to  his  brother. 

Thedifor-      Thus  poor  Frederick  was  left  without  any  affift- 
dersin      ance;     The  jealoufy  that  the  Lutherans  had  of  the 
Holland.  afcendant  that  the  Calvinifts  might  gain  by  this 
accefTion  had  an  unhappy  mare  in  the  coldnefs 
which  all  the  Princes  of  that  confefTion  mewed  to 
wards  him  -,  tho'  Saxony  only  declared  for  Ferdi  • 
nand,  who  likewife  engaged  the  Duke  of  Bavaria 
at  the  head  of  a  catholick  league  to  maintain  his 
interefts.     Maurice    Prince  of  Orange  had  em 
broiled  Holland  by  the  efpoufing  the  controverfy 
about  the  decrees  of  God  in  oppofition  to  the  Ar- 
mifiian  party,  and  by  erecting  a  new  and  illegal 
court  by  the   authority  of  the  States  General  to 
*  I:  is  plain  here  muft  be  meant  by  King  the  King  of  France. 

judge 


before  the  R  E  s  T  o  R  A  T  i  o  N. 
judge  of  the  affairs  of  the  Province  of  Holland  ; 
which  was  plainly  contrary  to  their  conftitution, 
by  which  every  Province  is  a  Sovereignty  within 
itfelf,  not  at  all  fubordinate  to  the  States  General, 
who  act  only  as  Plenipotentiaries  of  the  feveral 
Provinces  to  maintain  their  union  and  their  com 
mon  concerns.  By  that  aifembly  Barnevelt  was 
condemned  and  executed :  Grotius  and  others  were 
condemned  to  perpetual  imprifonment :  And  an 
affembly  of  the  minifters  of  the  feveral  Provinces 
met  at  Dort  by  the  fame  authority,  and  con 
demned  and  deprived  the  Arminians.  Maurice's 
enemies  gave  it  out  that  he  managed  all  this  on  de« 
fign  to  make  himfelf  mafler  of  the  Provinces,  and 
to  put  thofe  who  were  like  to  oppofe  him  out  of 
the  way.  But  tho'  this  feem  a  wild  and  ground- 
lefs  imagination,  and  not  poiTible  to  be  compaffed  ; 
yet  it  is  certain  that  he  looked  on  Barnevelt  and 
his  party  as  men  who  were  fo  jealous  of  him  and  of 
a  military  power,  that  as  they  had  forced  the  truce 
with  Spain,  fo  they  would  be  very  unwilling  to  be 
gin  a  new  war ;  tho'  the  difputes  about  Juliers  and 
Cleves  had  almoft  engaged  them,  and  the  truce  was 
now  near  expiring  \  at  the  end  of  which  he  hoped,, 
if  delivered  from  the  opposition  that  he  might  look 
for  from  that  party,  to  begin  the  war  anew.  By 
thefe  means  there  was  a  great  fermentation  over  all 
the  Provinces,  fo  that  Maurice  was  not  then  in 
condition  to  give  the  elected  King  any  confiderable 
afiiftance  ;  tho'  indeed  he  needed  it  much,  for  his 
conduct  was  very  weak.  He  arfe6ted  the  gran 
deur  of  a  regal  court,  and  the  magnificence  of  a 
crowned  head  too  early  :  And  his  Queen  fet  up 
fome  of  the  gay  diverfions  that  me  had  been 
accuflomed  to  in  her  father's  court,  fuch  as  balls 
and  mafks,  which  very  much  difgufted  the  good 
Bohemians,  who  thought  that  a  revolution  made 
on  the  account  of  religion  ought  to  have  put  on  a 
greater  appearance  of  ferioufnefs  and  fimplicity. 
Thefe  particulars  I  had  from  the  children  of  fome 
who  belonged  to  that  court.  The  ele&ed  King 
VOL.  I,  C  was 


r  $  A.  SUM  M  A  R  Y  of  Affairs 

was  quickly  overthrown,  and  driven,  not  only  out 
of  thofe  his  new  dominions,  but  likewife  out  of 
his  hereditary  countries :  He  tied  to  Holland,  where 
he  ended  his  days.  I  will  go  no  farther  in  a  mat 
ter  fo  well  known  as  King  James's  ill  conduct  in 
the  whole  feries  of  that  war,  and  that  unheard-of 
practice  of  fending  his  only  Son  thro'  France  into 
Spain,  of  which  che  relations  we  have  are  fo  full 
that  I  can  add  nothing  to  them. 

Some  paf.  I  will  only  here  tell  fome  particulars  with  rela- 
fages  of  tion  to  Germany,  that  Fabricius,  the  wifeft  divine 
the  Reli-  j  knew  among  them,  told  me  he  had  from  Charles 
fine  Lewis  the  ^lector  Palatine's  own  mouth.  He 
Princes,  Taid,  Frederick  II.  who  firft  reformed  the  Palati 
nate,  whofe  life  is  fo  curioufly  writ  by  Thomas 
Hubert  of  Liege,  refolved  to  fhake  off  Popery, 
and  to  fet  up  Lutheranifm  in  his  country  :  But  a 
counfellour  of  his  faid  to  him,  that  the  Lutherans 
would  always  depend  chiefly  on  the  Houfe  of  Sax 
ony  ;  fo  it  would  not  become  him  who  was  the 
firft  Elector  to  be  only  the  fecond  in  the  party :  It 
was  more  for  his  dignity  to  become  a  Calvinift  : 
He  would  be  the  head  of  that  party  :  It  would 
give  him  a  great  intereft  in  Switzerland,  and  make 
the  Huguenots  of  France  and  in  the  Netherlands 
depend  on  him.  He  was  by  that  determined  to 
declare  for  the  Helvetian  confeffion.  But  upon 
the  ruin  of  his  family  the  Duke  of  Newburghhad 
an  enterview  with  the  Elector  of  Brandenburgh 
about  their  concerns  in  Juliers  and  Cleves  :  And 
he  perfuaded  that  Elector  to  turn  Calvinift ;  for 
fmce  their  tamily  was  fallen,  nothing  would  more 
contribute  to  raife  the  other  than  the  efpoufing  that 
fide,  which  would  naturally  come  under  his  pro 
tection  :  But  he  added,  that  for  himfelf  he  had 
turned  Papift,  fmce  his  little  Principality  lay  fo 
near  both  Auftria  and  Bavaria.  This  that  Elector 
told  with  a  fort  of  pleafure,  when  he  made  it  ap 
pear  that  other  Princes  had  no  more  fenfe  of  reli 
gion  than  he  himfelf  had. 

3  Other 


before  the  RESTORATION.  19 

Other  circumftances  concurred  to  make  King 
James's  reign  inglorious.  The  States  having  bor- 
rowed  great  fums  of  money  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
they  gave  her  the  Brill  and  Flufhing,  with  fome  cautiona- 
other  places  of  lefs  note,  in  pawn  till  the  money ry Towns, 
fhould  be  repaid.  Soon  after  his  coming  to  the 
Crown  of  England  he  entered  into  fecret  treaties 
with  Spain,  in  order  to  the  forcing  the  States  to  a 
peace  :  One  article  was,  that  if  they  were  obfti- 
nate  he  would  deliver  thefe  places  to  the  Spaniards. 
When  the  truce  was  made,  Barnevelt,  tho'  he  had 
promoted  it,  yet  knowing  the  fecret  article,  he  faw 
they  were  very  unfafe  while  the  keys  of  Holland 
and  Zealand  were  in  the  hands  of  a  Prince,  who 
might  perhaps  fell  them,  or  make  an  ill  ufe  of 
them :  So  he  perfuaded  the  States  to  redeem  the 
mortgage  by  repaying  the  money  that  England  had 
lent,  for  which  thefe  places  were  put  into  their 
hands  :  And  he  came  over  himfeif  to  treat  about  it. 
King  James,  who  was  profufe  upon  his  favourites 
and  fervants,  was  delighted  with  the  profpecl  of 
ib  much  money  ;  and  immediately,  without  calling 
a  Parliament  to  advife  with  them  about  it,  he  did 
yield  to  the  proposition.  So  the  money  was  paid, 
and  the  places  were  evacuated.  But  his  profufe- 
nefs  drew  two  other  things  upon  him,  which 
broke  the  whole  authority  of  the  Crown,  and  the 
dependence  of  the  Nation  upon  it.  The  Crown 
had  a  great  eftate  over  all  England,  which  was  all  y^ 
let  out  upon  leafes  for  years,  and  a  fmall  rent  was 
referved.  So  mod  of  the  great  families  of  the  Na-King 
tion  were  the  tenants  of  theCrown,  and  a  great  many  James 
burroughs  were  depending  on  the  eflates  fo  held.^oket^e 
The  renewal  of  thefe  leafes  brought  in  fines  to  |Sife|fthc 
Crown,  and  to  the  great  officers  :  Befides  that  the  Crown, 
fear  of  being  denied  a  renewal  kept  all  in  a  depend 
ence  on  the  Crown.  King  James  obtained  of  his  Par 
liament  a  power  of  granting,  that  is  felling,  thofe 
eflates  for  ever,  with  the  referve  of  the  old  quit- 
rent  :  And  all  the  money  raifed  by  this  was  profufely 
C  2  fquandered 


2O  ASuMMARvof  Affairs 

fquandered  away.  Another  main  part  of  the  regal 
authority  was  the  Wards,  which  anciently  the 
Crown  took  into  their  own  management.  Our 
Kings  were,  according  to  the  firft  inilitution,  the 
Guardians  of  the  Wards.  They  bred  them  up  in 
their  courts,  and  difpofed  of  them  in  marriage  as 
they  thought  fit.  Afterwards  they  compounded, 
or  forgave  them,  or  gave  them  to  fome  branches 
of  the  family,  or  to  provide  the  younger  children. 
But  they  proceeded  in  this  very  gently  :  And  the 
chief  care  after  the  Reformation  was  to  breed  the 
Wards  Proteftants.  Still  all  were  under  a  great 
dependance  by  this  means.  Much  money  was  not 
raifed  this  way  :  But  families  were  often  at  mercy, 
and  were  ufed  according  to  their  behaviour.  King 
James  granted  thefe  generally  to  his  fervants  and 
favourites  :  And  they  made  the  moil  of  them.  So 
that  what  was  before  a  dependence  on  the  Crown, 
and  was  moderately  compounded  for,  became  then 
a  moil  exacting  oppreffion,  by  which  feveral  fa 
milies  were  ruined.  This  went  on  in  King  Charles's 
time  in  the  fame  method.  Our  Kings  thought 
they  gave  little  when  they  difpofed  of  a  Ward,  be- 
caufe  they  made  little  of  them.  All  this  raifed 
fuch  an  outcry,  that  Mr.  Pierpoint  at  the  Refto- 
ration  gathered  fo  many  inftances  of  thefe,  and  re- 
prefented  them  fo  effectually  to  that  Houfe  of 
Commons  that  called  home  King  Charles  the  fe- 
cond,  that  he  perfuaded  them  to  redeem  them- 
felves  by  an  offer  of  excife,  which  indeed  produces 
a  much  greater  revenue,  but  took  away  the  de 
pendence  in  which  all  families  were  held  by  the 
dread  of  leaving  their  heirs  expofed  to  fo  great  a 
danger.  ^  Pierpoint  valued  himfelf  to  me  upon 
this  fervice  he  did  his  country,  at  a  time  when 
things  were  fo  little  confidered  on  either  hand,  that 
the  court  did  not  feem  to  apprehend  the  value  of 
what  they  parted  with,  nor  the  country  of  what 
they  purchafed. 

Befides 


before  the  RESTORATION.  ii 

Befides  thefe  publick  actings  King  James  fuf-  Other  er- 
fered  much  in  the  opinion  of  all  people  by  hisrorsinhi? 
fbrange  way  of  ufing  one  of  the  greateil  men  of  that  reign' 
age,  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  ;  againft  whom  the  pro 
ceedings  at  firft  were  much  cenfured,  but  the  lafl 
part  of  them  was  thought  botk  barbarous  and  ille 
gal.  The  whole  bufmefs  of  the  earl  of  Somerfet's 
rife  and  fall,  of  the  Countefs  of  Efiex  and  Overbury, 
the  putting  the  inferior  perfons  to  death  for  that 
infamous  poifoning,  and  the  fparing  the  princi 
pals,  both  the  earl  of  Somerfet  and  his  Lady,  were 
fo  odious  and  inhuman,  that  it  quite  funk  the  re.- 
putation  of  a  reign,  that  on  many  other  accounts 
was  already  much  expofed  to  contempt  and  cen- 
fure ;  which  was  the  more  fenfible,  becaufe  it  fuc- 
ceeded  fuch  a  glorious  and  happy  one.  King 
James  in  the  end  of  his  reign  was  become  weary 
of  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  who  treated  him  with 
fuch  an  air  of  infolent  contempt,  that  he  feemed  at 
lafl  refolded  to  throw  him  off,  but  could  not  think 
of  taking  the  load  of  government  on  himfelf,  and 
fo  reiblved  to  bring  the  Earl  of  Somerfet  again 
into  favour,  as  that  Lord  reported  it  to  fome  from 
whom  I  had  it.  lie  met  with  him  in  the  night 
in  the  gardens  at  Theobalds :  Two  bed-chamber 
men  were  only  in  the  fecret :  The  king  embraced 
him  tenderly  and  with  many  tears  :  The  Earl  of 
Somerfet  believed  the  fecret  was  not  well  kept ; 
for  foon  after  the  King  was  taken  ill  with  fome  fits 
of  an  ague  and  died  of  it.  My  father  was  then  in  HisDeath. 
London,  and  did  very  much  fufpec"!:  an  ill  prac 
tice  in  the  matter :  But  perhaps  Doctor  Craig,  my 
mother's  uncle,  who  was  one  of  the  King's  phy- 
ficians,  pofferTed  him  with  thefe  apprehenfions  ;  for 
he  was  difgraced  for  faying  he  believed  the  king 
was  poifoned.  It  is  certain  no  King  could  die 
lefs  lamented  or  lefs  efteemed  than  he  was.  This 
funk  the  credit  of  the  Biihops  of  Scotland,  who 
as  they  were  his  creatures,  fo  they  were  obliged  to 
a  great  dependence  on  him,  and  were  thought 
C  3  guilty 


'22  A  S  u  M  M  A  R  Y  of  Affairs 

guilty  of  grofs  and  abject  flattery  towards  him. 
His  reign  in  England  was  a  continued  courfe  of 
mean  practices.  The  firft  condemnation  of  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh  was  very  black  :  But  the  executing 
I  him  after  fo  many  years,  and  after  an  employment 
fhat  had  been  given  him,  was  counted  a  barbarous 
facrificing  him  to  the  Spaniards.  The  rife  and 
fall  of  the  Earl  of  Somerfet,  and  the  fwift  progrefs 
of  the  Duke  of  Buckingham's  greatnefs,  were 
things  that  expofed  him  to  the  cenfure  of  all  the 
world,  I  have  feen  the  originals  of  about  twenty 
letters  that  he  wrote  to  the  Prince  and  that  duke 
while  they  were  in  Spain,  which  fhew  a  meannefs 
as  well  as  a  fondnels  that  render  him  very  con 
temptible.  The  great  Figure  the  Crown  of  Eng 
land  had  made  in  Queen  Elizabeth's  time,  who 
had  rendred  her  felt  the  arbiter  of  chriftendom, 
and  was  the  wonder  of  the  age,  wras  fo  much  eclip- 
fed  if  not  quite  darkened  during  this  reign,  that 
King  James  was  become  the  fcorn  of  the  age ; 
and  while  hungry  writers  flattered  him  out  of 
meafure  at  home,  he  was  defpifed  by  all  abroad  as 
a  pedant  without  true  judgment,  courage,  or  ftea- 
dinefs,  fubjedt  to  his  favourites,  and  delivered  up 
to  the  counfels  or  rather  the  corruption  of  Spain. 

The  Puritans  gained  credit,  as  the  King  and  the 
Bifhops  loft  it.  They  put  on  external  appear- 
'ances  of  great  firictnefs  and  gravity  :  They  took 
more  pains  in  their  parilhes  than  thofe  who  ad 
hered  to  the  Bifhops,  and  were  often  preaching 
again!!  the  vices  of  the  court  \  f  ,r  which  they 
were  fometimes  punifhed,  tho'  very  gently,  which 
raifed  their  reputation,  and  drew  prefents  to  them 
that  made  up  their  fufferings  abundantly.  They 
begun  fome  particular  methods  of  getting  their 
people  to  meet  privately  with  them  :  And  in  thele 
meetings  they  gave  great  vent  to  extemporary 
prayer,  which  was  looked  on  as  a  fort  of  infpira- 
tion  :  And  by  thefe  means  they  grew  very  popu 
lar.  They  were  very  factious  and  infolent ;  and 

both 


before  the  RESTORATION.  23 

both  in  their  fermons  and  prayers  were  always 
mixing  fevere  reflections  on  their  enemies.  Some 
qf  them  boldly  gave  out  very  many  predictions  ; 
particularly  two  of  them  who  were  held  prophets, 
Davifon  and  Bruce.  Some  of  the  things  that 
they  foretold  came  to  pafs  :  But  my  father,  who^ 
knew  them  both,  told  me  of  many  of  their  pre 
dictions,  that  he  himfelf  heard  them  throw  out, 
which  had  no  effect  :  But  all  thefe  were  forgot, 
and  if  fome  more  probable  gueflings  which  they 
delivered  as  prophecies  were  accompiifhed,  thefe 
were  much  magnified.  They  were  very  fpiteful 
againfl  all  thole  who  differed  from  them ;  and 
were  wanting  in  no  methods  that  could  procure 
them  either  good  ufage,  or  good  prefents.  Of 
this  my  father  had  great  occafion  to  fee  many  in- 
flances  :  For  my  great  grand-mother,  who  was  a 
very  rich  woman  and  much  engaged  to  them,  was 
moft  obfequioufly  courted  by  them.  Bruce  lived 
concealed  in  her  houfe  for  fome  years  :  And  they 
all  found  fuch  advantages  in  their  fubmiffions  to 
her,  that  me  was  counted  for  many  years  the  chief 
fupport  of  the  party  :  Her  name  was  Rachel 
Arnot.  She  was  daughter  to  Sir  John  Arnot,  a 
man  in  great  favour,  and  Lord  Treafurer  deputy. 
Her  hufband  Johnftoun  was  the  greateft  merchant 
at  that  time  ;  and  left  her  an  eftate  of  2000  pound 
a  year,  to  be  clifpofed  of  among  his  children  as 
fhe  pleafed  :  And  my  father,  marrying  her  eldeft 
grand  child,  faw  a  great  way  into  all  the  methods 
of  the  Puritans. 

Cowry's  confpiracy  was  by  them  charged  on  the  Cowry's 
King,  as  a  contrivance  of  his  to  get  rid  of  that  cnn^' 
Earl,  who  was  then  held  in  great  efteem  :  But  my  ra 
father,  who  had  taken  great  pains  to  enquire  into  all 
the  particulars  of  that  matter,  did  always  believe 
it  was  a  real  confpiracy.     One  thing,   which  none 
of  the  Hiilorians  have  taken  any  notice  of,  and 
might  have  induced  the  Earl  of  Gowry  to  have 
wiihed  to  put  King  James  out  of  the  way,  but  in 
C  4  fuch. 


-4  A  S  u  M  M  A  R  Y  of  Affairs 

fuch  a  difguifed  manner  that  he  fhould  feem  ra 
ther  to  have  efcaped  out  of  a  fnare  himfelf  than 
to  have  laid  one   for  the  King,  was  this  :  Upon 
the  King's  death  he  flood   next  to  the  fuccefiion 
to  the  Crown  of  England  ;  for  King  Henry  the 
feventh's   daughter   that   was    married     to    King 
James  the  fourth  did  after  his  death  marry  Dowglas 
Earl  of  Angus  :  But  they  could  not  agree  :  So  a 
pre  contract    was    proved    againft    him  :    Upon 
which,    by  a  fentence  from  Rome,   the  marriao-e 
was  voided,  with  a  claufe  in  favour  of  the  iflue, 
fmce  born  under  a  marriage  de  faclo  and  bona  fide! 
Lady   Margaret  Dowglas  was   the  child  fo  pro 
vided  for.     I  did  perufe  the  original  Bull  con 
firming  the  divorce.     After  that,  the  Queen  Dow 
ager  married  one  Francis  Steward,    and   had  by 
him  a  fon  made  Lord  Methuen  by  King  James 
the  fifth.     In  the  patent  he  is  called  Frater  nofter 
uterinus.     He  had   only  a  daughter,    who   was 
mother  or  grandmother   to  the  Earl  of  Go  wry  • 
So  that  by  this  he  might  be  glad  to  put  the  Kine 
out  of  the  way,  that  fo  he  might  ftand  next  to  the 
fucceffion  of  the  Crown  of  England.     He  had  a 
brother  then  a  child,  who   when  he  grew  <up^nd 
found  he  could  not  carry    the  name  xrf  Ruthen, 
which  by  an   ad  of  Parliament  made  after  thus 
ompiracy  none  might  carry,  he  went ''and  lived 
jeyona  fea  •   and  it  was  given  out  that  he  had  tKb 
phi  ofopher's  ftone.     He  had  two  fons  who.  died 
without  iflue,   and  one  daughter  married  to  Sir- 
Anthony    Vandike,    the  famous  pifture   drawer, 
whofe  children  according   to   his  pedigree  flood 
very  near  to  the  fucceffion  of   the  Crown      It  was 
>t  eafy  to  perfuade  the  nation  of  the  truth  of  that 
piracy  :  For  eight  years  before  that  time  King 
es   on  a  fecret  jealoufy  of  the  Earl  of  Murray^ 
then  efteemed  the  handfomeft  man  of  Scotland 
fe    on  the  Marquis  of  Huntly,  who  was  his  mo! 
tal  enemy,  to  murder   him  5  and  by  a  writing  all 
m  his  own  hand  he  promifed  to  fave  him  harmlefs 

for 


before  the  RESTORATION. 
for  it.     He  fet  the  houfe  in  which  he  was  on  fire : 
And  the  Earl   flying  away  was  followed  and  mur 
dered,  and  Huntly  fent  Gordon  of  Buckey  with 
the  news  to  the  King  :  Soon  after,  all   who  were 
concerned  in  that  vile  fact  were  pardoned,  which 
laid  the  King  open  to  much  cenfure.     And  this 
made  the  matter  of  Go  wry  to  be  the  lefs  believed. 
When  King  Charles  fucceeded  to  the  Crown  he 
was  at  firft  thought  favourable  to  the  Puritans ;  £rhftarles  at 
for  his  tutor,  and  all  his  court  were  of  that  way  :  friencj  to 
And  Dr.  Prefton,  then  the  head  of  the  party,  came  the  Puri- 
up  in  the  coach  from  Theobalds  to  London  with 
the  King  and  the  Duke  of  Buckingham" ;  which 
being  againft  the  rules  of  the  court  gave  great  of 
fence  :  But  it  was   faid,  the   King  was   fo  over 
charged  with  grief,  that  he  wanted  the  comfort  of 
fo  wife  and  fo  great  a  man.     It  was   alfo  given 
out,  that  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  offered  Dr. 
Prefton  the  Great  Seal :  But  he  was  wifer  than  to 
accept  of  it.     I  will  go  no  further  into  the  begin 
ning  of  that  reign  with  relation  to  Englifh  affairs, 
which  are  fully   opened  by  others.     Only  I  will 
tell  one  particular  which  I  had  from  the  Earl  of 
Lothian,    who   was  bred  up  in  the  Court,    and 
whofe  father,  the  earl  of  Ancram,  was  gentleman 
of  the  Bedchamber,  thos  himfelf  was  ever  much 
hated    by  the    King.      He    told    me,  that   King 
Charles  was   much  offended  with  King  James's 
light  and  familiar  way,  which  was   the  effect  of 
hunting  and  drinking,  on  which  occafions   he  was 
very  apt  to  forget  his  dignity,  and  to  break  out  into 
great  indecencies :  On  the  other  hand  the  folemn 
gravity  of  the  court  of  Spain  was  more  fluted  to 
his  own  temper,  which  was  fullen  even  to  a  mo- 
rofenefs.     This  led  him  to  a  grave  referved  de 
portment,  in  which  he  forgot  the  civilities  and  the 
affability  that  the  nation  naturally  loved,  to  which 
they  had  been  long  accuflomed  :  Nor  did  he  in 
his  outward  deportment  take  any  pains  to   oblige 
perfons  whatsoever  :  So  far  from  that,  he  had 

fuch 


;2§  A  S  u  M  M  A  R  y  of  Affairs 

iuch  an  ungracious  way  of  fhewing  favour,  that 
the  manner  of  beftowing  it  was  almoft  as  mortify 
ing  as   the  favour  was  obliging.     I  turn  now  to 
the  affairs  of  Scotland,  which  are  but  little  known. 
He  de-          The  King  refolved  to  carry  on  two  defigns  that 
figned  to   his  father  had  fet  on  foot,    but  had  let  the  profe- 
recover     cution  of  them  fall  in  the  laft  years   of  his  reign. 
the  tiches  The  firft  Qf  ^^  was  ^out  tne  recovery  of  the 

church  tithes  and  church  lands  :  He  refolved  to  profecute 
lands  in  his  father's  revocation,  and  to  void  all  the  grants 
Scotland  mac|e  jn  fas  minority,  and  to  create  titular  Abbots 
Crown.  as  Lords  of  Parliament,  but  Lords,  as  Bifhops, 
only  for  life.  And  that  the  two  great  families  of 
Hamilton  and  Lenox  might  be  good  examples  to 
the  reft  of  the  nation,  he  by  a  fecret  purchafe,  and 
with  Englifh  money,  bought  the  Abby  of  Aber- 
broth  of  the  former,  and  the  Lordfnip  of  Glaf- 
gow  of  the  latter,  and  gave  thefe  to  the  two  Arch- 
bifhopricks.  Thefe  Lords  made  a  fhew  of  zeal 
after  a  good  bargain,  and  furrendered  them  to  the 
King.  He  alfo  purchafed  feveral  eftates  of  lefs 
value  to  the  feveral  Sees ;  and  all  men,  who  pre 
tended  to  favour  at  Court,  offered  their  church 
lands  to  fale  at  a  low  rate. 

In  the  third  year  of  his  reign  the  Earl  of  Nithif- 
dale,  then  believed  a  Papift,  which  he  afterwards 
profefled,  having  married  a  niece  of  the  Duke  of 
Buckingham's,  was  fent  down  with  a  power  to 
take  the  furrcnder  of  all  church  lands,  and  to  af- 
fure  all  who  did  readily  furrender,  that  the  King 
would  take  it  kindly,  and  ufe  them  all  very  well, 
but  that  he.  would  proceed  with  all  rigour  againft 
thofe  who  would  not  fubmit  their  rights  to  his  dif- 
pofal.  Upon  his  coming  down,  thofe  who  were 
moft  concerned  in  thofe  grants  met  at  Edinburgh, 
and  agreed,  that  when  they  were  called  together, 
jf  no  other  argument  did  prevail  to  make  the 
Earl  of  Nithifdale  defift,  they  wojLild  fall  upon 
him  and  all  his  party  in  the  old  Scotifh  manner, 
and  knock  them  on  the  head.  Primrofe  told  me 

one 


before  the  RESTORATION.  27 

one  of  thefe  Lords,  Belhaven  of  the  name  of 
Dowglafs  who  was  blind,  bid  them  fet  him  by 
one  of  the  party  -,  and  he  would  make  lure  of 
one.  So  he  was  fet  next  the  Earl  of  Dunfrize  : 
He  was  all  the  while  holding  him  fail :  And  when 
the  other  afked  him  what  he  meant  by  that,  he 
faid,  ever  fmce  the  blindnefs  was  come  on  him  he 
was  in  fuch  fear  of  falling,  that  he  could  not  help 
the  holding  faft  to  thofe  who  were  next  to  him : 
He  had  all  the  while  a  ponyard  in  his  other  hand, 
with  which  he  had  certainly  {tabbed  Dumfrize,  if 
any  diforder  had  happened.  The  appearance  at 
that  time  was  fo  great,  and  fo  much  heat  was 
raifed  upon  it,  that  the  Earl  of  Nithifdale  would 
not  open  all  his  inftruclions,  but  came  back  to 
court,  looking  on  the  fervice  as  defperate  :  So  a 
Hop  was  put  to  it  for  fome  time. 

In  the  year  1633  the  King  came  down  in  perfon  He  was 
to  be  crowned.  In  fome  conventions  of  the  States  crowned 
that  had  been  held  before  that,  all  the  money  that  ^ 
the  King  had  afked  was  given  ;  and  fome  petitions 
were  offered  fetting  forth  grievances,  which  thofe 
whom  the  King  employed  had  afTured  tten  mould 
be  redrefled  :  But  nothing  was  done,  and  all  was  * 
put  off  till  the  King  mould  come  down  in  perfon. 
His  entry  and  coronation  were  managed  with 
fuch  magnificence,  that  the  country  fuffered 
much  by  it  :  All  was  entertainment  and  fliew. 
When  the  Parliament  fate,  the  Lords  of  the  arti 
cles  prepared  an  act  declaring  the  royal  preroga 
tive,  as  it  had  been  afferted  by  law  in  the  year 
1606  •,  to  which  an  addition  was  made  of  another 
act  pafTed  in  the  year  1609,  by  which  King  James 
was  impowered  to  prefer ibe  apparel  to  churchmen 
with  their  own  confent.  This  was  a  perfonal 
thing  to  King  James,  in  confideration  of  his  great 
learning  and  experience,  of  which  he  had  made 
no  ufe  during  the  reft  of  his  reign.  And  in  the 
year  1617,  when  he  held  a  Parliament  there  in 
perfon,  an  act  was  prepared  by  the  Lords  of  the 

articles. 


28  .ASuMMARvof  Affairs 

articles,  authorizing  all  things  that  Ihould  there 
after  be  determined  in  ecclefiaflical  affairs  by  his 
Majefty,  with  confent  of  a  competent  number  of 
the  clergy,  to  have  the  ftrength  and  power  of  a 
law.  But  the  King  either  apprehended  that  great 
oppofition  would  be  made  to  the  paffing  the  act, 
or  that  great  trouble  would  follow  on  the  execu 
tion  of  it :  So  when  the  rubrick  of  the  aft  was 
read,  he  ordered  it  to  bc'fupprefs'd,  tho5  pafs'd  in 
the  articles.  In  this  act  of  1633  thefe  acts  of 
j6o6  and  1609  were  drawn  into  one.  To  this 
great  oppofition  was  made  by  the  Earl  of  Rothes, 
who  defired  the  acls  might  be  divided  :  But  the 
King  faid,  it  was  now  one  aft,  and  he  muft  either 
vote  for  it,  or  againfl  it.  He' faid,  he  was  for 
the  prerogative  as  much  as  any  man,  but  that 
addition  was  contrary  >to  the  liberties  of  the  Church, 
and  he  thought  no  determination  ought  to  be 
made  in  fuch  matters  without  the  confent  of  the 
clergy,  at  lean;  without  their  being  heard.  The 
King  bid  him  argue  no  more,  but  give  his  vote  : 
So  he  voted,  not  content.  Some  few  Lords  of 
fered  to  argue  :  But  the  King  ftopt  them,  and 
commanded  them  to  vote.  Almoft  the  whole 
Commons  voted  in  the  negative :  So  that  the  aft 
was  indeed  rejected  by  the  majority  :  Which  the 
King  knew  -,  for  he  had  called  for  a  lift  of  the 
numbers,  and  with  his  own  pen  had  mark'd  every 
man's  vote  :  Yet  the  Clerk  of  Regifter,  who 
gathers  and  declares  the  votes,  faid  it  was  carried 
in  the  affirmative.  The  Earl  of  Rothes  affirmed 
it  went  for  the  negative  :  So  the  King  faid,  the 
Clerk  of  Regifter'*  declaration  muft  be  held  good, 
unlefs  the  Earl  of  Rothes  would  go  to  the  Bar 
and  accuie  him  of  falfifying  the  record  of  Parlia- 

re^'  7r$  Was  caPital  :  And  in  that  cafe,  if 
he  fhould  fail  in  the  proof  he  was  liable  to  the 
lame  pimifhment :  So  he  would  not  venture  on 
Thus  the  aft  was  pubhfbcd,  tho'  in  truth 
it  was  rejected.  The  Kin£  expreffed  a  high  dif- 

plcafure 


before  the  RESTORATION.  2) 

pleafure  at  all  who  had  concurred  in  that  oppo- 
iition.  Upon  that  the  Lords  had  many  meetings  : 
They  reckoned  that  now  all  their  liberties  were 
gone,  and  a  Parliament  was  but  a  piece  of  page 
antry,  if  the  Clerk  of  Regiiler  might  declare 
as  he  pleafed  how  the  vote  went,  and  that  no  fcru- 
tiny  were  allowed.  Upon  that  Hague  the 
King's  folicitor,  a  zealous  man  of  that  party, 
drew  a  petition  to  be  figned  by  the  Lords,  and 
to  be  offered  by  them  to  the  King,  fetting  forth 
all  their  grievances  and  praying  redrefs :  He  Balmeri- 
fhewed  this  to  fome  of  them,  and  among  others  noch's 
to  the  Lord  Balmerinoch,  who  liked  the  main  of trial- 
it,  but  was  for  altering  it  in  fome  particulars  : 
He  fpoke  of  it  to  the  Earl  of  Rothes  in  the  pre- 
fence  of  the  Earl  of  Caffilis  and  fome  others  : 
None  of  them  approved  of  it.  The  Earl  of 
Rothes  carryed  it  to  the  King ;  and  told  him,  that 
there  was  a  defign  to  offer  a  petition  in  order  to 
the  explaining  and  juflifying  their  proceedings, 
and  that  he  had  a  copy  to  ihew  him  :  But  the 
King  would  not  look  upon  it,  and  ordered  him  to 
put  a  flop  to  it,  for  he  would  receive  no  fuch 
petition.  The  Earl  of  Rothes  told  this  to  Balme- 
rinoch:  So  the  thing  was  laid  afide  :  Only  he 
kept  a  copy  of  it,  and  interlined  it  in  fome  places 
with  his  own  hand.  While  the  King  was  in 
Scotland  he  ereded  a  new  Bifhoprick  at  Edin 
burgh,  and  made  one  Forbes  Bilhop,  who  was  a 
very  learned  and  pious  man  :  He  had  a  ftrange 
faculty  of  preaching  five  or  fix  hours  at  a  time  : 
His  way  of  life  and  devotion  was  thought  mo- 
naflick,  and  his  learning  lay  in  antiquity  :  He 
.ftudied  to  be  a  reconciler  between  Papifls  and  Pro- 
teilants,  leaning  rather  to  the  firft,  as  appears  by 
his  Confiderationes  modeftse :  He  was  a  very 
fimple  man,  and  knew  little  of  the  world  :  So 
he  tell  into  feveral  errors  in  conduct,  but  died  foon 
after  fufpected  of  Popery,  which  fufpicion  was  en- 
creafed  by  his  fon's  turning  Papift.  The  King 

left 


+J 


A  S  u  M  M  A  R  y  of  Affairs 
.kft  Scotland  much  difcontented,  but  refolved  to 
profecute  the  defign  o!  recovering  the  church 
lands :  And  Sir  Thomas  Hope,  a  fubtil  lawyer, 
who  was  believed  to  underiland  that  matter  be 
yond  all  the  men  of  his  proieffion,  tho'  in  all  re- 
ipecls  he  was  a  zealous  Puritan,  was  made  the 
King's  advocate,  upon  his  undertaking  to  bring 
all  the  church  lands  back  to  the  Crown  :  Yet  he 
proceeded  in  that  matter  fo  (lowly,  that  it  was  be 
lieved  he  acted  in  concert  with  the  party  that  op- 
pofed  it.  Enough  was  already  done  to  alarm  all 
that  were  pofTeiied  of  the  church  lands  :  And  they 
to  engage  the  whole  country  in  their  quarrel  took 
care  to  infufe  it  into  all  people,  but  chiefly  into 
the  preachers,  that  all  was  done  to  make  way  for 
Popery.  The  winter  after  the  King  was  in  Scot 
land,  Balmerinoch  was  thinking  how  to  make  the 
petition  more  acceptable  :  And  in  order  to  that  he 
Ihewed  it  to  one  Dunmoor  a  lawyer  in  whom  he 
trufted,  and  defired  his  opinion  of  it,  and  fuffered 
him  to  carry  it  home  with  him,  but  charged  him 
to  iliew  it  to  no  perlbn,  and  to  take  no  copy  of 
it.  He  (hewed  it  under  a  promife  of  fecrefy  to 
one  Hay  of  Naughton,  and  told  him  from  whom 
he  had  it.  Hay  looking  on  the  paper,  and  feeing 
it  a  matter  of  fome  confequence,  carried  it  to 
Spotfwood  Archbifhop  of  St.  Andrews  •,  who  ap 
prehending  it  was  going  about  for  hands  was 
alarmed  at  it,  and  went  immediately  to  London, 
beginning  his  journey  as  he  often  did  on  a  funday, 
which  was  a  very  odious  thing  in  that  country. 
There  are  laws  in  Scotland  loofely  worded  that 
make  it  capital  to  fpread  lies  of  the  King  or  his 
Government,  or  to  alienate  his  fubjects  from  him. 
It  was  alfo  made  capital  to  know  of  any  that  do  it, 
and  not  difcover  them  :  But  this  laft  was  never 
once  put  in  execution.  The  petition  was  thought 
within  this  act :  So  an  order  was  fent  down  for 
committing  Lord  Balmerinoch.  The  reafon  of 
it  being  for  fome  time  kept  fecret,  it  was  thought 

done 


before  the  RESTORATION,  3? 

done  becaufe  of  his  vote  in  parliament.     But  after 
fome  confutation  a  fpecial    commiffion  was  fent 
down  for  the  trial.     In  Scotland  there  is  a  Court 
for  the  trial  of  Peers,  diftinct  from  the  jury  who 
are  to  be  fifteen,  and  the  majority  determine  the 
verdict :  The  fact  being  only  referred  to  the  jury 
or  aflize  as  they  call  it,  the  law  is  judged  by  the 
Court:  And  if  the  majority  of  the  jury  are  Peers, 
the   reft  may  be  gentlemen.     At  this  time  a  prir 
vate  gentleman  of  the  name  of  Steward  was  be 
come  fo  confiderable  that  he  was  raifed  by  feveral 
degrees  to  be  made  Earl  of  Traquair  and  Lord 
Treafurer,  and  was  in  great  favour  \  but  fuffered 
afterwards  fuch  a  reverfe  of  Fortune,  that  I  faw 
him  fo  low  that  he  wanted  bread,  and  was  forced 
to  beg  •,  and  it  was  believed  died  of  hunger.     He 
was  a  man  of  great  parts,  but  of  too  much  craft : 
He  was  thought  the  capableft  man  for  bufmefs, 
and  the  beft  fpeaker  in  that  Kingdom.     So  he  was 
charged  with  the  care  of  the  Lord  Balmerinoch's 
trial :  But  when  the  ground   of  the   profecution 
was  known,  Hague  who  drew  the  petition  writ  a 
letter  to   the    Lord   Balmerinoch,    in    which   he 
owned  that  he  drew  the  petition  without  any  di 
rection  or  afiiftance  from  him  :  And  upon  that  he 
went  over  to  Holland.     The  Court  was  created  by 
a  fpecial  commiffion  :  In  the  naming  of  Judges 
there  appeared  too  vifibly  a  defign  to  have  that 
Lord's  life,  for   they  were   either  very  weak  or 
very  poor.     Much  pains  was  taken   to   have  a 
jury ;  in  which  fo  great  partiality  appeared,  that 
when  the  Lord  Balmerinoch  was  upon  his  chal 
lenges,  and  excepted  to  the  Earl  of  Dumfrize  for 
his  having  faid  that  if  he  were  of  his  jury,  tho*  he 
were  as  innocent  as  St.  Paul,  he  would  find   him 
guilty,  fome  of  the  judges  faid,  that  was  only  a 
ram  word :  Yet  the  King's  advocate  allowed  the 
challenge,  if  proved,  which  was  done.     The  next 
called  on  was  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale,  father  to 
the  Duke  of  that  title  :  With  him  the  Lord  Bal 
merinoch 


A  S  u  M  M  A  R  Y  of  Affairs 

merinoch  had  been  long  in  enmity  :  Yet,  inftead  of 
challenging  him,  he  faid  he  was  omni  exceptions 
major.     It  was  long  confidered  upon  what  the  pri- 
ibner  mould  be  tried  :  For  his  hand  interlining  the 
paper,  which  did  plainly  foften  it,  was  not  thought 
evidence  that  he  drew  it,  or  that  he  was  acceffary 
to  it :  And  they  had  no  other  proof  againil  him  : 
Nor  could  they  from  that  infer  that  he  was  the  di- 
vulger,  fmce  it  did  appear  it  was  only  fhewed  by 
him  to  a  lawyer  for  counfel.     So  it  was  fettled  on 
to  infift  on  this,  that  the  paper  tended  to  alienate 
the  fubjecls  from  their  duty  to  the  King,  and  that 
he,  knowing  who  was  the  author  of  it,  did  not 
difcover  him  -,   which  by  law  was  capital.     The 
Court  judged  the  paper  to  be  feditious,  and  to  be 
a  lie  of  the  King  and  his  government :  The  other 
point  was  clear,  that  he  knowing  the  author  did 
not  difcover  him.     He  pleaded  for  himfelf,  that 
the  flat ute  for  difcovery  had  never   been  put  in 
execution  ;  that  it  could  never  be  meant  but  of 
matters  that  were  notorioufly  feditious  j  that  till 
the  Court  judged  fo  he  did  not  take  this  paper  to 
be   of  that  nature,  but  confidered  it  as  a   paper 
full  of  duty,  defigned  to   fet  himfelf  and   fomc 
others  right  in  the  King's  opinion  •,  that  upon  the 
firft  fight  of  it,  tho5   he  approved  of  the   main, 
yet  he   difliked  fome  exprefiions  in  it ;    that  he 
communicated  the  matter  to  the  Earl  of  Rothes, 
who  told  the  King  of  the  defign  -,  and  that,  upon 
the  King's  faying  he  would  receive  no  fuch  peti 
tion,  it  was  quite  laid  afide  :    This  was  atteiled 
by  the  Earl  of  Rothes.     A  long  debate  had  been 
much  infifted  on,  whether  the  Earl  of  Traquair  or 
the  King's  minifters  might  be  of  the  jury  or  not : 
But  the  Court  gave  it  in  their  favour.     When  the 
jury  was  fhut  up,  Gordon  of  Buckey,  who  was 
one  of  them,  being  then  very  antient,  who  forty 
three  years  before  had  affifled  in  the  murder  of 
the  Earl  of  Murray,  and  was  thought  upon  this 
occafion  a  fure  man,  fpoke  firft  of  all,  excufing 

his 


before  the  RESTORATION.  J 

his  preemption  in  being  the  firft  that  broke  the 
filence.  He  defired,  they  would  all  confider  what 
they  were  about  :  It  was  a  matter  of  blood,  and 
they  Would  feel  the  weight  of  that  as  long  as  they 
lived  :  He  had  in  his  youth  been  drawn  in  to  fried 
'blood,  for  which  he  had  the  King's  pardon,  but 
it  coft  him  more  to  obtain  God's  pardon  :  It  had 
given  him  maay  forrowful  hours  both  day  and 
night  :  And  as  he  fpoke  this,  the  tears  ran  over 
his  face.  This  ftruck  a  damp  on  them  all.  But 
the  Earl  of  Traquair  took  up  the  argument  ;  and 
faid',  they  had  it  not  before  them  whether  the  law 
was  a  hard  law  or  not,  nor  had  they  the  nature  of 
the  paper  before  them,  which  was  judged  by  the 
Court  to  be  leafing-making  •,  they  were  only  to 
confider,  whether  the  prifoner  had  difcovered  the 
contriver  of  the  paper  or  not.  Upon  this  the 
Earl  of  Lauderdale  took  up  the  argument  againft 
him,  and  urged,  that  fevere  laws  never  executed 
were  looked  on  as  made  only  to  terrify  people, 
that  tho'  after  the  Court's  having  judged  the  paper 
to  be  feditious  it  would  be  capital  to  conceal  the 
author,  yet  before  fuch  judgment  the  thing  could 
not  be  thought  fo  evident  that  he  was  bound  to  re 
veal  it.  Upon  thefe  heads  thofe  Lords  argued  the 
matter  many  hours  :  But  when  it  went  to  the  vote, 
ieven  acquitted,  but  eight  caft  him  :  So  fentence  He  was 


was  given.  Upon  this  many  meetings  were  held  : 
And  it  was  refolved  either  to  force  the  prifon  to  ne  * 
fet  him  at  liberty,  or  if  that  failed  to  revenge  his 
death  both  on  the  Court  and  on  the  eight  jurors  ; 
fome  undertaking  to  kill  them,  and  others  to 
burn  their  houfes.  When  the  Earl  of  Traquair 
underftood  this,  he  went  to  Court,  and  told  the 
King  that  the  Lord  Balmerinoch's  life  was  in  his 
hasads,  but  the  execution  was  in  no  fort  advife- 
able  :  So  he  procured  his  pardon,  for  which  the  But  par 
party  was  often  reproached  with  his  ingratitude  : 
But  he  thought  he  had  been  much  wronged  in 
the  profecution,  and  fo  little  regarded  in  the 
VOL.  I.  D  pardon, 


34  A  SUMMARY  of  Affairs 

pardon,  that  he  never  looked  on  himfelf  as  under 
any  obligation  on  that  account.  My  father  knew 
the  whole  fteps  of  this  matter,  having  been  the 
Earl  of  Lauderdale's  moft  particular  friend  :  He 
often  told  me,  that  the  ruin  of  the  King's  affairs 
in  Scotland  was  in  a  great  meafure  owing  to  that 
profecution ;  and  he  carefully  preferved  the  petiti 
on  it  felf,  and  the  papers  relating  to  the  trial  -,  of 
which  I  never  faw  any  copy  befides  thofe  which  I 
have.  And  that  raifed  in  me  a  defire  of  feeing  the 
whole  record,  which  was  copied  for  me,  and  is 
now  in  my  hands.  It  is  a  little  volume,  and  con 
tains,  according  to  the  Scotch  method,  the  whole 
abftract  of  all  the  pleadings,  and  all  the  evidence 
that  was  given  ;  and  is  indeed  a  very  noble  piece, 
full  of  curious  matter. 

A  liturgy       When  the  deiign  of  recovering  the  tithes  went 
prepared,  on,  tho'  but  flowly,  another  defign  made  a  greater 
progrefs.      The  Bifhops  of  Scotland  fell   on  the 
framing  of  a  liturgy  and  a  body  of  canons  for  the 
worihip  and  government  of  that  church.     Thefe 
were  never  examined  in  any  publick  affembly  of 
the  clergy  :  All  was  managed  by  three  or  four  af- 
piring  Bifhops,  Maxwell,  Sidferfe,  Whitford,  and 
Banautine,  the  Bifhops  of  Rofs,  Galloway,  Dun 
blane,  and  Aberdeen.    Maxwel  did  alfo  accufe  the 
Earl  of  Traquair,   as  cold  in  the  King's  fervice, 
and  as  managing  the  treafury  deceitfully  -,  and  he 
was  afpiring  to  that  office.     Spotfwood,  Archbi- 
mop  of  St.  Andrews  then  Lord  Chancellour,  was 
a  prudent  and  mild  man,  but  of  no  great  decency 
in  his  courfe  of  life.     The  Earl  of  Traquair,  fee 
ing  himfelf  fo  pufhed  at,  was  more  earneft  than  the 
Bifhops  themfelves  in  promoting  the  new  model  of 
worfhip  and  difcipline  -,  and  by  that  he  recovered 
the  ground  he  had  loft  with  the  King,    and  with 
Archbifhop  Laud  :  He  alfo  affifted  the  Bifhops  in 
obtaining  eommiffions,    fubaltern  to   the  High- 
commiflion  Court,  in  their  feveral  diocefes,  which 
were  thought  little  different  from  the  Courts  of  In- 

.     quifition. 


before  the  RESTORATION,  35 

(quifition.  Sidferfe  fet  this  up  in  Galloway  :  And 
a  complaint  being  made  in  Council  of  his  proceed 
ings,  he  gave  the  Earl  of  Argile  the  lie  in  full 
Council.  He  was  after  all  a  very  learned  and  good 
man,  but  flrangely  heated  in  thofe  matters.  And 
they  all  were  fo  lifted  up  with  the  King's  zeal,  and 
fo  encouraged  by  Archbifhop  Laud,  that  they  loft 
all  temper  ^  of  which  I  knew  Sidferfe  made  great 
acknowledgments  in  his  old  age. 

But  the  unaccountable  part  of  the  King's  pro-  The  fee- 
ceedings  was,  that  all  this  while,  when  he  was  en-  blenefsof 
deavouring  to  recover  fo  great  a  part  of  the  pro- the  S°" 
perty  of  Scotland  as  the  church  lands  and  tithes  v< 
were,  from  men  that  were  not  like  to  part  with 
them  willingly,  and  was  going  to  change  the  whole 
'conftitution  of  that  Church  and  Kingdom,  he  raifed 
no  force  to  maintain  what  he  was  about  to  do,  but 
trufted  the  whole  management  to  the  civil  execu 
tion.  By  this  all  people  faw  the  weakncfs  of  the  go 
vernment,  at  the  fame  time  that  they  complained  of 
its  rigour.  All  that  came  down  from  Court  com 
plained  of  the  King*s  inexorable  ftiffnefs,  and  of  the 
progrefs  Popery  was  making,  of  the  Queen's  power 
with  the  King,  of  the  favour  mewed  the  Popes  Nun 
cios,  and  of  the  many  profelytes  who  were  daily  fal 
ling  off  to  the  church  of  Rome.  The  Earl  of  Tra- 
quair  infuied  this  more  effectually,  tho'more  covert* 
ly,  than  anyothermancoulddo:  And  when  thecoun- 
try  formed  the  firiloppofition  they  made  to  the  King's 
proclamations,  and  protefted  againft  them,  he  drew 
the  firft  protection,  as  Primrofe  affured  me  ;  tho* 
he  defigned  no  more  than  to  put  a  flop  to  the  cre 
dit  the  Bifhops  had,  and  to  the  fury  of  their  pro 
ceedings :  But  the  matter  went,  much  farther  than 
he  feemed  to  intend  :  For  he  himfelf  was  fatally 
caught  in  the  fnare  laid  for  others.  A  troop  of 
horfe  and  a  regiment  of  foot  had  prevented  all  that 
followed,  or  rather  had  by  all  appearance  eftablifh- 
ed  an  arbitrary  government  in  that  Kingdom  :  But 
to  fpeak  in  the  language  of  a  great  man,  thole  who 
D  2  conducted 


gg  A  SUMMARY,  of  Affairs 

conduced  matters  at  that  time,  had  as  little  of  the 
prudence  of  the  ferpent  as  of  the  innocence  of  the 
dove  :  And,  as  my  father  often  told  me,  he  and 
many  others  who  adhered  in  the  fequel  firmly  to 
the  King's  intereft  were  then  much  troubled  at  the 
whole  conduct  of  affairs,  as  being  neither  wife,  le 
gal,  nor  juft.  I  will  go  no  farther  in  opening  the 
beginnings  of  the  troubles  of  Scotland  :  Of  thefe  a 
full  account  will  be  found  in  the  memoirs  of  the 
Dukes  of  Hamilton.  The  violence  with  which 
that  Kingdom  did  almoft  unanimoufly  engage 
againft  the  adminiflration  may  eafily  convince  one, 
that  the  provocation  muft  have  been  very  great  to 
draw  on  fuch  an  entire  and  vehement  concurrence 
againft  it. 

Saville's  After  the  firft  pacification,  upon  the  new  dif- 
forgery  putes  that  arofe,  when  the  Earl  of  Lowdun  and 
prevailed  j)umfer]ing  were  fent  up  w[th  the  petition  from 

on  the  i      -r    r  T  r>      «ti  i 

Scots.       tne  covenanters,    the  Lord  Saville  came  to  them, 

and  informed  them  of  many  particulars,  by  which 
they  faw  the  King  was  highly  irritated  againft 
them  :  He  took  great  pains  to  perfuade  them  to 
come  with  their  army  into  England.  They  very 
unwillingly  hearken'd  to  that  propofition,  and 
looked  on  it  as  a  defign  from  the  Court  to  enfnare 
them,  making  the  Scots  invade  England,  by  which 
this  Nation  might  have  been  provoked  to  afiift  the 
King  to  conquer  Scotland.  It  is  true,  he  hated 
the  Earl  of  Strarford  fo  much,  that  they  faw  no 
caufe  to  fufpect  him  :  So  they  entred  into  a  treaty 
with  him  about  it.  The  Lord  Saville  aflured 
them,  he  fpake  to  them  in  the  name  of  the  moft 
confiderable  men  in  England  •,  and  he  {hewed  them 
an  engagement  under  their  hands  to  join  with 
them,  if  they  would  come  into  England,  and  re- 
fufc  any  treaty  but  what  Ihould  be  confirmed  by  a 
Parliament  of  England.  They  defired  leave  to 
lend  this  paper  into  Scotland,  to  which  after  much 
fceming  difficulty  he  confented  :  So  a  cane  was 
hollowed,  and  this  was  put  within  itj  and  one 

Froft, 


before  the  R  E  s  T  o  R  A  T  i  o  N.  37 

Froft,    afterwards  fecrctary  to  the  Committee  of 
both  Kingdoms,  was  fent  down  with  it  as  a  poor 
traveller.  It  was  to  be  communicated  only  to  three 
perfons,   the  Earls  of  Rothes  and  Argile,  and  to 
Wariftoun,  the  three  chief  confidents  of  the  cove 
nanters.     The  Earl  of  Rothes  was  a  man  of  plea-  The  cha- 
fure,  but  of  a  moft  obliging  temper:    His  affairs  rafters  of 
were  low  :    Spotfwood  had  once  made  the  bargain  1Q^C ^*_ 
between  the  King  and  him  before  the  troubles,  but  venamers. 
the  Earl  of  Traquair  broke  it,  feeing  he  was  to  be 
raifed  above  himfelf.     The  Earl  of  Rothes  had  all 
the  arts  of  making  himfelf 'popular ;    only  there 
was  too  much  levity  in  his  temper,  and  too  much 
liberty  in  his  courfe  of  life.     The  Earl  of  Argile 
was  a  more  folemn  fort  of  a  man,  grave  and  fo- 
ber,  free  of  all  fcandalous  vices,  of  an  invincible 
calmnefs  of  temper,  and  a  pretender  to  high  de 
grees  of  piety  :  He  was  much  let  on  railing  his 
own  family  to  be   a  fort  of  King  in  the  High- 
lands. 

Wariftoun  was  my  own  uncle  :  He  was  a  man 
of  great  application,  could  feldom  fleep  above 
three  hours  in  the  twenty  four :  He  had  ftudied 
the  law  carefully,  and  had  a  great  quicknefs  of 
thought  with  an  extraordinary  memory.  He  went 
into  very  high  notions  of  lengthen'd  devotions,  in 
which  he  continued  many  hours  a  day  :  He  would 
often  pray  in  his  family  two  hours  at  a  time,  and 
had  an  unexhaufted  copioufnefs  that  way.  What 
thought  foever  ftruck  his  fancy  during  thofe  effu- 
fions,  he  looked  on  it  as  an  anfwer  of  prayer,  and 
was  wholly  determined  by  it.  He  looked  on  the 
Covenant  as  the  fetting  Chrift  on  his  throne,  and 
fo  was  out  of  meafure  zealous  in  it.  He  had  no  re^ 
gard  to  the  raifing  himfelf  or  his  family,  tho'  he 
had  thirteen  children  :  But  Prelbytery  was  to  him 
more  than  all  the  world.  He  had  a  readinefs  and 
vehemence  of  fpeaking  that  made  him  very  con- 
fiderable  in  publick  aifemblies  :  And  he  had  a 
fruitful  invention  •>  fo  that  he  was  at  all  times  fur- 
P  3  rulhed 


$8  A  SUM  MARY   of  Affairs  " 

nifhed  with  expedients.  To  thefe  three  only  this 
paper  was  to  be  Ihewed  upon  an  oath  of  fecrecy  : 
And  it  was  to  be  depofited  in  Warifloun's  hands, 
They  were  only  allowed  to  publifh  to  the  Nation, 
that  they  were  fure  of  a  very  great  and  unexpected 
affiftance,  which  tho'  it  was  to  be  kept  fecret 
would  appear  in  due  time.  This  they  publifhed  : 
And  it  was  looked  on  as  an  artifice  to  draw  in  the 
Nation  :  But  it  was  afterwards  found  to  be  a  cheat 
indeed,  but  a  cheat  of  Lord  Saville's  who  had 
forged  all  thefe  fubfcriptions. 

TJse  Scots  The  Scots  marched  with  a  very  forry  equipage  : 
came  into  Every  foldier  carried  a  week's  provision  of  oat- 
Enghpd.  mea|  .  anc|  tjiey  kac[  a  drove  Of  cattel  with  them 

for  their  food.     They  had  alfo  an  invention  of 
guns  of  white  iron  tinned  and  done  about  with  lea 
ther,  and  chorded  fo  that  they  couldierve  for  two  or 
three  difcharges.  Thefe  were  light,  and  were  carried 
on  horfes  :  And  when  they  came  to  Newburn,  the  En- 
glim  army  that  defended  the  Ford  was  furprized  with 
a  difcharge  of  -artillery  :  Some  thought  it  magick  ; 
and  all  were  put  in  fuch  diforder  that  the  whole  army 
did  run  with  fo  great  precipitation,  that  Sir  Tho 
mas  Fairfax,  v/ho  had  a  command  in  it,  did  not 
flick  to  own  that  till  he  pafs'd  the  Tees  his  legs 
trembled  under  him.     This  ftruck   many  of  the 
enthufiafts  of  the  King's  fide,  as  much  as  it  exalted 
the  Scots  ;  who  were  next  day  pofTefTed  of  New-' 
caftle,  and  fo  were  mailers  not  only  of  Northum 
berland  and  the  Bifhoprick  of  Durefme,  but  of  the 
Collierys  -,    by  which,    if  they  had  not  been  in  a 
good  understanding  with  the  City  of  London,  they 
could  have  diflrerled  them  extremely  :  But  all  the 
ufe  the  City  made  of  this  was,  to  raife  a  great  out 
cry,  and  to  complain  of  the  war,  fince  it  was  now 
in  the  power  of  the  Scots  to  ftarve  them.     Upon 
that  petitions  were  fent  from  the  City  and  from 
.fome  Counties  to  the  King,  praying  a  treaty  with 

'  the   *&'        Th&    L°rd  Wharton    and     the  L°rd 


onten 

j?nfl      Howard  of  Efcrick  undertook  to  deliver  fome  of 


land,  thefe 


before  the  RESTORATION.  39 

thefe  ;  which  they  did,  and  were  clapt  up  upon  it. 
A  council  of  war  was  held  ;  and  it  was  refolved 
on,  as  the  Lord  Wharton  told  me,  to  ihoot  them 
at  the  head  of  the  army,  as  movers  of  fedition. 
This  was  chiefly  prefs'd  by  the  Earl  of  Strafford. 
Duke  Hamilton  fpoke  nothing  till  the  Council 
rofe  ;  and  then  he  afked  Strafford,  if  he  was  fare 
of  the  army,  who  feemed  furprifed  at  the  queftion  : 
But  he  upon  enquiry  underftood  that  very  probably 
a  general  mutiny,  if  not  a  total  revolt,  would  have 
followed,  if  any  fuch  execution  had  been  attempt 
ed.  This  fuccefs  of  the  Scots  ruined  the  King's 
affairs.  And  by  it  the  neceflity  of  the  union  of  the 
two  Kingdoms  may  appear  very  evident :  For  no 
thing  but  a  fuperiour  army  able  to  bc.it  the  Scots 
can  hinder  their  doing  this  at  any  time  :  And  the 
feifmg  the  Colliery s  muft  immediately  bring  the 
City  of  London  into  great  diftrefs.  Two  armies 
were  now  in  the  north  as  a  load  on  the  King,  be- 
fides  all  the  other  grievances.  The  Lord  Saville's 
forgery  came  to  be  discovered.  The  King  knew 
it ;  and  yet  he  was  brought  afterwards  to  truft 
him,  and  to  advance  him  to  be  Earl  of  Suflex. 
The  King  prerTed  my  uncle  to  deliver  him  the  let 
ter,  who  excufed  himfelf  upon  his  oath  ;  and  not 
knowing  what  ufe  might  be  made, of  it,  he  cut  out 
every  fubfcription,  and  fent  it  to  the  perfon  for 
whom  it  was  forged.  The  imitation  was  fo  exact, 
that  every  man,  as  foon  as  he  faw  his  hand  (imply 
by  itfelf,  acknowledged  that  he  could  not  have 
denied  it. 

The  King  was  now  in  great  ftraits  :  He  had  laid  The  ill 
up  700000!.  before  the  troubles  in  Scotland  began  •,  ftateofthe 
and  yet  had  raifed  no  guards  nor  force  in  England,  f^°  *' 
but  trufted  a  very  illegal  adminiftration  to  a  legal 
execution.     His  treafure  was  now  exhaufted;  his 
fubjeds  were  highly  irritated  •,  the  miniftry  were 
all  frighted,  being  expofed  to  the  anger  and  juftice 
of  the  Parliament  :  So  that  he  had  brought  him 
felf  into  great  diftrefs,  but  had  not  the  dexterity  to 
D  4  extricate 


40  A    SUMMARV   of  Affairs 

extricate  himfelf  out  of  it.  He  loved  high  and 
rough  methods,  but  had  neither  the  fkill  to  coia- 
du<5t  them,  nor  the  height  of  genius  to  manage 
them.  He  hated  all  that  offered  prudent  and  mo 
derate  counfels  :  He  thought  it  flowed  from  a 
meannefs  of  fpirit,  and  a  care  to  preferve  them- 
felves  by  facrificing  his  authority,  or  from  repub 
lican  principles  :  And  even  when  he  faw  it  was  ne- 
ceffary  to  follow  fuch  advices,  yet  he  hated  thofe 
that  gave  them.  His  heart  was  wholly  turned  to 
the  gaining  the  two  armies.  In  order  to  that  he 
gained  the  Earl  of  Rothes  entirely,  who  hoped  by 
the  King's  mediation  to  have  married  the  Countefs 
of  Devonihire,  a  rich  and  magnificent  lady  that 
lived  long  in  the  greateft  ftate  of  any  in  that  age  : 
He  alfo  gained  the  Earl  of  Montrofe,  who  was  a 
young  man  well  learned,  who  had  travelled,  but 
had  taken  upon  him  the  port  of  a  hero  too  much. 
When  he  was  beyond  lea  he  travelled  with  the  Earl 
of  Denbigh  ;  and  they  conlulted  all  the  aftrologers 
they  could  hear  of.  I  plainly  law  the  Earl  of  Den 
bigh  relied  on  what  had  been  told  him  to  his  dying 
day  ;  and  the  rather  becauie  the  Earl  of  Montrofe 
was  promifed  a  glorious  fortune  for  fome  time, 
but  all  was  to  be  overthrown  in  conclufion.  When 
the  Earl  of  Montrofe  returned  from  his  travels,  he 
was  not  confidered  by  the  King  as  he  thought  he 
deferved  :  So  he  ftudied  to  render  himfelf  popular 
in  Scotland;  and  he  was  the  firil  man  in  the  op- 
pofition  they  made  during  the  firft  war.  He  both 
advifed  and  drew  the  letter  to  the  King  of  France, 
for  which  the  Lord  Lowdim  who  figned  it  was  im- 
prifoned  in  the  Tower  of  London.  But  the  Earl 
of  Lauderdale,  as  he  himfelf  told  me,  when  it 
came  to  his  turn  to  fign  that  letter,  found  falfe 
French  in  it;  for  inftead  of  rayons  de  ioleil  he  had 
writ  raye  de  foleil,  which  in  French  fignifies  a  fort 
of  fiih ;  and  fo  the  matter  went  no  farther  at  that 
time ;  and  the  treaty  came  on  fo  foon  after,  that  it 
was  never  again  taken  up.  The  Earl  of  Montrofe 


before   the   RESTORATION.  4* 

was  gained  by  the  King  at  Berwick.,  and  undertook 
to  do  great  fervices.  He  either  fancied,  or  at  lead 
he  made  the  King  fancy,  that  he  could  turn  the 
whole  Kingdom  :  Yet  indeed  he  could  do  nothing. 
He  was  again  trying  to  make  a  new  party :  And 
he  kept  a  correspondence  with  the  King  when  he 
lay  at  Newcaftle ;  and  was  pretending  he  had  a 
great  intereft  among  the  covenanters,  whereas  at 
that  time  he  had  none  at  all.  All  thefe  little  plot- 
ings  came  to  be  either  known,  or  at  leaft  fufpeded. 
The  Queen  was  a  woman  of  great  vivacity  in  con- 
verfation,  and  loved  all  her  life  long  to  be  in  in 
trigues  of  all  forts,  but  was  not  fo  fecret  in  them  as 
fuch  times  and  fuch  affairs  required.  She  was  a 
woman  of  no  manner  of  judgment :  She  was  bad 
at  contrivance,  but  much  worfe  in  the  execution  : 
But  by  the  livelinefs  of  her  difcourfe  me  made  al  - 
ways  a  great  impreffion  on  the  King  :  And  to  her 
little  practices,  as  well  as  to  the  King's  own  tem 
per,  the  fequel  of  all  his  misfortunes  was  owing. 
I  know  it  was  a  maxim  infufed  into  his  fons,  which 
I  have  often  heard  from  King  James,  that  he  was 
undone  by  his  conceffions.  This  is  true  in  fome 
refpect :  For  his  paffing  the  act  that  the  Parlia 
ment  mould  fit  during  pleafure  was  indeed  his  ruin, 
to  which  he  was  drawn  by  the  Queen.  But  if  he 
had  not  made  great  conceffions,  he  had  funk  with 
out  being  able  to  make  a  ftruggle  for  it ;  and  could 
not  have  divided  the  Nation,  or  engaged  fo  many 
to  have  flood  by  him  :  Since  by  the  conceffions 
that  he  made,  especially  that  of  the  triennial  Par 
liament,  the  honefl  and  quiet  part  of  the  Nation 
was  fatisfied,  and  thought  their  religion  and  liber 
ties  were  fecured  :  So  they  broke  off  from  *  t;hofe 
violenter  proportions  that  occafioned  the  war. 

The  truth  was,  the  King  did  not  come  irtfo  thofe 
ponceffions  feafonably,  nor  with  a  good  grace  :  All 
appeared  to  be  extorted  irom  him.  There  were 

*  It  feems  clearer,  if  inftead  of  broke  off  from t  the  fentence 
jan  would  not  go  into, 

alfo 


42  A   S  U'M  MARY  of  Affairs 

alfo  grounds,  whether  true  or  plaufible,  to  make 
it  to  be  believed,  that  he  intended  not  to  ftand  to 
them  any  longer  than  he  lay  under  that  force,  that 
viftbly  drew  them  from  him  contrary  to  his  own 
inclinations.  The  proofs  that  appeared  of  fomc 
particulars,  that  made  this  feem  true,  made  other 
things  that  were  whifpered  to  be  more  readily  be 
lieved  :  For  in  all  critical  times  there  are  deceitful 
people  of  both  fides,  that  pretend  to  merit  by 
making  difcoveries,  on  condition  that  no  ufe  ihall 
be  made  of  them  as  witnefles  ;  which  is  one  of  the 
moft  peiliferous  ways  of  calumny  poflible.  Almoft 
the  whole  Court  had  been  concerned  in  one  illegal 
grant  or  another  :  So  thefe  Courtiers,  to  get  their 
faults  pafs'd  over,  were  as  fo  many  fpies  upon  the 
King  and  Queen  :  They  told  all  they  heard,  and 
perhaps  not  without  large  additions,  to  the  leading 
men  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons.  This  inflamed 
the  jealoufy,  and  pufh'd  them  on  to  the  making  ftill 
new  demands.  One  eminent  paflage  was  told  me 
by  the  Lord  Hollis : 

An  ac-  Tke  Earl  of  Strafford  had  married  his  fitter  : 
count  of  So,  tho'  in  that  Parliament  he  was  one  of  the 
ifce  Earl  hotteft  men  of  the  party,  yet  when  that  matter 
ford?  be  was  ^e^ore  them  he  always  withdrew.  When  the 
ing,  given  bill  of  attainder  was  pafs'd,  the  King  fent  for  him 
sip  by  the  to  know  what  he  could  do  to  fave  the  Earl  of 
Strafford.  Hollis  anfwered,  that  if  the  King 
pleafed,  fince  the  execution  of  the  law  was  in  him, 
he  might  legally  grant  him  a  reprieve,  which  muft 
be  good  in  law ;  but  he  would  not  advife  it.  That 
which  he  propofed  was,  that  Lord  Strafford  mould 
fend  him  a  petition  for  a  fhort  refpite,  to  fettle  his 
affairs  and  to  prepare  for  death  •,  upon  which  he 
adviled  the  King  to  come  next  day  with  the  peti 
tion  in  his  hands,  and  lay  it  before  the  two  houfes 
with  a  fpeech  which  he  drew  for  the  King ;  and 
Hollis  faid  to  him,  he  would  try  his  intereft  among 
his  friends  to  get  them  to  confent  to  it.  He  pre 
pared  a  great  many  by  alluring  them,  that  if  they 

would 


before  the  R  E  s  T  q  R  A  T  i  o  N.  43 

would  fave  Lord  StrarTord  he  would  become  wholly 
theirs  in  confequence  of  his  firft  principles  :  And 
that  he  might  do  them  much  more  fervice  by 'be 
ing  preferved,  than  he  could  do  if  made  an  ex 
ample  upon  fuch  new  and  doubtful  points.  In  this 
he  had  wrought  on  fo  many,  that  he  believed  if 
-  the  King's  party  had  ftruck  into  it  he  might  have 
faved  him.  It  was  carried  to  the  Queen,  as  if 
Hollis  had  engaged  that  the  Earl  of  StrarTord 
fhould  accufe  her,  and  difcover  all  he  knew  :  So 
the  Queen  not  only  diverted  the  King  from  going 
to  the  Parliament,  changing  the  fpeech  into  a  mef- 
fage  all  writ  with  the  King's  own  hand,  and  fent 
to  the  Hqufe  of  Lords  by  the  Prince  of  Wales  : 
[which  Hollis  had  faid,  would  have  perhaps  done 
as  well,  the  King  being  apt  to  fpoil  things  by  an 
unacceptable  manner :]  But  to  the  wonder  of  the 
whole  world,  the  Queen  prevailed  with  him  to  add 
that  mean  poftfcript,  "  If  he  muft  die,  it  were  cha- 
^  rityto  reprieve  him  till  Saturday  :"  Which  was  a 
very  unhandfome  giving  up  of  the  whole  mefiage. 
When  it  was  communicated  to  both  houfes,  the 
whole  Court  party  was  plainly  againft  it :  And  fo 
he  fell  truly  by  the  Queen's  means. 

The  mentioning  this  makes  me  add  one  parti 
cular  concerning  Archbilhop  Laud :  When  his  im 
peachment  was  brought  to  the  Lord's  bar,  he  ap 
prehending  how  it  would  end,  fent  over  Warner, 
Bifhop  of  Rocheiler,  with  the  keys  of  his  clofet 
and  cabinet,  that  he  might  deilroyor  put  out  of  the 
way  all  papers  that  might  either  hurt  himfelf  or 
any  body  elfe.  He  was  at  that  work  for  three 
hours,  till  upon  Laud's  being  committed  to  the 
black  rod  a  meflenger  went  over  to  feal  up  his  clo 
fet,  who  came  after  all  was  withdrawn.  Among 
the  writings  he  took  away,  it  is  believed  the  ori 
ginal  Magna  Charta  paffed  by  King  John  in  the 
mead  near  Stains  was  one.  This  was  found  among 
Warner's  papers  by  his  executor :  And  that  def- 
f ended  to  his  fon  and  executor.  Colonel  Lee,  who 

gave 


/  .  T 

44  A   S  U*M  M  A  R  y  of  Affairs 

gave  it  to  me.  So  it  is  now  in  my  hands  ;  and  it 
came  very  fairly  to  me.  For  this  conveyance  of  it 
we  have  nothing  but  conjecture. 

I  do  not  intend  to  profecute  the  hiflory  of  the 
wars.  I  have  told  a  great  deal  relating  to  them  in 
the  memoirs  of  the  Dukes  of  Hamilton.  Rum- 
worth's  collections  contain  many  excellent  materi 
als  :  And  now  the  firft  volume  of  the  earl  of  Cla 
rendon's  hiftory  gives  a  faithful  reprefentation  of 
the  beginnings  of  the  troubles,  tho'  writ  in  favour 
of  the  Court,  and  full  of  the  beft  excufes  that  fuch 
ill  things  were  capable  of.  I  mall  therefore  only 
fet  out  what  I  had  particular  reafon  to  know,  and 
what  is  not  to  be  met  with  in  books. 
The  new  The  Kirk  was  now  fettled  in  Scotland  with  a 
model  of  new  mixture  of  ruling  elders  *  which,  tho'  they 
the  Pref-  were  taken  from  the  Geneva  pattern,  to  afllft  or 
rat^er  to  De  a  cneck  on  the  Minifters,  in  the  ma 
naging  the  parochial  difcipline,  yet  thefe  never 
came  to  their  aflemblies  till  the  year  1638,  when 
they  thought  it  necefTary  to  make  them  firft  go  and 
carry  all  the  elections  of  the  Minifters  at  the  feve- 
ral  prefbyteries,  and  next  come  themfelves  and  fit 
in  the  aflemblies.  The  nobility  and  chief  gentry 
offered  themfelves  upon  that  occafion  :  And  the 
Minifters,  fmce  they  faw  they  were  like  to  act  in 
oppofition  to  the  King's  orders,  were  glad  to  have 
fo  great  a  fupport.  But  the  elders  that  now  came 
to  affift  them  beginning  to  take,  as  the  Minifters 
thought,  too  much  on  them,  they  grew  weary  of 
fuch  imperious  mafters :  So  they  ftudied  to  work 
up  the  inferiour  people  to  much  zeal :  And  as  they 
wrought  any  up  to  fome  meafure  of  heat  and  know 
ledge,  they  brought  them  alfo  into  their  elder- 
fhip  ;  and  fo  got  a  majority  of  hot  zealots  who 
depended  on  them.  One  out  of  thefe  was  deputed 
to  attend  on  the  judicatories.  They  had  fynods  of 
all  the  clergy,  in  one  or  more  counties  who  met 
twice  a  year :  And  a  general  affembly  met  once  a 
year:  And  at  parting,  that  body  named  fome, 

called 


before  the  RESTORATION.  45 

called  the  commiflion  of  the  Kirk,  who  were  to  fit 
in  the  intervals  to  prepare  matters  for  the  next  ai- 
fembly,  and  to  look  into  all  the  concerns  of  the 
church,  to  give  warning  of  dangers,  and  toinfpe<5t 
all  proceedings  of  the  ftate  as  far  as  related  to  the 
matters  of  religion  :  By  thefe  means  they  became 
terrible  to  all  their  enemies.  In  their  fermons, 
and  chiefly  in  their  prayers,  all  that  pafs'd  in  the 
ftate  was  canvafTed  :  Men  were  as  good  as  named, 
and  either  recommended  or  complained  of  to  God, 
as  they  were  acceptable  or  odious  to  them.  This 
grew  up  in  time  to  an  infufferable  degree  of  bold- 
nefs.  The  way  that  was  given  to  it,  when  the 
King  and  the  Biiliops  were  their  common  themes, 
made  that  afterwards  the  humour  could  not  be  re- 
ftrained :  And  it  grew  fo  petulant,  that  the  pulpit 
was  a  fcene  of  news  and  paflion.  For  fome  years 
this  was  managed  with  great  appearances  of  fer 
vour  by  men  of  age  and  fome  authority :  But 
when  the  younger  and  hotter  zealots  took  it  up, 
it  became  odious  to  almoft  all  fort  of  people,  ex 
cept  fome  four  enthufiaits,  who  thought  all  their 
impertinence  was  zeal  and  an  effect  of  infpiration  ; 
which  flowed  naturally  from  the  conceit  of  extem 
porary  prayers  being  praying  by  the  fpirit. 

Henderfon,  a  Miniiler  of  Edinburgh,  was  by  The  chief 
much  the  wifeil  and  graveft  of  them  all :  But  as  Mim 
all  his  performances  that  I  have  feen   are  flat  and 
heavy,    fo   he  found   it  was  an   eafier    thing   to  ^  * 
raife  a  flame  than  to  quench  it.  He  flndied  to  keep 
his  party  to  him  :  Yet  he  found  he  could  not  mo 
derate  the  heat  of  fome  fiery  fpirits  :  So  when  he 
faw  he  could  follow  them  no  more,  but  that  they 
had  got  the  people  out  of  his  hands,  he  funk  both 
in  body  and  mind,  and  died  foon  after.     The  per- 
Ibn  next  to  him  was  Douglas,  believed  to  be  def- 
cended  from  the  royal  family  tho'  the  wrong  way  : 
There  appeared  an  air  of  greatnefs   in  him,    that 
made  all  that  faw  him  inclined  enough  to  believe 
he  was  of  no  ordinary  defcent.     He  was  a  reierved 

man  : 


46  A  S  u  M  M  A  R  Y  of  Affairs 

man  :  He  had  the  fcriptures  by  heart  to  the  exact  - 
nefs  of  a  Jew  •,  for  he  was  as  a  concordance  :  He 
was  too  calm  and  too  grave  for  the  furious  men, 
but  yet  he  was  much  depended  on  for  his  prudence. 
1  knew  him  in  his  old  age  ;  and  faw  plainly,  he 
.was  a  flave  to  his  popularity,  and  durft  not  own  the 
free  thoughts  he  had  of  fome  things  for  fear  of  of 
fending  the  people. 

,!;•  I  will  not  run  out  in  giving  the  characters  of  the 
other  leading  preachers  among  them  ^  fuch  as  Dick- 
fon,  Blair,  Rutherford,  Baily,  Cant,  and  the  two 
Gillifpys.  They  were  men  all  of  a  fort :  They 
affected  great  fublimities  in  devotion  :  They  pour 
ed  themfelves  out  in  their  prayers  with  a  loud 
voice,  and  often  with  many  tears.  They  had  but 
an  ordinary  proportion  of  learning  among  them  ; 
fomething  of  Hebrew,  and  very  little  Greek : 
Books  of  controverfy  with  Papifts,  but  above  all 
with  the  Arminians,  was  the  height  of  their  fludy. 
.  A  way  of  preaching  by  doctrine,  reafon,  and  ufe 
was  what  they  fet  up  on  :  And  fome  of  them  af 
fected  a  ilrain  of  Hating  cafes  of  confcience,  not 
with  relation  to  moral  actions,  but  to  fome  re 
flexions  on  their  condition  and  temper :  That  was 
occafioned  chiefly  by  their  conceit  of  praying  by 
the  fpirit,  which  every  one  could  not  attain  to,  or 
keep  up  to  the  fame  heat  in  at  all  times.  The 
Their  ftu-  learning  they  recommended  to  their  young  divines 
dies,  and  were  fome  German  fyflemes,  fome  commentators 
other  me-  on  tne  fcripture,  books  of  controverfy,  and  practi 
cal  books :  They  were  fo  careful  to  oblige  them  to 
make  their  round  in  thefe,  that  if  they  had  no  men 
of  great  learning  among  them,  yet  none  were  very 
ignorant :  As  if  they  had  thought  an  equality  in 
learning  was  neceflary  to  keep  up  the  parity  of  their 
Government.  None  could  be  fuffered  to  preach 
as  Expectants,  (as  they  called  them,)  but  after  a 
tryal  or  two  in  private  before  the  Minifters  alone  : 
Then  two  or  three  fermons  were  to  be  preached  in 
publick,  fome  more  learnedly,  fome  more  practU 

cally  ; 


before  the  RESTORATION,  4- 

cally  :  Then  a  head  in  divinity  was  to^be  common 
placed  in  Latin,  and  the  perfon  was  to  maintain, 
Thefes  upon  it :  He  was  alfo  to  be  tried  in  Greek 
and  Hebrew,  and  in  fcripture  chronology.  The 
queilionary  trial  came  laft,  every  Minifter  afking 
fuch  queilions  as  he  pleafed.  When  any  had  pafs'd 
thro' all  thefe  with  approbation,  which  was  done 
in  a  courfe  of  three  or  four  months,  he  was  allow 
ed  to  preach  when  invited.  And  if  he  was  pre- 
fented  or  called  to  a  Church,  he  was  to  pals  thro" 
a  new  fet  of  the  fame  tryals.  This  made  that  there 
was  a  fmall  circle  of  knowledge  in  which  they  were 
generally  well  inftructed.  True  morality  was  little 
iludied  or  efleemed  by  them  :  They  took  much 
pains  among  their  people  to  maintain  their  autho 
rity  :  They  affected  all  the  ways  of  familiarity  that 
were  like  to  gain  on  them. 

They  forced  all   people  to  fign  the  covenant :  Their 
And  the   greateft   part  of  the  Epifcopal  Clergy,  §^5^ 
among  whom  there  were  two  Bifhops,  came  to  v< 
them,  and  renounced  their  former  principles,  'and 
defired  to  be  received  into  their   body.     At  firft 
they  received  all  that -offered  themfelves  :  But  af 
terwards  they  repented  of  this:    And  the  violent 
men  among  them  were  ever  pre fling  the  purging 
the   Kirk,    as   they  called  it,  that  is  the  ejecting 
all  the  Epifcopal  Clergy.     Then  they  took   up 
the  term  of  Malignants,  by  which  all  who  dif 
fered  from  them  were  diftinguifhed  :  But  the  ftrict- 
nefs  of  piety  and  good  life,  which  had  gained  them 
fo  much  reputation  before  the  war,  began  to  wear 
off;    and  inflead  of  that,    a  fiercenefs  of  temper,    j 
and  a  copioufnefs  of  many  long  fermons,  and  much    j 
longer  prayers,  came  to  be  the  diftindtion  of  the 
party.     This  they  carried  even  to  the  faying  grace 
before   and  after  meat  fometimes  to  the  length  of 
a  whole  hour.     But  as  every  new  war  broke  out, 
there  was  a  vifible  abatement  of  even  the  outward 
fhews  of  piety.     Thus  the   war  corrupted   both 
fides.     When  the  war  broke  out  in  England,  the 

Scots 


A  SUMMARY  of  Affair^ 
Scots  had  a  great  mind  to  go  into  it.  The  de 
cayed  nobility,  the  military  men,  and  the  Mini- 
flers,  were  violently  fet  on  it.  They  faw  what 
good  quarters  they  had  in  the  north  of  England* 
And  they  hoped  the  umpirage  of  the  war  would 
fall  into  their  hands.  The  divifion  appearing  fo 
near  an  equality  in  England,  they  reckoned  they 
would  turn  the  fcales,  and  fo  be  courted  on  both 
fides :  And  they  did  not  doubt  to  draw  great  ad 
vantages  from  it,  both  for  the  Nation  in  general^ 
and  themfelves  in  particular.  Duke  Hamilton 
was  milled  by  the  King  with  the  management  of 
his  affairs  in  that  Kingdom,  and  had  powers  to  of 
fer,  but  fo  fecretly  that  if  difcovered  it  could  not 
i-  De  proved,  for  fear  of  difgufting  the  Englifh,  that 
ons  offer-  if  they  would  engage  in  the  King's  fide  he  would 
ed  to  the  C0nfent  to  the  uniting  Northumberland,  Cumber 
land,  and  Weftmoreland,  to  Scotland ;  and  that 
Newcastle  fhould  be  the  feat  of  the  Government ; 
that  the  Prince  of  Wales  fhould  hold  his  Court  al 
ways  among  them  ,  that  every  third  year  the  King 
fhou'd  go  among  them  •,  and  every  office  in  the 
King's  houfhold  fhould  in  the  third  turn  be  given 
to  a  Scotchman.  This  I  found  not  among  Duke 
Hamilton's  papers :  But  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale 
aflured  me  of  it,  and  that  at  the  Ifle  of  Wight  they 
had  all  the  engagements  from  the  King  that  he 
could  give.  Duke  Hamilton  quickly  faw,  it  was 
a  vain  imagination  to  hope  that  Kingdom  could 
be  brought  to  efpoufe  the  King's  quarrel.  The 
inclination  ran  ftrong  the  other  way :  All  he  hoped 
to  fucceed  in  was  to  keep  them  neuter  for  fome 
time  :  And  this  he  faw  could  not  hold  long  :  So 
after  he  had  kept  off  their  engaging  with  England 
all  the  year  1643,  he  and  his  friends  faw  it  was  in 
vain  to  ftruggle  any  longer.  The  courfe  they  all 
refolved  on  was,  that  the  nobility  fhouid  fall  ia 
heartily  with  the  inclinations  of  the  Nation  to  join 
with  England,  that  fo  they  might  procure  to  them 
felves  and  their  friends  the  chief  commands  in  the 

army  : 


before  the  R  E  s  T  o  R  A  T  i  o'#.' 
army  :  And  then,  when  they  were  in  England,  and 
that  their  army  was  as  a  diflincl  body  feparated 
from  the  reft  of  the  Kingdom,  it  might  be  much 
eafier  to  gain  them  to  the  King's  fervice,  than  it 
was  at  that  time  to  work  on  the  whole  Nation. 

This  was  not  a  very  fincere  way  of  proceeding : 
But  it  was  intended  for  the  King's  fervice*  and 
would  probably  have  had  the  effect  defigned  by  it-,  j, 
if  fome  accidents  had  not  happened  that  changed 
the  face  of  affairs,  which  are  not  rightly  under- 
flood :  And  therefore  1  will  open  them  clearly. 
The  Earl  of  Montrofe  and  a  party  of  high  Roya- 
lifts  were  for  entring  into  an  open  breach  with  the 
country  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1643,  but 
offered  no  probable  methods  of  maintaining  it ;  nor 
•could  they  reckon  themfelves  affured  of  any  confl- 
derable  party.  They  were  full  of  undertakings  : 
But  when  they  were  preffed  to  mew  what  concur 
rence  might  be  depended  on,  nothing  was  offered 
but  from  the  Highlanders  :  And  on  this  wife  men 
could  not  rely  :  So  Duke  Hamilton  would  not  ex- 
pofe  the  King's  affairs  by  fuch  a  defperate  way  of 
proceeding.  Upon  this  they  went  to  Oxford,  and 
filled  all  people  there  with  complaints  of  the  trea 
chery  of  the  Hamiltons ;  and  they  pretended  they 
could  have  fecured  Scotland,  if  their  propofitions 
had  been  entertained.  This  was  but  too  fuitable  to 
the  King's  own  inclinations,  and  to  the  humour 
that  was  then  prevailing  at  Oxford.  So  when  the 
two  Hamiltons  came  up,  they  were  not  admitted 
to  fpeak  to  the  King  :  And  it  was  believed,  if  the 
younger  brother  had  not  made  his  efcape,  that  both 
would  have  fuffered  ^  for  when  the  Queen  heard  of 
his  efcape>  fhe  with  great  commotion  faid,  Aber- 
corn  has  miffed  a  Dukedom ;  for  that  Earl  was  a 
Papift,  and  next  to  the  two  brothers.  They  could 
have  demonftrated,  if  heard,  that  they  were  fure 
of  above  two  parts  in  three  of  the  officers  of  the 
army ;  and  did  not  doubt  to  have  engaged  the 
army  in  the  King's  caufe.  But  the  failing  in  this 

VOL.  L  E  was 


ASiTMMARYof  Affairs 
was  not  all.     The  Earl,  then  made  Marquis  of 
Montrofe,  had  powers  given  him,  fuch  as  he  de- 
fired,  and  was  fent  down  with  them :  But  he  could 
do  nothing  till  the  end  of  the  year.  A  great  body  of 
the  Macdonalds  commanded  by  one  Col.  Killoch 
came  over  from  Ireland  to  recover  Kentire,  the  bed 
country  of  all  the  Highlands,    out  from  which 
they  had  been  driven  by  the  Argile  family,  who 
had  pofleffed  their  country  about  fifty  years.    The 
head  of  thefe  was  the  Earl  of  Antrim,  who  had 
•married  the  Duke  of  Buckingham's  widow  :  And 
being  a  Papift,  and  having  a  great  command  in 
Ulfter,  was  much  relied  on  by  the  Queen.     He 
was  the  main  perfon  in  the  firft  rebellion,  and  was 
the  moft  engaged   in  blood-med  of   any  in  the 
north  :  Yet  he  continued  to  correfpond  with  the 
Queen  to  the  great  prejudice  of  the  King's  affairs. 
When  the  Marquis  of  Montrofe  heard  they  were 
in  Argilefhire,  he  went  to  them,  and  told  them, 
if  they  would  let  him  lead  them  he  would  carry 
them  into  the  heart  of  the  Kingdom,  and  procure 
them  better  quarters  and  good  pay  :  So  he  led 
them  into  Perthftiire.     The  Scots  had  at  that  time 
an  army  in  England,  and  another  in  Ireland  :  Yet 
they  did  not  think  it  neceffary  to  call  home  any 
part  of  either,  but  defpifing  the  Irilh,  and  the 
Highlanders,  they  railed  a  tumultuary  army,  and 
put  it  under  the  command  of  fome  Lords  noted 
for  want  of  courage,  and  of  others   who  wifhed 
well  to  the  other   fide.     The  Marquis  of  Mon- 
trofe's  men  were  defperate,  and  met  with  little  re- 
fiilance  :  So  that  fmall  body  of  the  Covenanters 
army  was  routed.     And  here  the  Marquis  of  Mon 
trofe  got  horfes  and  ammunition,  having  but  three 
horfes  before,  and  powder  only  for  one  charge. 
Then  he  became  confiderable :  And  he  marched 
through  the  northern  parts   by  Aberdeen.     The 
Marquis  of  Huntly  was   in  the  King's  interefts  ; 
but  would  not  join  with  him,  tho*  his   ions  did. 
Aftrology  ruined  him :    He  believed   the  flars, 

and 


before  the  RESTORATION.  51 

and  they  deceived  him  :  Fie  faid  often,  that  neither 
the  King,  nor  the  Hamiltons,  nor  Montrofe 
Would  profper :  Fie  believed  he  fhould  outlive 
them  all,  and  efcape  at  laft ;  as  it  happened  in 
conclufion,  as  to  outliving  the  others.  Fie  was 
naturally  a  gallant  man :  But  the  ftars  had  fo  fub- 
dued  him,  that  he  made  a  poor  figure  during  the 
whole  courfe  of  the  wars. 

The  Marquis  of  Montrofe's  fuccefs  was  very Gooc}  ad- 
mifchievous,  and  proved  the  ruin  of  the  Kring's  v  !ce$ 
affairs  :  On  which  I  fhould  not  have  depended  en-  3 
tireiy,  if  I  had  had  this  only  from  the  Earl  of  Lau- 
derdale$  who  was  indeed  my  firfl  author  :  But  it 
was  fully  confirmed  to  me  by  the  Lord  Hollis, 
who  had  gone  in  with  great  heat  into  the  begin 
nings  of  the  war :  But  he  foon  faw  the  ill  confe- 
quences  it  already  had,  and  the  worfe  that  were 
like  to  grow  with  this  progrefs  of  it :  He  had  in 
the  beginning  of  the  year  forty  three,  when  he 
was  fent  to  Oxford  with  the  propofitions,  taken 
great  pains  on  all  about  the  King  to  convince  them 
of  the  necefilty  of  their  yielding  in  time  ;  fince 
the  longer  they  flood  out  the  conditions  would  be 
harder  :  And  when  he  was  fent  by  the  Parliament 
in  the  end  of  the  year  forty  four,  with  other  pro 
pofitions,  he  and  Whitlock  entered  into  fecret 
conferences  with  the  King,  of  which  fome  ac 
count  is  given  by  Whitlock  in  his  memoirs. 
They  with  other  commifTioners  that  were  fent  to 
Oxford  pofTerTed  the  King,  and  all  that  were  in 
great  credit  with  him^  with  this,  thar  it  was  ab- 
folutely  neceiTary  the  King  fhould  put  an  end  to 
the  war  by  a  treaty  :  A  new  party  of  hot  men 
was  fpringing  up,  that  were  plainly  for  changing 
the  Government  :  They  were  growing  much  in  the 
army,  but  were  yet  far  from  carrying  any  thing 
in  the  houfe  :  They  had  gained  much  ftrength 
this  fummer  :  And  they  might  make  a  great  pro 
grefs  by  the  accidents  that  another  year  might 
produce  :  Thty  confeffed  there  were  many  things 
E  2  hard 


52  A   S  u  -M  M  A  R  Y  of  Affairs 

hard  to  be  digeiled,  that  muft  be  done  in  order 
to  a  peace :  They  alked  things  that  were  unrea- 
fonable  :  But  they  were  forced  to  confent  to  thole 
demands  :  Otherwife  they  would  have  loft  their 
credit  with  the  City  and  the  people,  who  could 
not  be  fatisfkd  without  a  very  entire  fecurity,  and 
a  full  fatisfaction  :  But  the  extremity  to  which 
matters  might  be  carried  otherwife,  made  it,  ne- 
ceffary  to  come  to  a  peace  on  any  terms  what- 
foever  ;  fince  no  terms  could  be  fo  bad  as  the  con 
tinuance  of  the  war :  The  King  muft  truft  them, 
tho'  they  were  not  at  that  time  difpofed  to  truft 
him  fo  much  as  it  were  to  be  wifhed  :  They  faid 
farther,  that  if  a  peace  mould  follow,  it  would  be 
a  much  eafier  thing  to  get  any  hard  laws  now 
moved  for  to  be  repealed,  than  it  was  now  to 
hinder  their  being  infifted  on.  With  thefe  things 
Hollis  told  rne  that  the  King  and  many  of  his 
counfellours,  who  law  how  his  affairs  declined, 
and  with  what  difficulty  they  could  hope  to  con 
tinue  the  war  another  year,  were  fatisfied.  •  The 
King  more  particularly  began  to  feel  the  infolence 
of  the  military  men,  and  of  thofe  who  were  daily 
reproaching  him  with  their  fervices  ;  fo  that  they 
were  become  as  uneai'y  to  him  as  thofe  of  Weft- 
minlter  had  been  formerly.  But  fome  came  in  the 
interval  irom  Lord  Montrofe  with  fuch  an  account 
of  what  he  had  done,  of  the  ftrength  he  had,  and 
of  his  hopes  next  iummer,  that  the  King  was  by 
that  prevailed  on  to  believe  his  affairs  would  mend, 
•and  that  he  might  afterwards  treat  on  better  terms. 

But  not  fhis  unhappily  wrought  fo  far,  that  the  limita 
tions  he  put  on  thofe  he  fent  to  treat  at  Uxbridge 
made  .the  whole  defign  mifcarry.  That  raifed  the 
fpirits  of  thofe  that  were  already  but  too  much 
cxafperated.  The  Marquis  of  Montrofe  made  a 
great  piogrefs  the  next  year  :  But  he  laid  no  laft- 
ing  foundation,  for  he  did  not  make  himfelf  mailer 
of  the  ftfong  places  or  pailes  of  the  Kingdom. 
After  his  laft  and  greateft  victory  at  Kilfyth  he 
6  was 


before  the  RESTORATION. 

was  lifted  up  out   of  meafure.     The  Macdonalds 
were  every  where  fierce   mailers,   and   ravenous 
plunderers  :  And  the  other  Highlanders,  who  did 
not   fuch   military  executions,  yet  were  good  at 
robbing  :  And  when  they  had   got   as  much  as 
they  could   carry  home  on  their  backs,  they  de- 
ferted.     The  Macdonalds  alfo  left  him  to  go  and 
execute  their  revenge   on   the   Argile's   country. 
The  Marquis  of  Montrofe  thought  he  was   now 
mafter,  but  had  no   fcheme  how  to  fix  his  con- 
quefts  :  He  wafted   the  eftates    of  his    enemies, 
chiefly  the  Hamiltons ;  and  went  towards  the  bor 
ders  of  England,    tho'  he  had  but  a  fmall  force 
left  about  him  :  But  he  thought  his  name  carried 
terrour  with  it.     So  he  writ  to  the  King  that  he 
had  gone  over  the  land   from  Dan  to  Beerlheba  ; 
He  prayed  the  King  to  come  down  in  thefe  words, 
<c  Come  thou,  and  take  the  City,  left  I  take  it,  and 
"  it  be  called  by  my  name."     This  letter  was 
writ,  but  never  fent ;  for  he  was  routed,  and  his 
papers  taken,  before  he  had  difpatched  the  courier. 
When  his  papers  were  taken,  many  letters  of  the 
King,  and  of  others  at  Oxford,  were  found,   as 
the  Earl  of  Crawford,  one  appointed  to  read  them, 
told  me ',  which  increafed  the  difgufts  :  But  thefe 
were  not  publifhed.     Upon  this  occafion  many 
prifoners  that  had  quarters  given  them  were  mur 
dered  in  cold  blood :  And  as  they  fent  them  to 
ibine  towns  that  had  been  ill  uied  by  Lord  Mon- 
trofe's  army,  the  people  in  revenge  fell  on  them 
and  knock'd  them  on   the  head.     Several  perfons 
of  quality  were  condemned  for  being  with  them  : 
And  they  were  proceeded  againft  both  with  fe ve 
rity  and  with  indignities.     The  preachers  thun- 
dred  in  their  pulpits  againft  all  that  did  the  work 
of  the  Lord  deceitfully  ;  and  cried  out  againft  all 
.that  were  for  moderate  proceedings,  as  guilty  of 
the  blood  that  had  been  ihed.     "  Thine  eye  mall 
."  not  pity,  and  thou  malt  not  fpare,"  were  often 
inculcated  after  every  execution  :  They  triumphed 
:  .  £3  with 


2^  i  A  SUMMARY  of  Affairs 

wftK  fo  little  decency,  that  it  gave  all  people  very  ill 
imprefliOns  6f  them.  But  this  was  not  the  worft 
effeifc  of  Lord  Montrofe's  expedition.  It  loft  the 
opportunity  at  Uxbridge :  It  alienated  the  Scots 
much  from  the  King  :  It  exalted  all  that  were  ene 
mies  to  peace.  Now  they  feemed  to  have  fome 
colour  for  all  thofe  afperfions  they  had  caft  on  the 
King,  as  if  he  had  been  in  a  correfpondence  with 
the  Irim  rebels,  when  the  worft  tribe  of  them  had 
been  thus  employed  by  him.  His  affairs  de 
clined  totally  in  England  that  fummer :  And 
Lord  Hollis  faid  to  me,  all  was  owing  to  Lord 
Montrofe's  unhappy  fuccefies. 

Antrim's  Upon  this  occafion  I  will  relate  fomewhat  con- 
correfpon-  ^  he  E  rf  of  Antrim.  I  had  in  my  hand 
dcncewjrh  _  &^t.  IT^-  •  i  /-  /- 

the  King    feveral  of  his  letters  to  the  King  in  the  year  1646, 

and       '   writ  in  a  very  confident  ftyle.     One  was  fomewhat 
Queen,     particular  :  He  in  a  pofticript  defired  the  King  to 
lend  the  inclofed  to  the  good  woman,   without 
making   any    excufe    for    the  prefumption ;    by 
which,  as  follows  in  the  pofticript,  he  meant  his 
wife,  the  Dutchefs  of  Buckingham.     This  made 
me  more  eafy  to  believe  a  ftory  that  the   Earl  of 
Efiex  told  me  he  had  from  the  Earl  of  Northum 
berland  :  Upon  the  Reftoration,  in  the  year  1660, 
Lord    Antrim   was   thought  guilty   of  fo   much 
bloodfhed,  that  it  was  taken  for  granted  he  could 
not  be  included  in  the  indemnity  that  was  to  pafs 
in  Ireland:  Upon  this  he  (Lord  Antrim)  feeing 
the  Duke  of  Ormondfet  againft  him,  came  over  to 
London,  and  was  lodged  at  Somerfet-Houfe  :  And 
it  was  believed,,  that  having  no  children  he  fettled 
-his   eftate  on  Jermyn  then  Earl  of  St.  Albans  : 
But  before  he  came  away,  he   had  made  a  prior 
fettlement  in  favour  of  his  brother.     He  petition 
ed  the  King  to  order  a  Committee  of  Council  to 
examine  the   warrants  that   he   had   acted  upon. 
The  Earl  of  Clarendon   was  for  rejecting  the  pe 
tition,  as  containing  a  high  indignity  to  the  me 
mory  of  King  Charles  the  firft :  And  faid  plainly 

at 


before  the  RESTORATION. 

at  Council  table,  that  if  any  perfon  had  pretended 
to  affirm  fuch  a  thing  while  they  were  at  Oxford, 
he  would  either  have  been  feverely  punifhed  for  it, 
or  the  King  would  foon  have  had  a  very  thin 
Court.  But  it  feemed  juft  to  fee  what  he  had  to 
fay  for  himfelf :  So  a  committee  was  named,  of 
which  the  Farl  of  Northumberland  was  the  chief. 
He  produced  to  them  fome  ot  the  King's  letters  : 
But  they  did  not  come  up  to  a  full  proof.  In  one 
of  them  the  King  wrote,  that  he  had  not  then 
leifure,  but  referred  himfelf  to  the  Queen's  letter  ; 
and  faid,  that  was  all  one  as  if  he  writ  himfelf. 
Upon  this  foundation  he  produced  a  feries  of  let 
ters  writ  by  himfelf  to  the  Queen,  in  which  he 
gave  her  an  account  of  every  one  of  thefe  particu 
lars  that  were  laid  to  his  charge,  and  mewed  the 
grounds  he  went  on,  and  defired  her  directions  to 
every  one  of  thefe  :  He  had  anfwers  ordering  him 
to  do  as  he  did.  This  the.  Queen-mother  elpouf- 
ed  with  great  zeal  j  and  faid,  (he  was  bound  in 
honour  to  fave  him.  I  faw  a  great  deal  of  that 
management,  for  I  was  then  at  Court.  But  it 
was  generally  believed,  that  this  train  of  letters 
was  made  up  at  that  time  in  a  collufion  between 
the  Queen  and  him  :  So  a  report  was  prepared  to 
be  figned  by  the  Committee,  fetting  forth  that  he 
had  fo  fully  juftifted  himfelf  in  every  thing  that 
had  been  objected  to  him,  that  he  ought  not  to 
be  exceptecl  out  of  the  indemnity.  This  was 
brought  firft  to  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  to 
be  figned  by  him  :  But  he  refufed  it  •,  and  faid, 
he  was  forry  he  had  produced  fuch  warrants,  bdt 
he  did  not  think  they  could  ferve  his  turn  j  for 
he  did  not  believe  any  warrant  from  the  King  or 
Queen  could  juflify  fo  much  bloodfhed,  in  fo 
many  black  inftances  as  were  laid  againft  him. 
Upon  his  refufal  the  reft  of  the  Committee  did  not 
think  fit  to  fign  the  report :  So  it  was  let  fall  : 
And  the  King  was  prevailed  on  to  write  to  the 
Duke  of  Ormond,  telling  him  that  he  had  fo  vin- 
E  4  dilated 


£6  A  S  u  M  M  A  R  Y  of  Affairs 

dicated  hinifelf,  that  he  muft  endeavour  to  get  him 

to  be  included  in  the  indemnity.     That  was  done  •, 

and  was  no  fmall  reproach  to  the  King,  that  did 

thus  facrince  his  father's  honour  to  his  mother's 

The  on-   importunity.     Upon  this  the  Earl  of  Efiex  told 

ginal  of     me,  that  he  had  taken  all  the  pains  he  could  to 

the  Info    enquire  into  the  original  of  the  Irifh  maffacre,  but 

•         e'  could  never  fee  any  reafon  to  believe  the  King  had 

any  acceflion  to  it.     He  did  indeed  believe  that 

the  Queen  hearkened  to  the  propositions  made  by 

the  Irifh,  who  undertook  to  take  the  Government 

of  Ireland  into   their  hands,  which  they  thought 

they  could  eaiily  perform  :    And  then,  they  laid, 

they  would  aflifl  the  King  to  fubdue  the  hot  fpirits 

at  Weftminfter.     With  this  the  plot  of  the  infur- 

re&ion  began:    And   all   the   Irifh •  believed   the 

Queen  encouraged  it.     But  in  the  firft  defign  there 

was   no  thought  of  a  maiTacre :    That  came  in 

head  as  they  were  laying  the  methods  of  executing 

it :  So,  as  thofe  were  managed  by  the  Friefts,  they 

were  the  chief  men  that  fet  on  the  Irifh  to  all  the 

blood  and  cruelty  that  followed. 

I  know  nothing  in  particular  of  the  fequel  of 
the  war,  nor  of  all  the  confufions  that  happened 
till  the  murder  of  King  Charles  the  firft  :  Only 
one  pafiage  I  had  from  Lieutenant  General  Dru- 
mond,  afterwards  Lord  Strathallan.  He  ferved 
on  the  King's  fide :  But  he  had  many  friends 
among  thofe  who  were  for  the  Covenant :  So  the 
King's  affairs  being  now  ruined,  he  was  recom 
mended  to  Cromwell,  being  then  in  a  treaty 
:  with  the  Spaniih  AmbafTador,  who  was  negotiating 
for  fome  regiments  to  be  levied  and  fent  over 
from  Scotland  to  Flanders :  He  happened  to  be 
with  Cromwell  when  the  commiffioners  fent  from 
Scotland  to  protefl  againft  the  putting  the  King 
to  death  came  to  argue  the  matter  with  him. 
Cromwell  bade  Drumond  flay  and  hear  their  con 
ference,  which  he  did.  They  began  in  a  heavy 
languid  ftyle  to  lay  indeed  great  load  on  the 

King: 


before  the  RESTORATION.  'g*j 

King :  But  they  flill  infifled  on  that  clavife  In  the 
Covenant,  by  which  they  fwore  they  would  be 
faithful  in  the  prefervation  of  his  Majefty's  per- 
ibn  :  With  this  they  -Ihewed  upon  what  terms 
Scotland,  as  well  as  the  two  Houfes,  had  engaged 
in  the  war  ;  and  what  folemn  declarations  of  their 
zeal  and  duty  to  the  King  they  all  along  publifh- 
ed ;  which  would  now  appear,  to  the  fcandal  and 
reproach  of  the  chriflian  name,  to  have  been  falfe 
pretences,  if  when  the  King  was  in  their  power 
they  fhould  proceed  to  extremities.  Upon  this  Cromwell 
Cromwell  entered  into  a  long  difcourfe  of  the  naT  ar.g"esh 
ture  of  the  regal  power,  according  to  the  princi-  s^ts  con- 
pies  of  Mariana  and  Buchanan  :  He  thought  a  corning 
breach  of  truft  in  a  King  ought  to  be  puniihed  the  King's 
more  than  any  other  crime  whatfoever :  He  faid  death- 
as  to  their  Covenant,  they  fwore  to  the  preferva- 
tion  of  the  King's  perfon  in  defence  of  the  true 
religion  ;  If  then  it  appeared  that  the  fettlement 
of  the  true  religion  was  obflrufted  by  the  King, 
fo  that  they  could  not  come  at  it  but  by  putting 
him  out  of  the  way,  then  their  oath  could  not 
bind  them  to  the  prefer ving  him  any  longer.  He 
faid  alfo,  their  Covenant  did  bind  them  to  bring 
all  malignants,  incendiaries,  and  enemies  to  the 
caufe,  to  condign  punifhment :  And  was  not  this 
to  be  executed  impartially  ?  What  were  all  thofe 
on  whom  pubiick  juftice  had  been  done,  efpecially 
thofe  who  fuffered  for  joining  with  Montrofe,  but 
fmall  offenders  acting  by  com  million  from  the 
King,  who  was  therefore  the  principal,  and  fo  the 
rnoft  guilty  ?  Drumond  faid,  Cromwell  had  plainly 
the  better  of  them  at  their  own  weapon,  and  upon 
their  own  principles.  At  this  time  preibytery 
was  at  its  height  in  Scotland. 

In  fummer  1648,  when  the  Parliament  declared  rhepP'  f 
they  would  engage  to  refcue  the  King  from  his  ^eGene^ 
imprifonment,  and  the  Parliament  of  England  rai  Afiem- 
from  the  force  it  was  put  under  by  the  army,  the  bly  to  th& 
Nobility  went  into  the  defign,  all  except  fix  or Parlia- 

F     eight. ment' 


A  SUMMARY  of  Affairs 

eight.  The  King  had  figned  an  engagement  to 
make  good  his  offers  to  the  Nation  of  the  nor 
thern  counties,  with  the  other  conditions  formerly 
mentioned  :  And  particular  favours  were  promifed 
to  every  one  that  concurred  in  it.  The  Marquis 
of  Argile  gave  it  out  that  the  Hamiltons,  let  them 
pretend  what  they  would,  had  no  fmcere  inten 
tions  to  their  caufe,  but  had  engaged  to  ferve  the 
King  on  his  own  terms :  He  filled  the  preachers 
with  fuch  jealoulies  of  this,  that  tho*  all  the  de 
mands  that  they  made  for  the  fecurity  of  their 
caufe,  and  in  declaring  the  grounds  of  the  war, 
were  complied  with,  yet  they  could  not  be  fatif- 
fied,  but  ftill  faid  the  Hamiltons  were  in  a  con 
federacy  with  the  malignants  in  England*  and  did 
not  intend  to  {land  to  what  they  promifed.  The 
General  AfTembly  declared  againft  it,  as  an  un 
lawful  confederacy  with  the  enemies  of  God  ;  and 
called  it  the  Unlawful  Engagement,  which  came 
to  be  the  name  commonly  given  to  it  in  all  their 
pulpits.  They  every  where  preached  againft  it, 
and  oppofed  the  levies  all  they  could  by  folemn 
denunciations  of  the  wrath  and  curfe  of  God  on 
all  concerned  in  them.  This  was  a  ft-range  piece 
-of  oppofition  to  the  ftate,  little  inferiour  to  what 
was  pretended  to,  and  put  in  practice  by  the  Church 
-of  -Rome. 

The  fouth-weft  counties  of  Scotland  have  fel- 
dom  corn  enough  to  ferve  them  round  the  year  : 
And  the  northern  parts  producing  more  than  they 
need,  thofe  in  the  weft  come  in  the  fummer  -to 
buy  at  Leith  the  ftores  that  come  from  the  north  : 
And  from  a  word  Whiggam,  ufed  in  driving  their 
horfes,  all  that  drove  were  called  the  Whiggamors, 
.and  fhorter  the  Whiggs.  Now  in  that  year,  after 
the  news  came  down  of  Duke  Hamilton's  defeat, 
the  Minifters  animated  their  people  to  rife,  and 
anarch  to  Edinburgh  :  And  they  came  up  march? 
ing  on  the  head  of  their  pariihes,  with  an  un- 
Jieard-offory,  fraying  and  preaching  all  the  way 

as 


before  the  RESTORATION.  5^ 

as  they  came.     The  Marquis  of  Argiie  and  his  The  Mi- 
party  came  and  headed  them,  they   being  about  nifters 
6000,     This  was  called  the  Whiggamor's  inroad  :  " 
And  ever  after  that  all  that  oppofed   the  Court  ti 
came   in  contempt   to  be  called  Whiggs  :   And 
from   Scotland  the  word  was  brought  into  Eng 
land,  where  it  is  now  one  of  our  unhappy  terms 
of  diftinction. 

The  Committee  of  their  eflates,  with  the  force 
they  had  in  their  hands,  could  eafily  have  difli- 
pated  this  undifciplin'd  herd.     But  they  knowing 
their  own  weakneis  fent  to  Cromwell  defiring  his 
afliftance.     Upon  that  the  Committee   faw  they 
could  not  ftand  before  him  :  So  they  came  to  a 
treaty,  and  delivered  up  the  Government  to  this 
new   body.      Upon   their   afTuming  it,  they   de 
clared  all  who  had  ferved  or  aflifted  in  the  engage 
ment  incapable  of  any  employment,  till  they  had 
firft  fatisfied  the  Kirk  of  the  truth  of  their  repen* 
tance,  and  made  publick  profeflions   of  it.     All 
Churches  were  upon  that  full  of  mock  penitents, 
fome  making  their  acknowledgments   all  in  tears 
to  gain  more  credit  with  the  new  party.     The 
Earl  of  Lowdun,  that  was  Chancellour,  had  en 
tered  into  folemn  promifes  both  to  the  King  and 
the  Hamiltons  :  But  when  he  came  to  Scotland, 
his   wife,    a  high  covenanter,  -and   an   heirefs  by 
whom  he  had  both  honour  and  eftate,  threatnetl 
him,  if  he  went  on   that  Way,  with  a  procefs  of 
adultery,  in  which  fhe  could  have  had  very  copious 
•proofs :    He  dtirll  not  Hand  this,  and  fo  com 
pounded  the  matter  by  the  deferring  his  friends, 
and  turning  over  to  the  other  fide  :    Of  which  he 
-made   pubiick  profeffion  in  the  Church  of  Edin 
burgh  with   many  tears,  confeiiing  his  weaknefs 
in  yielding  to  the  temptation  of  what  had  a  fheW 
of  honour  and  loyalty,  for  which  he  exprefled  a 
^hearty  forrow.     Thofe  that  came  in  early  with 
great  mews  of  compunction  got  eafier  off :  But 
tfyofe  Who  flood  out  long  found  it  a  harder  mat 
ter 


60  A  SUMMARY  of  Affairs 

ter  to  make  their  Peace.     Cromwell  came  down  to 
Scotland,  and  faw  the  new  model  fully  fettled. 
The  During  his  abfence  from  the  fcene,  the  treaty 

treaty  in    of  the  iile  of  Wight  was  fet  on  foot  by  the  Par- 

wvi!e  °f  ^ament5  wno  feeing  tne  armY  at  fucn  a  diilance 

s  tl      took  this  occafion  of  treating  with  the  King.     Sir 

Henry  Vane,  and  others  who  were  for  a  change  of 

Government,  had  no  mind  to  treat  any  more.    But 

both  city  and  country  were  ib  defirous  or  a  per- 

ibnal  treaty,  that  it  could  not  be  refilled.     Vane, 

Pierpoint?  and  ibme  others  went  to  the  treaty  on 

purpofe  to  delay  matters  till  the  army  could  be 

brought  up  to  London.     All  that  wifhed  well  to 

the  treaty  prayed  the  King  at  their  firfl  coming  to 

diipatch  the  bufmefs  with  all  poiTible  haile,  and  to 

grant  the  firft  day  all  that  he  could  bring  himfelf 

to  grant  on  the  laft,     Hollis  and   Grimftone  told 

me,  they  had  both  on  their  knees  begged  this  of 

the  King.     They  faid,  they  knew  Vane  would 

Itudy  to  draw  out  the  treaty  to  a. great  length  : 

And  he,  who  declared  for  an  unbounded  liberty  of* 

conference,  would  try  to  gain  on  the  King's  party 

by  the. offer  of  a  toleration  for  the  common  pra)«r 

and  the  epifcppal  clergy.     His  ^efign  in  that  was 

.to  gain  time,  till  Cromwell  mould  fettle  Scotland 

and  the  north.  .But  they  faicj,  if  the  King  would 

irankly  come  in  without  the  formality  of  papers 

backward  and  forward,  and  fend  them  back  next 

.day  with  the  conceffions  that  were  abfolutely  ne- 

cceffary,  they  did  not  doubt  but  he  mould  in  a  very 

Few  days  be  brought  up  with  honour,  freedom  and 

fafety  to  the  Parliament,  and  that  matters  mould 

dbe.  brought  to  a  pnrfent  fettlernent.     Titus,  who 

-was  then  much  truited  by  the  King,  and  employed 

in  a  negotiation  with  the  prefbyterian  party,  told 

•me  he  had  fpoke  often  and   earneftly  to   him  in 

j  the  fame  (train  :  But  the  King  could  not  come. to 

:a  refolution;:   And  -he  ftill   fancied,  that  in  the 

-  ftruggk  between  the  Houfe  of  Commons  and  the 

-  Army,  both  law.  they  needed  him  fo  much  to,  give 

them 


before  the  RESTORATION.  61 

them  the  fuperiotir  ftrength,  that  he  imagined  by 
balancing  them  he  would  bring  both  Tides  into  a 
greater  dependence  on  himfelf,  and  force  them  to 
better  terms.  In  this  Vane  flattered  the  epifcopal 
party,  to  the  King's  ruin  as  well  as  their  own. 
But  they  ftili  hated  the  Prefbyterians  as  the  firft 
authors  of  the  war  ;  and  feemed  unwilling  to  think 
well  of  them,  or  to  be  beholding  to  them.  Thus 
the  treaty  went  on  with  a  fatal  flownefs  :  And  by 
the  time  it  was  come  to  fome  maturity,  Cromwell 
came  up  with  his  army  and  overturned  all. 

Upon  this  I  will  fet  down  what  Sir  Harbotle 
Grimilon  told  me  a  few  weeks  before  his  death  : 
Whether  it  was  done  at  this  time  or  the  year  be-  toiu 
fore  I  cannot  tell :  I  rather  ^believe  the  latter. 
When  the  Houfe  of  Commons  and  the  Army  were  a 
quarrelling,  at  a  meeting  of  the  officers,  it  was 
propofed  to  purge  the  army  better,  that  they 
might  know  whom  to  depend  on.  Cromwell 
upon  that  faid,  he  was  fure  of  the  Army;  but 
there  was  another  body  that  had  more  need  of 
purging,  naming  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  and  he 
thought  the  Army  only  could  do  that.  Two  offi 
cers  that  were  prefent  brought  an  account  of  this 
to  Grimfton,  who  carried  them  with  him  to  the 
Lobby  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  they  being 
refolved  to  juftify  it  to  the  Houfe.  There  was 
another  debate  then  on  foot  :  But  Grimilon  di 
verted  it,  and  faid,  he  had  a  matter  of  privilege 
of  the  higheft  fort  to  lay  before  them  :  It  was 
about  the  being  and  freedom  of  the  Houfe.  So 
he  charged  Cromwell  with  the  defign  of  putting  a 
force  on  the  Houfe  :  He  had  his  witneiles  at  the 
door,  and  defired  they  might  be  examined :  They 
were  brought  to  the  barr,  and  juftified  all  that  they 
had  faid  to  him,  and  gave  a  full  relation  of  all 
that  had  pafTed  at  their  meetings.  When  they 
withdrew,  Cromwell  fell  down  on  his  knees,  and 
made  a  folemn  prayer  to  God,  attefting  his  inno 
cence,  and  his  zeal  for  the  iervice  of  the  houfe : 

He 


A  S  u  M  M  A  R  Y  of  Affairs 

He  fubmitted  himfelf  to  the  providence  of  God  ? 
who  it  feems  thought  fit  to  exercife  him  with  ca 
lumny  and  flander,  but  he  committed  his  caufe  to 
him :  This  he  did  with  great  vehemence,  and 
with  many  tears.  After  this  ftrange  and  bold  pre 
amble  he  made  fo  long  a  fpeech,  juftifying  both 
himfelf  and  the  reft  of  the  officers,  except  a  few 
that  feemed  inclined  to  return  back  to  Egypt,  that 
he  wearied  out  the  Houfe,  and  wrought  fo  much 
on  his  party,  that  what  the  witneffes  had  faid  was  fo 
little  believed,  that  had  it  been  moved  Grimfton 
thought  that  both  he  and  they  would  have  been 
fent  to  the  Tower.  But  whether  their  guilt  made 
them  modeft,  or  that  they  had  no  mind  to  have 
the  matter  much  talked  of,  they  let  it  fall :  And 
there  was  no  ftrength  on  the  other  fide  xo  carry  it 
farther.  To  compleat  the  fcene,  as  foon  as  ever 
Cromwell  got  out  of  the  Houfe,  he  refolved  to 
trull  himfelf  no  more  among  them  ;  but  went  to 
the  Army,  and  in  a  few  days  he  brought  them  up, 
and  forced  a  great  many  from  the  Houfe. 

I  had  much  difcourfe  on  this  head  with  one  who 
knew  Cromwell  well  and  all  that  fet  of  men  ;  and 
alked  him  how  they  could  excufe  all  the  prevarn 
cations,  and  other  ill  things,  of  which  they  were 
vifibly  guilty  in  the  conduct  of  their  affairs.  He 
told  me,  they  believed  there  were  great  occafions 
in  which  fome  men  were  called  to  great  fervices, 
in  the  doing  of  which  they  were  excufed  from  the 
common  rules  of  morality  :  Such  were  the  prac 
tices  of  Ehud  and  Jael,  Samfon  and  David  :  And 
•  by  this  they  fancied  they  had  a  privilege  from  ob- 
fervjng  the  Handing  rules.  It  is  very  obvious 
how  far  this  principle  may  be  carried*  and  how  all 
juftice  and  mercy  may  be  laid  afide  on  this  pre- 
tence  by  every  bold  enthufiaft.  Ludlow  in  his 
memoirs  juftifies  this  force  put  on  the  Parliament* 
as  much  as  he  condemns  the  force  that  Cromwell 
and  the  Army  afterwards  put  on  the  Houfe  :  And 
he  feems  to  lay  this  down  for  a  maxim,  that  the 

military 


before  the  RESTORATION.  63 

military  power  ought  always  to  be  fubjecl:  to  the 
civil :  And  yet,  without  any  fort  of  refentment 
for  what  he  had  done,  he  owns  the  fhare  he  had 
in  the  force  put  on  the  Parliament  at  this  time. 
The  plain  reconciling  of  this  is,  that  he  thought 
when  the  Army  judged  the  Parliament  was  in  the 
wrong  they  might  ufe  violence,  but  not  other* 
wife  :  Which  gives  the  Army  a  fuperiour  autho 
rity,  and  an  inipeclion  into  the  proceedings  of  the 
Parliament.  This  fhews  how  impoflible  it  is  to 
fet  up  a  Commonwealth  in  England :  For  that 
cannot  be  brought  about  but  by  a  military  force  : 
And  they  will  ever  keep  the  Parliament  in  fub- 
jection  to  them,  and  ib  keep  up  their  own  au 
thority. 

I  wiiljeave  all  that  relates  to  the  King's  trial 
and  death  to  common  hiftorians,  knowing  nothing 
that  is  particular  of  that  great  tranfaclion,  which 
was  certainly  one  of  the  moil  amazing  fcenes  in 
hiftory.  Ireton  was  the  perfon  that  drove  it  on  :  Tt?e  mcn 

For  Cromwell  was  all  the  while  in  fome  fufpence  chle%  cn~ 

T  111  •    1  11  SaSed  m 

about  it.     Ireton  had  the  principles  and  the  tern-  Jhe  taking 

per  of  a  Caflius  in  him  :  He  ftuck  at  nothing  that  the  King's 
mighrhave  turned  England  to  a  Commonwealth  : Iife- 
And  he  found  out  Cook  and  Bradfhaw,  two  bold 
lawyers,  as  proper  inftruments  for  managing  it. 
Fairfax  was  much  diffracted  in  his  mind,  and 
changed  purpofes  often  every  day.  The  Prefby- 
terians  and  the  body  of  the  City  were  much 
againft  it,  and  were  every  where  failing  and  pray 
ing  for  the  King's  prefer vation.  There  was  not 
above  8000  of  the  Army  about  the  town  :  But 
thefe  were  fele&ed  out  of  the  whole  Army,  as  the 
moil  engaged  in  enthufiafm  :  And  they  were  kept 
at  prayer  in  their  way  almoil  day  and  night,  ex 
cept  when  they  were  upon  duty :  So  that  they 
were  wrought  up  to  a  pitch  of  fury,  that  (truck  a 
terrour  into  all  people.  On  the  other  hand  the 
King's  party  was  without  fpirit :  And,  as  many  of 
themfelves  have  -(aid  to  me,  they  could  never  be 
lieve 


64  A  SUM  MARY  of  Affairs 

lieve  his  death  was  really  intended  till  it  was  too 
late.     They  thought  all  was  a  pageantry  to  ftrike 
a  terrour,  and  to  force  the  King  to  fuch  conceffions 
as  they  had  a  mind  to  extort  from  him; 
The  The  King  himfelf  mewed  a  calm  and  a  compofed 

King's  be-  firmnefs,  which  amazed  all  people;  and  that  fo 
haviour.  much  the  more*  becaufe  it  was  not  natural  to 
him.  It  was  imputed  tc»  a  very  extraordinary 
meafure  of  fupernatural  affiftance;  Bifhop  Juxon 
did  the  duty  of  his  function  honeflly,  but  with  a 
dry  coldnefs  that  could  not  raife  the  King's 
thoughts  :  So  that  it  was  owing  wholly  to  fome- 
what  within  himfelf  that  he  went  thro'  fo  many  in 
dignities  with  fo  much  true  greatnefs,  without  dif- 
order  or  any  fort  of  affectation.  Thus  he  died 
greater  than  he  had  lived  5  and  mewed,  that  which 
has  been  often  obferved  of  the  whole  race  of  the 
Stuarts,  that  they  bore  misfortunes  better  than 
profperity.  His  reign  both  in  peace  and  war  was 
a  continual  feries  of  errours  :  So  that  it  does  not 
appear  that  he  had  a  true  judgment  of  things. 
He  was  out  of  meafure  fet  on  following  his  hu 
mour,  but  unreafonably  feeble  to  thofe  whom  he 
trufted,  chiefly  to  the  Queen.  He  had  too  high  a 
notion  of  the  regal  power,  and  thought  that  every 
oppofition  to  it  was  rebellion.  He  minded  little 
things  too  much,  and  was  more  concerned  in  the 
drawing  of  a  paper  than  in  fighting  a  battle.  He 
had  a  firm  averfion  to  Popery,  but  was  much  in 
clined  to  a  middle  way  between  Proteftants  and 
Papifls,  by  which  he  loit  the  one  without  gaining 
the  other.  His  engaging  the  Duke  of  Rohan  in 
the  war  of  Rochelle,  and  then  aflifling  him .  fo 
poorly,  and  forfaking  him  at  lad,  gave  an  ill 
character  of  him  to  all  the  Proteftants  abroad. 
The  Earl  of  Lauderdale  told  me,  the  Duke  of 
Rohan  was  at  Geneva,  where  he  himfelf  was, 
when  he  received  a  very  long  letter,  or  rather  a 
little  book  from  my  father,  which  gave  him  a 
copious  account  of  the  beginning  of  the  troubles 

in 


before  the  RESTORATION.  65 

in  Scotland :  He  tranflated  it  to  the  Duke  of 
Rohan,  who  exprelfed  a  vehement  indignation  at 
the  Court  of  England  for  their  ufage  of  him  :  Of 
which  this  was  the  account  he  then  gave. 

The  Duke  of  Buckingham  had  a  fecret  conver-  The  af- 
fation  with  the  Queen  of  France,  of  which  the  ^  P* 
Queen-mother  was  very  jealous,  and  pofTeiTed  the 
King  with  inch  a  fenie  of  it,  that  he  was  ordered 
immediately  to  leave  the  Court.  Upon  his  return 
to  England,  under  this  affront  he  pofFefTed  the 
King  with  fuch  a  hatred  of  that  Court,  that  the 
Queen  was  ill  ufed  on  her  coming  over,  and  all  her 
fervants  were  fent  back.  He  toid  him  alfo  that  the 
Proteftants  were  fo  ill  ufed,  and  fo  ftrong,  that  if 
he  would  protect  them  they  would  involve  that 
Kingdom  in  new  wars ;  which  he  reprefented  as 
fo  glorious  a  beginning  of  his  reign,  that  the 
King  without  weighing  the  confequence  of  it  fent 
one  to  treat  with  the  Duke  of  Rohan  about  it. 
Great  afliflance  was  promifed  by  fea :  So  a  war 
was  refolved  on,  in  which  the  mare  fhat  our  Court 
had  is  well  enough  known.  But  the  infamous 
part  was,  that  Richlieu  got  the  King  of  France  to 
make  his  Queen  write  an  obliging  letter  to  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham,  afTuring  him  that,  if  he 
would  let  Rochelle  fall  without  affiiling  it,  he 
mould  have  leave  to  come  over,  and  mould  fettle 
the  whole  matter  of  the  religion  according  to  their 
edicts.  This  was  a  ftrange  proceeding  :  But  Car 
dinal  Richlieu  could  turn  that  weak  King  as  he 
pleafed.  Upon  this  the  Duke  made  that  mameful 
campaign  of  the  iile  of  Rhee.  But  finding  next 
winter  that  he  was  not  to  be  fuffered  to  go  over 
into  France,  and  that  he  was  abufed  into  a  falfe 
hope,  he  refolved  to  have  followed  that  matter  A  defi 
with  more  vigour,  when  he  was  ftabbed  by  Felton.  Of  making 

There  is  another  ftory  told  of  the  King's  con-  th^  Spa- 
duct  during  the  peaceable  part  of  his  reign,  which  °P*?*^ 
I  had  from  Halewy-n  of  Dort,  who  was  one  of  the  \  0^-* 
judges  in  tjae  Court  of  Holland,  and  was   the  mon- 
.  L  Wlfelt  wealth. 


66  AS  u  M  M  A  R  Y  of  Affairs 

wiieft  and  greate.ft  man  I  knew  among  them.  He 
told  me,  he  had  it  from  his  father,  who  being 
then  the  chief  man  of  Dort  was  of  the  States,  and 
had  the  fecret  communicated  to  him.  When  Ifa- 
bella  Clara  Eugenia  grew  old,  and  began  to  de 
cline,  a  great  many  of  her  council,  apprehending 
what  miferies  they  would  fall  under,  when  they 
mould  be  again  in  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards, 
formed  a  defign  of  making  themfelves  a  free  Com 
monwealth,  that,  in  imitation  of  the  union  among 
the  Cantons  of  Switzerland  that  were  of  both  re 
ligions,  there  mould  be  a  perpetual  confederacy 
between  them  and  the  States  of  the  feven  provin 
ces.  This  they  communicated  to  Henry  Frede 
rick  Prince  of  Orange,  and  to  fome  of  the  States, 
who  approved  of  it,  but  thought  it  neceflary  to 
engage  the  King  of  England  in  it.  The  Prince 
of  Orange  told  the  Englifti  EmbafTadour,  that 
there  was  a  matter  of  great  confequence  that  was 
fit  to  be  laid  before  the  King  -,  but  it  was  of  fuch  a 
nature,  and  fuch  perfons  were  concerned  in  it,  that 
it  could  not  be  communicated,  unlefs  the  King 
would  be  pleafed  to  prornife  abfolute  fecrecy  for 
the  prefent.  The  King  did :  And  then  the  Prince 
of  Orange  fent  him  the  whole  fcheme.  The  fe 
cret  was  ill  kept :  Either  the  King  trufted  it  to 
fome  who  difcovered  it,  or  the  paper  was  ftollen 
from  him  ;  for  it  was  fent  over  to  the  Court  of 
Bruxells  :  One  of  the  Miniftry  loft  his  head  for 
it  :  And  fome  took  the  alarm  fo  quickly  that  they 
got  to  Holland  out  of  danger.  After  this  the 
Prince  of  Orange  had  no  commerce  with  our 
Court,  and  often  lamented  that  fo  great  a  defign 
was  fo  unhappily  loft.  He  had  an  ill  opinion  of 
the  King's  conduct  of  the  war  ;  for  when  the 
Queen  came  over,  and  brought  fome  of  the  gene 
rals  with  her*  the  Prince  laid,  after  he  had  talked 
with  them,  (as  the  late  King  told  me,)  he  did  not 
wonder  to  fee  the  affairs  of  England  decline  as  they 
iince  he  had  talked  with  thcJvine's  generals. 

i    $**•'•        rCA     AW     j  l«i ,  «.       «^.,     O_ 

I  Will 


bef6re  the  RES-TOR"  AT  i  o  N.  (>f 

I  will  not  enter  farther  into  the  military  part : 
IFbr  I  remember  an  advice  of  Majjhal  Schom- 
berg's,  never  to  meddle  in  the  relation  of  military 
matters.  He  faid,  fome  affected  to  relate  thole 
affairs  in  all  the  terms  of  war,  in  which  they  com 
mitted  great  errours,  thatexpofed  them  to  the  fcorn 
of  all  commanders,  who  rnuft  defpife  relations 
that  pretend  to  an  exactnefs  when  there  were  blun 
ders  in  every  part  of  them. 

In  the  King's  death  the  ill  effect  of  extreme  vio-  Jhe  >N  ef<- 
lent  counfels  difcovered  itfelf.     Ireton  hoped  that  ecsoi 

v  olcn t 

by  this  all  men  concerned  in  it  would  become  irre-  C0uniels. 
concileable  to  monarchy,  and  would  act  as  defpe- 
rate  men,  and  deftroy  all  that  might  revenge  that 
blood-.  But  this  had  a  very  different  effect, 
Something  of  the  fame  nature  had  happened  in 
lower  inftances  before  :  But  they  -were  not  the 
wifer  for  it.  The  Earl  of  Strafford's  death  made 
all  his  former  errours  be  forgot :  It  raifed  his  cha 
racter,  and  caft  a  lafting  odium  on  that  way  of 
proceeding-,  whereas  he  had  funk  in  his  credit  by 
any  cenfure  lower  than  death,  and  had  been  little 
pitied,  if  not  thought  juftly  punimed.  The  like 
effect  followed  upon  Archbimop  Laud's  death. 
He  was  a  learned,  a  fincere  and  zealous  man,  re 
gular  in  his  own  life,  and  humble  in  his  private 
deportment  •  but  was  a  hot,  indifcreet  man,  ea 
gerly  purfuing  fome  matters  that  were  either  very 
inconfcderable  or  mifchievous,  fuch  as  fetting  the 
communion  table  by  the  eaft  walls  of  churches, 
bowing  to  it*  and  calling  it  the  Altar,  the  fup- 
preffing  the  Walloons  privileges,  the  breaking  of 
lectures,  the  encouraging  of  fports  on  the  Lord's 
day,  with  fome  other  things  that  were  of  no  va 
lue  :  And  yet  all  the  zeal  and  heat  of  that  time 
was  laid  out  on  thefe.  His  feverity  in  the  Star- 
chamber  and  in  the  High-Corn  million-Court,  but 
above  ail  his  violent  and  indeed v  inexcufable  in* 
juftiee  in  the  pcofecution  of  Biihop  Williams, 
F  2  ° 'il'-'  were 


£8  A  SUMMARY  of  Affairs 

were  fuch  vifible  blemifhes,  that  nothing  but  the 
putting  him  to  death  in  fo  unjuft  a  manner  could 
have  raifed  his  character  j  which  indeed  it  did  to 
a  degree  of   fetting    him  up   as  a  pattern,   and 
the  eftabliming  all   his  notions   as  ftandards,  by 
which  judgments  are  to  be  made  of  men  whether 
they  are  true  to  the  church   or   not.     His  diary, 
tho'  it  was  a  bafe  thing  to  publifh  it,  reprefents 
him   as  an  abject  fawner  on  the  Duke  of  Buck 
ingham,  and  as  a  fupcrftitious  regarder  of  dreams  : 
His  defence  of  himfelf,  writ  with  fo  much  care 
when  he  was  in  the  Tower,  is   a  very  mean  per 
formance.     He  intended  in  that  to  make   an  ap 
peal  to  the  world.     In  mofl  particulars  he  excufes 
himfelf  by  this,  that  he  was   but  one  of  many, 
who  either   in  Council,  Star-chamber,  or  High- 
Commiffion  voted  illegal  things.     Now  tho'  this 
was   true,  yet  a  chief  Minifter,  and  one   in  high 
favour,  determines  the   reft  fo  much,  that  they 
are  generally  little  better  than  machines  acted  by 
him.     On  other  occafions  he  fays,  the  thing  was 
proved  but  by  one  witnefs.     Now,  how  ftrong 
foever  this  defence    may  be  in  law,  it  is  of  no 
force  in  an  appeal  to   the  world  ;  for  if  a  thing  is 
true,  it  is  no   matter  how  full  or   how  defective 
the  proof  is.     The  thing  that  gave  me  the  ftrong- 
eft  prejudice  againft  him  in  that  book  is,  that  af 
ter  he  had  feen  the  ill  effects  of  his  violent  coun- 
fels,  and  had  been  fo  long  Ihut  up,  and  fo  long 
at  leifure  to  reflect  on  what  palled  in  the  hurry  ot 
paffion,  in  the    exaltation  of  his   profperity,    he 
does  not   in  any  one  part  of  that  great  work  ac 
knowledge  his  own  errours,  nor  mix  in  it  any  wife 
or  pious  reflections  on  the  ill  ufage  he  met  with 
or  the  unhappy  fteps  he  had  made  :  So  that  while 
his  enemies  did  really  magnify  him  by  their  in 
human  profecution,  his  friends  Heylin  and  Whar- 
ton  have  as  much  leflened  him,  the  one  by  writ 
ing  his  life,  and  the  other  by  publifhing  his  vin 
dication  of  himfelf, 

But 


before  the  RESTORATION.  69 

But  the  recoiling  of  cruel  counfels  on  the  au-  The  ac- 
thors  of  them  never  appeared  more  eminently  than  count  of 
in  the  death  of  King  Charles  the  firft,  whofe  fen- 
ous  and  chriftian  deportment  in  it  made  all  his  for 
mer  errours  be  entirely  fogot,  and  railed  a  compaffi- 
onate  regard  to  him,  that  drew  a  lading  hatred  on 
the  adlors,  and  was  the  true  occafion  of  the  great 
turn  of  the  nation  in  the  year  1660.  This  was 
much  heightened  by  the  publishing  of  his  book 
called  Eixay  Bauraw,  which  was  univerfally  believed 
to  be  his  own  :  And  that  coming  out  foon  after  his 
death  had  the  greateft  run,  in  many  impreffions* 
that  any  book  has  had  in  our  age.  There  was  in 
it  a  noblenefs  and  juftnefs  of  thought  with  a  great- 
nefs  of  flile,  that  made  it  to  be  look'd  on  as  the 
belt  writ  book  in  the  Englifh  language:  And  the 
piety  of  the  prayers  made  all  people  cry  out  againft 
the  murder  of  a  Prince,  who  thought  fo  ferioufly 
of  all  his  affairs  in  his  fecret  meditations  before 
God.  I  Was  bred  up  with  a  high  veneration  of  this 
book :  And  I  remember  that,  when  I  heard  how 
forne  denied  it  to  be  his,  I  afked  the  Earl  of  Lo 
thian  about  it,  who  both  knew  the  King  very  well 
and  loved  him  little  :  He  feemed  confident  it  was 
his  own  work  ;  for  he  faid,  he  had  heard  him  fay 
a  great  many  of  thofe  very  periods  that  he  found 
in  that  book.  Being  thus  confirmed  in  that  per- 
fuafion,  I  was  not  a  little  furprifed,  when  in  the 
year  1673,  in  which  I  had  a  great  (hare  of  favour 
and  free  converfation  with  the  then  Duke  of  York, 
afterwards  King  James  the  fecond,  as  he  fuffered 
me  to  talk  very  freely  to  him  about  matters  of  re 
ligion,  and  as  I  was  urging  him  with  fomewhat 
out  of  his  father's  book,  he  told  me  that  book  was 
not  of  his  father's  writing,  and  that  the  letter  to 
the  Prince  of  Wales  was  never  brought  to  him. 
He  faid,  Dr.  Gawden  writ  it:  After  the  reftora- 
tion  he  brought  the  Duke  of  Somerfet  and  the  Earl 
of  Southampton  both  to  the  King  and  to  himfelf, 

F  3  who 


A   S  u  M  M  A-R  v   of  Affairs 
who  affirmed  that  they  knew  it  was  his  writing  *, 
and  that  it  was  earned  down  by  the  Earl  of  South 
ampton,  and  mewed  the  King  during  the  treaty  of 
Newport,  who  read  it,  and  approved  of  it  as  con 
taining  his  fenfe  of  things.     Upon  this  he  told  me, 
'that  tho*  Sheldon  and  the  other  Biihops  oppoiea 
Gawden's  promotion  becaufe  he  had  taken  the  Co 
venant,  yet  the  merits  of  that  fervice  carried  it  for 
him,  notwithstanding  the  oppofition   made  to  it. 
There  has  been  a  great  deal  pfdiiputing  about  this 
book:  Some  are  fo  zealous  for  maintaining  it  to 
be  the  King's,  that  they  think  a  man  falfe  to  the 
'Church  that  doubts  it  to  be  his  :  Yet  the  evidence 
fmce  that  time  brought  to  the  contrary  has  been  fo 
"ftrong,  that  I  muft  leave  that  under  the  fame  un 
certainty  under  which  I  found  it :  Only  this  is  cer- 
"tain,  that  Gawden  never  writ  any  thing  with  that 
force,  his  other  writings  being  luch,  that  no  man 
from  alikehefs  of  ftyle  would  think  him  capable  of 
Writing  fo  extraordinary  a  book  as  that  is.   ' 
The  Scots      Upon  the  King's  death  the  Scots  proclaimed  his 
rrc.it  with  fbn  King,  and  lent  over  Sir  George  Wincam,  that 
'married  my.great  aunt,  to  treat  with  him  while  he 
"was  in  the  ifle  of  Jerfey.     The  King  entred  into  a 
'negotiation  with'them,  and  lent  him  back  with  ge 
neral  affurances  of  confenting  to  every  reafonable 
"proportion" that  they  fhouid  fend  him.    He  named 
\  the  Hague  for  the  place  of  treaty,  he  being  to  go 
^  thither  in  a  few  days.     So  the  Scots  fent  over  com- 
mifTioners,  the  chief  of  whom  were  the  Earls  of 
CafTilcs'  2n'd  Lothian,  the  former  of  thefe  was  my 
firft  wife's  father,  a  man  of  great  virtue  and  of  a 
confidcrable  degree  of  good   understanding  :  He 
was  fo  fincere,  that  he  would  fuffer  no  man  to  take 
his  words  in  any  other  fenfe  than  as  he  meant  them  : 
He  adhered  firmly  to  his  inftructions,  but  with  fo 
"much  candour,  that  King  Charles  retained  very 
kind  impreffions  of  it  to  his  life's  end.     The  man 
then  m  the  greateft favour'  with  the  King  was  the 


Cnarles 

EMt-  ie- 
cjnd. 


fcefore  the  RESTORATION.  7 t 

Dukc  of  Buckingham :  He  was  wholly  turned  to 
mirth  and  pleafure :  He  had  the  art  of  turning 
perfons  or  things  into  ridicule  beyond  any  man  of 
the  age  :  He  pollened  the  young  King  with  very 
ill  principles,  both  as  to  religion  and  morality, 
'  and  with  a  very  mean  opinion  of  his  father,  whofe 
tliifnefs  was  with  him  a  frequent  iubjecl:  ot  raillery. 
He  prevailed  with  the  King  to  enter  into  a  treaty 
with  the  Scots,  tho'  that  was  vehemently  oppolcd 
by  almoft  all  the  reft  that  were  about  him,  who 
preffed  him  to  adhere  fteadily  to  his  father's  max- 
.ims  and  example. 

When  the  King  came  to  the  Hague,  William  Mon- 
Duke  of  Hamilton  and  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale,  troie's 
who  had  left  Scotland,  entred  into  a  great  meafure  o; 
of  favour  and  confidence  with  him.  The  Marquis 
of  Montrofe  came  likewife  to  him,  and  undertook 
if  he  would  follow  his  counfels  to  reftore  him  to  his 
Kingdoms  by  main  force  :  But  when  the  King  de- 
fired  the  Prince  of  Orange  to  examine  the  methods 
which  he  propofed,  he  entertained  him  with  a  reci 
tal  of  his  own  performances  and  of  the  credit  he 
was  in  among  the  people  ;  and  laid,  the  whole  na 
tion  would  rife  if  he  went  over,  tho'  accompanied 
only  with  a  page.  He  defired  of  the  King  nothing 
but  power  to  act  in  his  name,  with  a  fupply  in  mo 
ney,  and  a  letter  recommending  him  to  the  King 
of  Denmark  for  a  ihip  to  carry  him  over,  and  for 
fuch  arms  as  he  could  ipare.  With  that  the  King 
gave  him  the  Garter.  He  got  firft  to  Orkney,  and 
from  thence  into  the  Highlands  of  Scotland  ;  but 
could  perform  nothing  ot  what  he  had  undertaken. 
At  lail  he  was  betrayed  by  one  of  thofe  to  whom 
he  trufted  himfelf,  Mackland  of  AfTm,  and  was 
brought  over  a  prifoner  to  Edinburgh.  He  was  And 
carried  thro'  the  ftreets  with  all  the  infamy  that 
brutal  men  could  contrive  :  And  in  a  few  days  he 
was  hanged  on  a  very  high  gibbet :  And  his  head 
and  quarters  were  fet  up  in  divers  places  of  the 
F  4  Kingdom. 


A    S  ir  M  M  A  R  Y   of  Affairs" 

Kingdom.  His  behaviour:  under  all  that  barba 
rous  ufage  was  as  great  and  firm  to  the  laft,  look 
ing  on  all  that  was  done  to  him  with  a  noble  fcorn, 
as  the  fury  of  his  enemies  was  black  and  univerfally 
detefted.  This  cruelty  raifed  a  horrour  in  all  fo- 
ber  people  againft  thofe  who  could  infult  over  fuch 
a  man  in  misfortunes.  The'  triumphs  that  the 
preachers  made  on  this  occafion  rendered  them 
odious,  and  made  Lord  Montrofe  to  be  both  more 
pitied  and  lamented,  than  otherwife  he  could  have 
been.  This  happened  while  the  Scotch  commiffi- 
ners  were  treating  with  the  King  at  the  Hague. 
The  violent  party  in  Scotland  were  for  breaking 
off  the  treaty  upon  it,  tho*  by  the  date  of  Lord 
Montrofe's  commifTion  it  appeared  to  have  been 
granted  before  the  treaty  was  begun  :  But  it  was 
carried  not  to  recall  their  commifTioners  :  Nor 
could  the  King  on  the  other  hand  be  prevailed  on 
-by  his  own  Court,  to  fend  them  away,  upon  this 
cruelty  to  a  man  who  had  acted  by  his  committion, 
and  yet  was  fo  ufed.  The  treaty  was  quickly  con* 
eluded  :  The  King  was  in  no  condition  to  flruggle 
with  them,  but  yielded  to  all  their  demands,  of 
taking  the  Covenant,  and  fuffering  none  to  be 
about  him  but  fuch  as  took  it.  He  failed  home  to 
Scotland  in  fome  Dutch  men  of  war,  with  which 
the  Prince  of  Orange  furnifhed  him,  with  all  the 
flock  of  money  and  arms  that  his  credit  could 
raife.  That  indeed  would  not  have  been  very 
great,  if  the  Prince  of  Orange  had  not  joined  his 
own  to  it.  The  Duke  of  Hamilton  and  the  Earl 
•'of  Lauderdale  were  fuffered  to  go  home  with  him  : 
:  But  foon  after  his  landing  an  order  came  to  put 
them  from  him.  The  King  complained  of  this  : 
But  Duke  Hamilton  at  parting  told  him,  he  muft 
prepare  for  things  of  a  harder  digeftion  :  He  faid, 
at  prefent  he  could  do  him  no  fervice  :  The  Mar 
quis  of  Argile  was  then  in  abfolute  credit :  There- 
fere  he  defired  that  he  would  ftudy  to  gain  him, 
•  and  .give  him  no  caufe  of  jealoufy  on  his  account. 

This 


before  the  R  E  s  T  o  R  A  T  i  o  N.  73 

This  King  Charles  told  me  himfelf,  as  a  part  of 
Duke  Hamilton's  character,  The  Duke  of  Buck^ 
ingham  took  all  the  ways  poflible  to  gain  Lord 
Argile  and  the  Minifters :  Only  his  diffolute  courfe 
of  life  was  exceffive  fcandalous  -,  which  to  their 
great  reproach  they  connived  at,  becaufe  he  advifed 
the  King  to  put  hirnfelf  wholly  into  their  hands. 
The  King  wrought  himfelf  into  as  grave  a  deport 
ment  as  he  could  :  He  heard  many  prayers  and 
fermons,  fome  of  a  great  length.  I  remember  in 
one  faft  day  there  were  fix  fermons  preached  with 
out  iritermiflion.  I  was  there  my  felf,  and  not  a 
little  weary  of  fo  tedious  a  fervice.  The  King  was 
not  allowed  fo  much  as  to  walk  abroad  on  fundays : 
And  if  at  any  time  there  had  been  any  gaiety  at 
Court,  ftich  as  dancing  or  playing  at  cards,  he  was 
feverely  reproved  for  it.  This  was  managed  with 
fo  much  rigour,  and  fo  little  difcretion,  that  it 
contributed  riot  a  little  to  beget  in  him  an  averfion 
to  all  fort  of  ftrictnefs  in  religion.  All  that  had 
acted  on  his  father's  fide  were  ordered  to  keep  at  a 
great  diftance  from  him  :  And  becaufe  the  corr*- 
mon  people  mewed  fome  affection  to  the  King,  the 
crouds  that  prefs'd  to  fee  him  were  alfo  kept  off 
from  coming  about  him.  Cromwell  was  not  idle  : 
But  feeing  the  Scots  were  calling  home  their  King, 
and  knowing  that  from  thence  he  might  expect  an 
invafion  into  England,  he  refolved  to  prevent  them, 
and  fo  marched  into  Scotland  with  his  army.  The 
Scots  brought  together  a  very  good  army :  The 
King  was  fuffered  to  come  once  to  fee  it,  but  not 
to  flay  in  it ;  for  they  were  afraid  he  might  gain 
too  much  upon  the  foldiers  :  So  he  was  fent  away. 

The  army  was  indeed  one  of  the  beft  that  ever  The  de- 
Scotland  had  brought  together:    But  it  was  ill  feat  at 
commanded  :  For  all  that  had  made  defection  from  Dunbar* 
their  caufe,  or  that  were  thought  indifferent  as  to 
either  fide,  which  they  called  deteftable  neutrali 
ty,  were  put  out  of  commifiion.     The  preachers 
thought  it  an  army  of  faints,    and  feemed  well 

allured 


74  A  «.S  u  M"  M  A  R  v.'bf  Affairs 

aflured  of  fuccefs.     They  drew  near  Cromwell, 
who  being  preffed  by  them  retired  towards  Dun- 
bar,    where  his   Ihips  and  provifions  lay.     The 
Scots  followed   him,    and  were  pofted  on   a  hill 
about  a  mile  from  thence,  where  there  was  no  at 
tacking  them.  Cromwell  was  then  in  great  diftrefs, 
and  looked  on  himfelf  as  undone.     There  was  no 
marching  towards  Berwick,    the  ground  was  too 
narrow  :  Nor  could  he  come  back  into  the  coun 
try  without  being  feparated  from  his  fhips,  and 
ftarving  his  army.     The  leaft  evil  feemed  to  be  to 
kill  his  horfes,  and  put  his  army,  on  board,    and 
fail  back  to  Newcastle  ;  which,  in  the  difpofition 
that  England  was  in  at  that  time,  would  have  been 
,all  their  deftruclion,  for  it  would  have  occafioned 
an  univerfal  infurreclion  for  the  King.     They  had 
not  above  three  days  forage  for  their  horfes.     So 
Cromwell  called  his  officers  to  a  play  of  feeking  the 
Lord,  in  their  flyle.     He  loved  to  talk  much  of 
that  matter  all.  his  life  long  afterwards :  He  laid, 
he  felt  fuch  an  enlargement  of  heart  in  prayer, 
and  fuch  quiet  upon  it,  that  he  bade  all  about  him 
take  heart,  for  God  had  certainly  heard  them,  and 
would  appear  for  them.    After  prayer  they  walked 
in  the  Earl  of  Roxburgh's  gardens  that  lay  under 
the  hill :  And  by  profpedi^e  glafles  they  difcerned 
a  great  motion  in  the  Scotch  Camp  :  Upon  which 
Cromwell  faid,  God  is  delivering  them  into  our 
hands,  they  are  coming  down  to  us.     Lefley  was 
in  the  chief  command  :  But  he  had  a  committee  of 
the  States  to  give  him  his  orders,  among  wham 
Wariftoun  Was  one.     Thefe  were  weary  of  lying 
in  the  fields,    and  thought  that  Lefley  made  not 
hafte  enough  to  deftroy  thofe  Sectaries ;  for  fo  they 
came  to  call  them.     He  told  them,  by  lying  there 
all  was  fure ;  but  that  by  engaging  in  adion  with 
gallant  and  defperate  men  all  might  be  loft  :  Yet 
they  ftill  called  on  him  to  fall  on.     Many  have 
thought  that  all  this  was  treachery  done  on  defign 
to  deliver  up  our  army  to  Cromwell  -,  fome  laying 

it 


before  the  R  E  s  T  o  R  A  T  i  o  N.  75 

it  upon  Lefley,  and  others  upoa  my  uncle.     I  am 
perfuaded  there  was  no  treachery  in  it :  Only  Wa- 
riftoun  was  too  hoc,  and  Lefley  was  too  coid,  and 
yielded  too  eafily  to  their  humours,  which  he  ought 
not  to  have  done.  They  were  all  the  night  employed 
in  coming  down  the  hill :  And  in  the  morning,  be 
fore  they  were  put  in  order,  Cromwell  fell  upon 
them.     Two  regiments  flood  their  ground,  and 
were  almoft  all  killed  in  their  ranks  :  The  reft  did 
run  in  a  mofl  fhameful  manner :  So  that  both  their 
artillery  and  baggage  were  loft,  and  with  thefe  a 
great  many  prifoners  were  taken,  fome  thoufands 
in  all.     Cromwell  upon  this  advanced  to  Edin 
burgh,  where  he  was  received  without  any  oppofi- 
tion  :  And  the  caftie  that  might  have  made  a  long 
refiftance  did  capitulate.     So  all  the  fouthern  part 
of  Scotland  came  under  contribution  to  Cromwell. 
Stirling  was  the  advanced  garrifon  on   the  King's 
fide.    He  himfelf  retired  to  St.  Johnftoun.    A  Par 
liament  was  called  that  fat  for  fome  time  at  Stir 
ling,  and  for  fome  time  at  St.  Johnftoun,  in,  which 
a  full  indemnity  was  pafs'd,  not  in  the  language  of 
a  pardon  but  of  an  a£t  of  approbation  :  Only  all 
that  joined  with  Cromwell  were  declared  traitors. 
Ijut  now  the  way  of  railing  a  new  army  was  to  be 
thought  on. 

A  queftion  had  been  propofed  both  to  the  com-  Difputes 
rnittee  of  States  and  to  the  commifTioners  of  the  aboat  the 
Kirk,    whether  in  this  extremity  thofe  who  had  ^fTpe?- 
made  defection,  or  had  been  hitherto  too  back-  ibns  to 
ward  in  the  work,  might  not  upon  the  profeflion  ferve  their 
of  their  repentance  be  received  into  publick  truft,  country, 
and  admitted  to  ferve  in  the  defence  of  their  coun 
try.     To  this  anfwers  were  diftinclly  given  by  two 
jrefolutions  :  The  one  was,  that  they  ought  to  be 
admitted  to  make  profeflion  of  their  repentance  : 
And  the  other  was,  that  after  fuch  profeflions  made 
they  might  be  received  to  defend  and  ferve  their 
country. 

Upon 


A  SUMMARY  of  Affairs 
Upon  this  a  great  divifion  followed  in  the  Kirk  : 
Thole  who  adhered  to  thefe  refolutions  were  called 
the  Publick  Refolutioners  :  But  againft  thefe  fome 
of  thofe  bodies  protefted,  and  they,  together  with 
thofe  who  adhered  to  them,  were  called  the  Pro- 
teftors.  On  the  one  hand  it  was  faid,  that  every 
'government  might  call  out  all  that  were  under  its 
protection  to  its  defence  :  This  Teemed  founded 
on  the  law  of  nature  and  of  nations  :  And,  if  men 
had  been  mifled,  it  was  a  ftrange  cruelty  to  deny 
room  for  repentahce  :  This  was  contrary  to  the 
"nature  of  God  arid  to, the  Gofpel,  and  was  a  likely 
rnean_tb  drive  them1  to  defpair :  Therefore  after 
"two  years  time  it  feerried  reasonable  to  allow  them 
<tp°ferve  according  to  their  birthright  in  Parlia- 
"^ienty  or  in  other  hereditary  offices,  or  in  the  #£- 
my  I  ,frbm  all  which  they  had  been  excluded  by  an 
aft' made  in  the  year  "1649,  which  ranged  them  in 
diffefent'clafTes, and  was  from  thence  called  the  act  of 
clafles.  But  the  Proteftors  objected  againft  all  this, 
that  to  fake  ia  men  of  known  enmity  to  the'caufe  was 
a  foft  of  betraying  it,  bfecaufe  it  was  the  putting  it  in 
their  power  to  betray  it ;  that  to  admit  them  into" a 
'proferlioh  'of  repentahce  was  a  profanation,  and  a 
^mocking  of  God:  It 'was  vifible,  they  were  willing  to 
comply  with  thefe  terms,  tho'  againft  their  con- 
fcience,  only  to  get  into  the  army  :  Nor  could  they 
expert  a  bleffingfromQod  on  an  army  fo  conftituted. 
And  as  to  this  particular  they  had  great  advantage ; 
for  this  mock  penitence  was  indeed  a  matter  of  great 
fcandal.  When  thefe  refolutions  were  pafsM  with 
this  proteftation,  a  great  many  of  the  five  weftern 
counties,  Cliddifdale,  Renfrew,  Airr  Galloway 
and  Nithifdale,  met,  and  formed  an  afibciation 
apart,  both  againft  the  army  of  Se6taries>  and 
againft  this  new  defection  in  the  Kirk  party.  They 
drew  a  remonftrance  againft  all  the  proceedings  in 
the  treaty  with  the  King,  when,  as  they  faid,  it 
was  vifible  by  the  commiflion  he  granted  to  Mon- 
trofe  that  his  heart  was  not  fmcere :  And  they  were 

alfo 


before  the   RESTORATION.  ffi 

alfo  againft  the  tendring  him  the  Covenant,   whea; 
they  had  reafon  to  believe  he  took  it  not  with  a  re*; 
folution  to  maintain  it,  fince  his  whole  deportment 
and  private  converfatipn  mewed  a  fecret  enmity  t& 
the  work  of  God :    And,  after  an  invidious  enu 
meration  of  many  particulars,    they  imputed  the 
fhameful  defeat  at  Dunbar  to  their  prevaricating 
in  thefe  things  j  and  concluded  with  a  defire,  that 
the  King  might  be  excluded  from  any  mare  in  the 
adminiftration  of  the  Government,    and  that  his 
caufe  might  be  put  out  of  the  ftate  of  the  quarrel 
with  the  army  of  the  Sectaries.     This  was  brought 
to  the  committee  of  the  States  at  St.  Johnftoun, 
and  was  feverely  inveighed  againft  by  Sir  Thomas 
Nicholfon,  the  King's  advocate  or  attorney  gene 
ral  there,  who  had  been  till  then  a  zealous  man  of 
their  party  :  But  he  had  lately  married  my  filter, 
and  my  father  had  great  influence  on  him.     He 
prevailed   fo,    that   the   remqnftrance   was    con 
demned  as  divilive,  factious,  and  fcandalous  :  But 
that   the  people  might  not  be  too  much  moved 
with  thefe  things,  a  declaration  was  prepared  to  be 
fet  out  by  the  King  for  the  fatisfying  of  them. 
In  it  there   were  many  hard  things.     The  King  Great 
owned  the  fin  of  his  lather  in  marrying  into  an  hardflliPs 
idolatrous  family:  He  acknowledged  the  blood-  g£onl 
fhed  in  the  late  wars  lay  at  his  father's  door  :  He 
exprelTed  a  deep  fenfe  of  his  own   ill  education, 
and  the  prejudices  he  had  drunk  in  againft  the 
caufe  of  God,  of  which  he  was  now  very  fenfible  : 
He  confeffed  all  the  former  parts  of  his  life  to  hav.e 
been  a  courfe  of  enmity  to  the  work  of  God :  He 
repented  of  his  commhTion  to  Montrofe,    and  of 
every  thing  he  had  done  that  gave  offence :  And 
with  folemn  proteftations  he  .affirmed,  that  he  was 
now  fincere  in  his  declaration,  and  that  he  would 
adhere  to  it  to  the  end  of  his  life  in  Scotland, 
^England,  and  Ireland.  -  ^ 
-      The  King  was  very  uneafy  when  this  was  brought 
to  hirn.     He  faid,  he  could  never  look  his  mother 
.d  ia 


ASuw&Aiiycf  Affairs 
in  the  face  if  he  pafs'd  it.     But  when  he  was  told 
it  was  neceflary  for  his  affairs,  he  refolved  to  fwal- 
low  the  pill  without  farther  chewing  it.     So  it  was 
publifhed,  but  had  no  good  effect ;  for  neither  fide 
believed  him  fmcere  in  it.   It  was  thought  a  ftrange 
impofition,  to  make  him  load  his  father's  memory 
in  fuch  a  manner.     But,  while  the  King  was  thus 
befet  with  the  high  and  more  moderate  Kirk  par 
ties,  the  old  Cavaliers  fent  to  him,  offering  that 
if  he  would  caft  himfelf  into  their  hands  they  would 
meet  him  near  Dundee  with  a  great  body;     Upon 
this  the  King,  growing  weary  of  the  fad  life  he  led, 
made  his  efcape  in  the  night,  and  came  to  the  place 
appointed  :  But  it  was  a  vain  undertaking  •,  for  he 
was  met  by  a  very  inconfiderable  body  at  Clova, 
the  place  of  rendezvous.     Thofe  at  St.  Johnftoun 
being  troubled  at  this  fent  Col.  Montgomery  after 
him,  who  came  up  and  prefs'd  him  to  return  very 
rudely :  So  the  King  came  back.     But  this  had  a 
very  good  effect.     The  government  faw  now  the 
danger  ofufing  him  ill,  which  might  provoke  him 
to  defperate  courfes  :  After  that,  he  was  ufed  as 
well  as  that  Kingdom  in  fo  ill  a  ftate  was  capable 
of.     He  faw  the  neceffity  of  courting  the  Marquis 
of  Argile,  and  therefore  made  him  great  offers : 
At  laft  he  talked  of  marrying  his  daughter.    Lord 
Argile  was  cold  and  backward :  He  faw  the  King's 
heart  lay  not  to  him  :  So  he  looked  on  all  offers, 
but  as  fo  many  fnares.     His  fon,  the  Lord  Lorn, 
was  captain  of  the  guards  :  And  he  made  his  court 
more  dextroufly  -,  for  he  brought  all  perfons  that 
the  King  had  a  mind  to  fpeak  with  at  all  hours  to 
him,  and  was  in  all  refpects  not  only  faithful  but 
zealous.     Yet  this  was  fufpedled  as  a  collufion  be 
tween  the   father  and   the  fon.     The  King  was 
crowned  on  the  firft  of  January  :    And  there  he 
again  renewed  the  Covenant :  And  now  all  people 
were  admitted  to  come  to  him,  and  to  ferve  iq 
the  army.     The  two  armies  lay  peaceably  in  their 
winter  quarters.     But  when  the  fummer  came  on, 
5  body 


before  the  R  E  s  T  o  R  A  T  i  o  N.  79 

a  body  of  the  Englifh  pafs'd  the  Frith,  and  landed 
in  Fife.  So  the  King,  having  got  up  all  the  forces 
he  had  expected,  refolved  on  a  march  into  Eng 
land.  Scotland  could  not  maintain  another  year's 
war.  This  was  a  defperate  refolution  :  But  there 
was  nothing  elfe  to  be  done. 

I  will  not  purfue  the  relation  of  the  march  to 
Worcefter,  nor  the  total  defeat  given  the  King's 
army  on  the  third  of  September,  the  fame  day  in 
which  Dunbar  fighj:  had  been  fought  the  year  be 
fore.  Thefe  things  are  fo  well  known,  as  is  alfb 
the  King's  efcape,  that  I  can  add  nothing  to  the 
common  relations  that  have  been  over  and  over 
made  of  them.  At  the  fame  time  that  Cromwell 
followed  the  King  into  England,  he  left  Monk  in 
Scotland  with  an  army  fufficient  to  reduce  the  reft 
of  the  Kingdom.  The  town  of  Dundee  made  a  Scotland 
rafh  and  ill  confidered  refinance  :  It  was  after  a  few 
days  fiege  taken  by  ftorm  :  Much  blood  was  fried, 
and  the  town  was  feverely  plundered  :  No  other 
place  made  any  relifUnce.  I  remember  well  three 
regiments  corning  to  Aberdeen.  There  was  an 
order  and  difcipline,  and  a  face  of  gravity  and  pi 
ety  among  them,  that  amazed  all  people.  Molt 
of  them  were  Independents  and  Anabaptifts  :  They 
were  all  gifted  men,  and  preached  as  they  were 
moved.  But  they  never  difturbed  the  publick 
afiemblies  in  the  churches  but  once.  They  came 
and  reproached  the  preachers  for  laying  things  to 
their  charge  that  were  falfe.  I  was  then  prefent ; 
The  debate  grew  very  fierce :  At  lail  they  drew 
their  fwords :  But  there  was  no  hurt  done :  Yet 
Cromwell  difplaced  the  governour  for  not  punifli- 
ing  this. 

When  the  low-countries  in  Scotland  were  thus  A  body 
reduced,  fome  of  the  more  zealous  of  the  nobility  food  oat 
went  to  the  Highlands  in  the  year   1652.     TheJVij* 

T-«       i       r/->i  •  i    r  '  i        Hlga- 

iiarl  or  Olencairn,  a  grave  and  looer  man,  got  the  lands. 
tribe  of  the  Macdonalds  to  declare  for  the  King* 
To  thefe  the  Lord  Lorn  came  with  about  a  thou- 

fand 


go  A  S  u  M  M  A  R  Y  of  Affairs 

fand  men :  But  the  jealoufy  of  the  father  made  the 
fon  be  fufpe&ed.     The  Marquis  of  Argile  had  re 
tired  into  his  country  when  the  King  marched  into 
England ;  and  did  not  fubmit  to  Monk  till  the 
year  52.     Then  he  received  a  garrifon  :  But  Lord 
Lorn  furprifed  a  fhip  that  was  fent  about  with  pro- 
vifions  to  it,  which  helped  to  fupport  their  little 
ill-formed  army.     Many  gentlemen  came  to  them  : 
And  almoft  all  the  good  horfes  of  theKingdom  were 
ftollen,  and  carried  up  to  them.  They  made  a  body 
of  about  3000  :  Of  thefe  they  had  about  500  horle. 
They  endured  great  hardlhips  •,  for  thofe  parts  were 
not  fit  to  entertain  men  that  had  been  accuftomed  to 
live  fofcly.  The  Earl  of  Glencairnhadalmofl  fpoiled 
all :  For  he  took  much  upon  him  :  And  upon  fome 
fufpicion  he  ordered  Lord  Lorn  to  be  clapt  up,  who 
had  notice  of  it,   and  prevented  it  by  an  efcape  : 
Otherwife  they  had  fallen  to  cut  one  another's  throats, 
inftead  of  marching  to  the  enemy.     The  Earl  of 
Belcarras,  a  virtuous  and  knowing  man  but  fome- 
what  morofe  in  his  humour,    went  alfo   among 
them.      They  differed  in   their  counfels :    Lord 
Glencairn  was  for  falling  into  the  low- countries  t 
And  he  began  to  fancy  he  fhould  be  another  Mon- 
trofe.     Belcarras  on  the  other  hand  was  for  keep^ 
ing  in  their  faftnefles  :  They  made  a  (hew  of  a  bo 
dy  for  the  King,  which  they  were  to  keep  up  in 
fome  reputation  as  long  as  they  could,    till  they 
could  fee  what  afliilance  the  King  might  be  able  to 
procure  them  from  beyond  fea  of  men,  money  and 
arms ;  whereas  if  they  went  out  of  thofe  fail  grounds, 
they  could  not  hope  to  (land  before  fuch  a  veteran 
and  well  difciplined  army  as  Monk  had  j   and  if 
they  met  with  the  leaft  check,    their  tumultuary 
body  would  foon  melt  away. 

Sir  Robert     Among  others  one  Sir  Robert  Murray,  that  had 

Murray's  married  Lord  Belcarras's  fitter,  came  among  them : 

charader.  j_je  j^  ferve^  jn  Francej  where  he  had  got  into 

fuch  a  degree  of  favour  with  Cardinal  Richlieu, 

that  few  ftrangers  were  ever  fo  much  confidcred  by 

him 


before  the  R  £  s  T  6  R  A  T  i  o  ti<  Si 

him  as  he  was.     He  was  raifed  to  be  a   Colonel 
there,  and  came  over  for  recruits  when  the  Kifig 
was  with  the  Scotch  army  at  Newcaftie.     There 
he  grew  into  high  favour  with  the  King;  and  laid 
a  defign  for  his  efcape,  of  which  I  have  given  art 
account  in   Duke  Hamilton's   memoirs :  He  Was 
the  moft  univerfally  beloved  and  efteemed  by  men 
of  all  fides  and  forts,    of  any  man  I  have  ever 
known  in  my  whole  Life.     He  was  a  pious  man^ 
and  in  the  rriidft  of  armies  and  courts  he  fpent  ma 
ny  hours  a  day  in  devotion.     He  had  gone  thro* 
the  eafy  parts  of  mathematicks,  and  knew  the  hif- 
tory  of  nature   beyond  any  man  I  ever  yet  knew* 
He  had  a  genius  much  like  Pei'rifki,  as  he  is'de- 
fcribed  by  Gafidndi.     He  was  afterwards  the  firft   * 
former  of  the  Royal  fociety,  and  its  firft  prefident ; 
and  while  he  lived  he  was  the  life  and  foul  of  that 
body.     He  had  an  equality  of  temper  in  him  that 
nothing  could  alter  ',  and  was  in  practice  the  only 
Stoick  I  ever  knew      He  had  a  great  tincture  of 
one  of  their  principles ;  for  he  was  much  for  abfo^ 
lute  decree's.     He  had  a  mod  diffufed  love  to  all 
rnankind,  and  he  delighted  in  every  occafion  of 
doing  good,  Which  he  managed  with  great  difcre1- 
tion  and  zeal.     He  had  a  fupenority  of  genius  and 
comprehenlion  to  molt  rnen  :  And  had  the  plaineft, 
but  with  all  the  lotted,  way  of  reproving,  chiefly 
young  people,  for  their  faults  that  I  ever  met  with* 
Sir  Robert  Murray  was  in  fuch  credit  in  that  little 
army,  that  Lord  Glencairn  took  a  flrange  courfc 
to  break  it,  and  to  ruin  him.     A  letter  was  pre 
tended  to  be  found  at  Antwerp,  as  writ  by  him  to 
William  Murray  of  the    bed-chamber,    that  had 
been  whipping  boy  to  King  Charles  the  find,  and 
upon  that  had  grown  up  to  a  degree  of  favour  and 
confidence  that  was  very  particular  i  He  had  a  leud 
creature  there,  whom  he  turned  oif :  And  Ihe  to 
be  revenged  on  him  framed  this  plot  againft  him. 
This  ill  forged  letter  gave  ah  account  of  a  bargain, 
Sir  Robert  had  made  with  Monk  for  killing  the 
VOL.  L  G  King, 


f*  A  S  u  M  M  A  R  Y  of  Affairs 

King,  which  was  to  be  executed  by  Mr.  Murray  i 
So  he  prayed  him  in  his  letter  to  make  hafte  and 
difpatch  it.  This  was  brought  to  the  Earl  ot  Glen- 
cairn  :  So  Sir  Robert  was  ieverely  queilioned  up 
on  it,  and  put  in  arreft :  And  it  was  ipread  about 
thro'  a  rude  army  that  he  intended  to  kill  the  King, 
hoping  it  feems  that  fome  of  thefe  wild  people  be 
lieving  it  would  have  fallen  upon  him  without  ufing 
any  forms.  Upon  this  occafion  Sir  Robert  prac- 
tiled  in  a  very  eminent  manner  his  true  chriftian 
philofophy,  without  mewing  fo  much  as  a  cloud 
in  his  whole  behaviour. 

The  Earl  of  Belcarras  left  the  Highlands,  and 
went  to  the  King  •,  and  mewed  him  the  neceflity 
.of  fending  a  military  man  to  command  that  body, 
to  whom  they  would  lubmit  more  willingly  than  to 
any  of  the  Nobility.  Midletoun  was  lent  over, 
who  was  a  gallant  man  and  a  good  officer :  He  had 
£ril  ferved  on  the  Parliament's  fide  :  But  he  turned 
over  to  the  King,  and  was  taken  at  Worcefter 
iight,  but  made  his  efcape  out  of  the  Tower.  He 
upon  his  coming  over  did  for  fome  time  lay  the 
heats  that  were  among  the  Highlanders  ;  and  made 
as  much  of  that  face  of  an  army  for  another  year 
as  was  poflible. 

Mcfftges  Drumond  was  fent  by  him  to  Paris  with  an  in- 
fem  to  the  vitation  to  the  King  to  come  among  them  ;  for 
they  had  aflurances  fent  them,  that  the  whole  Na 
tion  was  in  a  difpofition  to  rife  with  them  :  And 
England  was  beginning  to  grow  weary  of  theii 
new  government,  the  Army  and  the  Parliament 
being  on  ill  terms.  The  Englifh  were  alfo  engaged 
in  a  war  with  the  States :  And  the  Dutch  upon  that 
account  might  be  inclined  to  afiift  the  King  to  give 
a  diverfion  to  their  enemies  forces.  Drumond  told 
me,  that  upon  his  coming  to  Paris  he  was  called 
to  the  little  Council  that  was  then  about  the  King  : 
And  when  he  had  delivered  his  mefiage,  Chancel- 
lour  Hide  afked  him,  how  the  King  would  be  ac* 
commodated  if  he  came  among  them :  He  an- 

fwered, 

>  '*  *•  .  X    .  »V  '. 

4 


before  the  R  £  s  T  o  R  A  T  i  o  v.  83 

fVered,  not  fo  -well  as  was  fitting,  but  they  would 
ail  take  care  of  him  to  furniih  him  with  every 
thing  that  was  neceffary.  He  wondered  that  the 
King  did  not  check  the  Chanceliour  in  his  de 
mand ;  for, he  faid)  it  looked  itrange  to  him,  that 
when  they  were  hazarding  their  lives  to  help  him 
to  a  crown,  he  ihouid  be  concerned  for  accommo 
dation.  He  was  fent  back  with  good  words  and 
a  few  kind  letters.  In  the  end  of  the  year  1654 
Morgan  marched  into  the  Highlands,  and  had  a 
fmall  engagement  with  Midletoun,  which  broke 
that  whole  matter,  of  which  all  people  were  grown 
weary  ;  for  they  had  no  profpedt  of  fuccefs,  and 
the  low  countries  were  fo  over-run  with  robberies 
on  the  pretence  of  going  to  afiift  the  Highlanders, 
that  there  was  an  univerfal  joy  at  the  diiperiing  of 
that  little  unruly  army. 

After  this  the  country  was  kept  in  great  order  :  Theftate 
Some  caflles  in  the  Highlands  had  garrifons  put  of  Scot- 
in  them,  that  were  fo   careful  in  their  dilcipline,  Jv 

j     r  i      •  •  -i       nnS  the 

and  io  exact  to  their  ruleSj  ttiat  in  no  time  the  Ufur9ai, 
Highlands  were  kept  in  better  order  than  during  tioiu 
the  ufurpation.  There  was  a  confiderable  force  of 
about  7  or  8000  men  .kept  in  Scotland:  Thefe 
were  paid  exactly,  and  ftridly  difcipiined.  The 
pay  of  the  army  brought  fo  much  money  into  the 
Kingdom,  that  it  continued  all  that  while  in  a  ve 
ry  flourifhing  ftate.  Cromwell  built  three  cita 
dels,  at  Leith,  Air,  and  Invernefs,  befides  many 
little  forts.  There  was  good  juflice  done,  and 
vice  was  fupprefs'd  and  puniihed  -,  fo  that  we  al 
ways  reckon  thofe  eight  years  of  i] furcation  a  time 
of  great  peace  and  .prpfperity.  There  was  aifo  a 
fort  of  union  of  the  three  Kingdoms  in  one  Parlia 
ment,  where  Scotland,  had  its  reprefentative.  The 
Marquis  of  Argile  went  up  one  of  our  commifii- 
oners. 

The  next  fcene  I  mufl  open  relates  to  the  church,  Dilutes 
and  the  heats  railed  in  it  by  the  pubiick  refolu- 
tion.s,    and  the  proteftation  made  againil  them. 
G  2  New 


$4  A   S  v  M  M  A  R  Y  of  Affairs 

New  occafions  of  difpute  arofe.  A  General  Af- 
fembly  was  in  courfe  to  meet  •,  and  fate  at  St.  An 
drews  :  So  the  commifiion  of  the  Kirk  wrote  a 
circular  letter  to  all  the  Prefbyteries,  fetting  forth 
all  the  grounds  of  their  refolutions,  and  complain 
ing  of  thofe  who  had  proteiled  againft  them  ;  up 
on  which  they  defired  that  they  would  chufe  none 
of  thofe  who  adhered  to  the  proteftation  to  repre- 
ient  them  in  the  next  ailembly.  This  was  only  an 
advice,  and  had  been  frequently  practifed  in  the 
former  years  :  But  now  it  was  highly  complained 
of,  as  a  limitation  on  the  freedom  of  elections, 
which  inferred  a  nullity  on  all  their  proceedings  : 
So  the  Proteftors  renewed  their  proteftation  againft 
the  meeting  upon  a  higher  point,  difowning  that 
authority  which  hitherto  they  had  magnified  as  the 
higheft  tribunal  in  the  church,  in  which  they 
thought  Chrift  was  in  his  throne.  Upon  this  a 
great  debate  followed,  and  many  books  were 
written  in  a  courfe  of  feveral  years.  The  Publickr 
men  faid,  this  was  the  deftroying  of  Prefbytery, 
if  the  leifer  number  did  not  fubmit  to  the  greater  : 
Jt  was  a  fort  of  Prelacy,  if  it  was  pretended  that 
votes  ought  rather  to  be  weighed  than  counted  : 
Parity  was  the  efTence  of  their  conftitution  :  And 
in  this  all  people  faw  they  had  clearly  the  better  of 
the  argument.  The  Proteftors  urged  for  them- 
felves,  that,  fmce  all  Proteftants  rejected  the  pre 
tence  of  infallibility,  the  major  part  of  the  church 
might  fall  into  errours,  in  which  cafe  the  lerTer 
number  could  not  be  bound  to  fubmit  to  them : 
They  complained  of  the  many  corrupt  Clergy 
men  who  were  yet  among  them,  who  were  leaven 
ed  with  the  old  leaven,  and  did  on  all  occafions 
Ihew  what  was  ftill  at  heart  notwithftanding  all 
their  outward  compliance  :  (For  the  epifcopal 
Clergy,  that  had  gone  into  the  Covenant  and 
Prefbytery  to  hold  their  livings,  ftruck  in  with 
great  heat  to  inflame  the  controverfy  :  And  it  ap 
peared  very  vifibly  that  Prefbytery,  if  not  held  in 

order 


before  the  RESTORATION-,  85 

order  by  the  civil  power,  could  not  be  long  kept  in 
quiet:)  If  in  the  fupream  Court  of  judicature  the 
majority  did  not  conclude  the  matter,  it  was  not 
poffible  to  keep  up  their  beloved  parity  :  It  was 
conferred  that  in  doctrinal  points  the  lerTer  number 
was  not  bound  to  fubmit  to  the  greater  :  But  in 
the  matters  of  mere  government  it  was  impofiible 
to  maintain  the  Preibyterian  form  on  any  other 
bottom. 

As  this  debate  grew  hot,  and  they  were  ready  to 
break  out  into  cenfures  on  both  fides,  fome  were 
fent  down  from  the  Commonwealth  of  England  to 
fettle  Scotland :  Of  thefe  Sir  Henry  Vane  was  one. 
The  Refolutioners  were  known  to  have  been 
more  in  the  King's  intereft :  So  they  were  not  fo 
kindly  looked  on  as  the  Proteflors.  Some  of  the 
Englifh  Juncta  moved,  that  pains  mould  be  taken 
to  unite  the  two  parties.  But  Vane  oppofed  this 
with  much  zeal  :  He  faid,  would  they  heal  the 
wound  that  they  had  given  themlelves,  which 
weakened  them  fo  much  ?  The  fetting  them  at 
quiet  could  have  no  other  effect,  but  to  heal  and 
unite  them  in  their  oppofition  to  their  authority  : 
He  therefore  moved,  that  they  might  be  left  at 
liberty  to  fight  out  their  own  quarrels,  and  be 
kept  in  a  greater  dependence  on  the  temporal  au 
thority,  when  both  fides  were  forced  to  make 
their  appeal  to  it :  So  it  was  refolved  to  fuffer 
them  to  meet  Hill  in  their  Prefbyteries  and  Synods, 
but  not  in  General  Aflemblies,  which  had  a  great^ 
er  face  of  union  and  authority. 

This  advice  was  followed  :  So  the  divifion  went 
on.  Both  fides  ftudied  when  any  church  became 
vacant  to  get  a  man  of  their  own  party  to  be 
chofen  to  fucceed  in  the  election  :  And  upon  thefe 
occafions  many  tumults  happened  :  In  fome  of  then^t 
ftones  were  thrown,  and  many  were  wounded,  ta 
the  great  fcandal  of  religion.  In  all  thefe  dffputes 
the  Proteftors  were  the  fiercer  fide :  For  being 
}efs  in  number  they  fludied  to  make  that  up  wka 


86  A  S  u  M  M  A  R  Y  of  Affairs 

their  Fury.  In  one  point  they  had  the  other  at  a 
great  advantage,  with  relation  to  their  new 
matters,  who  required  them  to  give  over  praying 
for  the  King.  The  Proteftors'  were  weary  of 
doing  it,  and  fubmitted  vei-y  readily :  But  the 
others  flood  out  longed ;  and  faid,  it  was  a  duty 
lying  on  them  by  the  Covenant,  fo  they  could 
not  let  it  fall.  Upon  that  the  Englim  Council 
let  out  an  order,  that  fuch  as  fliould  continue  to 
pray  for  the  King.fhould  be  denied  the  help  of  law 
tb  recover  their  tithes,  or  as  they  called  them- 
their  ftipends.  This  touched  them  in  a  fenfible 
point  :  But,  that  they  might  not  feem  to  act  upon 
the  civil  authority,  they  did  enact  it  in  their  Pref- 
byteries,  that  iince  all  duties  did  not.  oblige  at  all 
times,  therefore  confidenng  the  prefent  juncture,, 
in  which  the  King,  could  not  protect  them,  they 
refolved  to  difcontinue  that  piece  of  duty.  This 
expofed  them  to  much  cenfure,  fince  fuch  a  car 
nal  confideration  as  the  force  of  law  for  their  be 
nefices,  (which  all  regard  but  too  much  tho' 
few  will  own  it,)  feemed  to  be  that  which  deter 
mined  them. 

Methods  This  great  breach  among  them  being  rather  en- 
J^fV?1  couraged  than  fupprefled  by  thofe  who  were  ii> 
h  cs'  power,  all  the  methods  imaginable  were  ufed  by 
the  Proteftors  to  raiie  their  credit  among  the  peo 
ple.  They  preached  often,  and  very  long  ;  and 
feemed  to  carry  their  devotions  to  a  greater  fub- 
limity  than  others  did.  Their  conftant  topick 
was,  the  fad  defection  and  corruption  of  the  judi- 
catories  of  the  church,  and  they  often  propofed 
feveral  expedients  for  purging  it.  The  truth  was, 
they  were  more  active,  and  their  performances 
were  livelier,  than  thofe  of  the  Publick  men*. 
They  were  in  nothing  more  fingular  than  in  their 
communions.  In  many  places  the  facrament  was 

*  The  meaning  muft  be,  by  Publick  men,  thofe  who  acted 
purfuant  to  the  resolutions  of  the  general  affemblies,  in  whom 
the .publiqk  authority  of  the  Kijrk  was  then  veiled  by  law. 

difcon- 


before  the  RESTORATION. 

difcontinued  for  feveral  years  ;  where  they  thought 
the  magillracy,  or  the  more  eminent  of  the  parifh, 
were  engaged  in  what  they  called  the  defection'., 
which  was  much  itiofe  looked  at  than  fcandal 
given  by  bad  lives.  But  where  the  greateft  part 
was  more  found,  they  gave  the  facrament  with  a 
new  and  unufual  folemnity.  On  the  Wednefday 
before  they  held  a  fad  day  with  prayers  and  fer 
mons  for  about  eight  or  ten  hours  together:  On 
the  Saturday  they  had  two  or  three  preparation 
ferrrions  :  And  on  the  Lord's  day  they  had  fo 
very  many,  that  the  action  continued  above  twelve 
hours  in  fome  places :  Arid  all  ended  with  three 
or  four  fermons  on  Monday  for  thankfgiving..  A 
great  many  miniiters  were  brought  together  from 
feveral  parts  :  And  high  pretenders  would  have 
gone  40  or  50  miles  to  a  noted  communion.  The 
crouds  were  far  beyond  the  capacity  of  their 
churches,  or  the  reach  of  their  voices :  So  at  the 
fame  time  they  had  fermons  in  two  or  three  dif 
ferent  places  :  And  all  was  performed  with  great 
fhewofzcal.  They  had  Hones  of  many  fignal 
converfions  that  were  wrought  on  thefe  occafions, 
It  is  fcarce  credible'  what  an  effect  this,  had 
among  the  people,  to  how  great  a  rheafure  of 
knowledge  they  were  brought,  and  how  readily 
they  could  pray  extempore,  and  talk  of  divine 
matters.  All  this  tended  to  raife  the  credit  of  the 
Proteftofs.  The  Refolutioners  tried  to  imitate 
them  in  thefe  practices :  But  they  were  not 
thought  fo  fpiritual,  nor  fo  ready  at  them  :  So 
the  others  had  the  chief  following.  When  the 
judicatories  of  the  church  were  near  an  equality 
of  the  men  of  both  fides,  there  wrere  perpetual 
janglings  among  them  :  At  lail  they  proceeded  to 
deprive  men  of  both  fides,  as  they  were  the  ma 
jority  in  the  judicatories  :  But  becaufe  the  porTcf- 
fio'n  of  the  church,  and  the  benefice,  was  to  de 
pend  on  the  orders  of  the  temporal  Courts,  both 
fides  made  their  application  to  the  privy  Council 
G  4 


A  S  tf  M  M  A  R  Y  of  Affairs  • 
that  Cromwell  had  fet  up  in  Scotland  :  And  they 
were  by  them  referred  to  Cromwell  himfelf.  So 
they  fent  deputies  up  to  London.  The  Proteftcrs 
went  in  great  numbers  :  They  came  nearer  both 
to  the  principles,  and  to  the  temper  that  pre 
vailed  in  the  army  :  So  they  were  looked  on  as 
the  better  men,  on  whom,  by  reafon  of  the  firft 
rife  of  the  difference,  the  government  might  more 
certainly  depend  :  Whereas  the  others  were  con- 
fidered  as  more  in  the  King's  interefts.. 

The  Refolutioners  fent  up  one  Sharp,  who  had 
been  long  in  England,  and  was  an  aclive  and 
eager  man  :  He  had  a  very  fmall  proportion  of 
learning,  and  was  but  an  indifferent  preacher : 
But  having  fome  acquaintance  with  the  Prefby- 
terian  Minifters  at  London,  whom  CrorQwell  was 
then  courting  much  by  reafon  of  their  credit  in 
the  City,  he  was  by  an  errour  that  proved  fatal 
to  the  whole  party  lent  up  in  their  name  to  Lon 
don  ;  where  he  continued  for  fome  years  foiicit- 
ing  their  concerns,  and  making  himfelf  known  to 
all  forts  of  people.  He  feemed  more  than  ordi - 
nary  zealous  for  Prefbytery.  And,  as  Cromwell 
was  then  defigning  to  make  himfelf  King,  Dr. 
Wilkins  told  me  he  often  faid  to  him,  no  tempo 
ral  government  could  have  a  fure  fuppoit  without 
a  national  church  that  adhered  tp  it,  and  he  thought 
England  was  capable  of  no  conilitution  but  epif- 
copacy,  to  which,  he  told  me,  he  did  not  doubt 
but  Cromwell  would  have  turned,  as  foon  as  the 
defign  of  his  Kingfhip  was  fettled.  Upon  this 
Wilkins  fpoke  to  Sharp,  that  it  was  plain  by  their 
breach  that  Prefbytery  could  not  be  managed  fo 
as  to  maintain  order  among  them,  and  that  an 
epifcopacy  mufb  be  brought  in  to  fettle  them  :- 
But  Sharp  could  not  bear  the  difcourfe,  and  re- 
jedted  it  with  horror.  I  have  dwelt  longer  on 
this  matter,  and  opened  it  more  fully  than  was 
necefTary,  if  I  had  not  thought  that  this  may  have 
a  good  effedt  on  the  reader,  and  fhew  him  how 

impofiibie 


before  the  RESTORATION.  #9 

impoflible  it  is  in  a  parity  to-  maintain  peace  and 
order,  if  the  magiftrate  does  not  interpofe  :  And 
if  he  does,  that  will  be  cried  out  upon  by  the  zea- 
Jots  of  both  fides,  as  abominable  Erailianifm. 

From  thefe  matters  I  go  next  to  fet  down  fome  Some  of 
particulars  that  I  knew  concerning  Cromwell,  that  " 
I  have  not  yet  feen  in  books.  Some  of  thefe  I 
had  from  the  Earls  of  Cariifle  and  Orrery  :  The 
one  had  been  the  captain  of  his  guards  :  And  the 
other  had  been  the  prefident  of  his  council  in 
Scotland,  But  he  from  whom  I  learned  the  molt 
was  Stouppe,  a  Grifon  by  birth,  then  Mini  fie  r  of 
the  French  Church  in  Savoy,  and  afterwards  a 
brigadeer  general  in  the  French  armies  :  A  man 
of  intrigue,  but  of  no  virtue  :  He  adhered  to 
the  Proteftant  religion  as  to  outward  appearance  : 
He  was  much  trufled  by  Cromwell  in  foreign  af 
fairs  *,  in  which  Cromwell  was  oft  at  a  lofs,  and 
having  no  foreign  language,  but  the  little  latin 
that  fluck  to  him  from  his  education,  which  he. 
fpoke  very  vitioufly  and  fcantily,  had  not  the  ne- 
celTary  means  of  informing  himfelf. 

When  Cromwell  nrft  afTumed  the  government, 
he  had'three  great  parties  of  the  Nation  all  againft 
him,  the  Epiicopal,  the  Prefbyterian,  and  the  Re 
publican  party.  The  lafl  was  the  moil  fet  on  his 
ruin,  looking  on  him  as  the  perfon  that  had  per- 
fidioufly  broke  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  and  was, 
fetting  up  for  himfelf.  He  had  none  to  rely  on 
but  the  Army  :  :Yet  that  enthufiaflick  temper, 
that  he  had  taken  Ib  much  pains  to  raife  among 
them,  made  them  very  intraclable  :  Many  of  th<3 
chief  officers  were  broken,  and  imprisoned  by 
him  :  And  he  flattered  the  reft  the  bell  he  could. 
He  went  on  in  his  old  way  of  long  and  dark  dif- 
courfes,  fermons,  and  prayers.  As  to  the  Cava 
lier  party,  he  was  afraid  both  of  afTafiination  and 
other  plottings  from  them.  As  to  the  former  of 
thefe  he  took  a  method  that  proved  very  effec 
tual  :  Fie  faid  often  and  openly,  that  in  a  war  if 

was 


A  SUMMARY  of  Affairs 

was  neceiTary  to  return  upon  any  fide  all  the  vio 
lent  things  that  any  of  the  one  fide  did  to  the 
other  :  This  was  done  for  preventing  greater  fnif- 
chief,  and  for  bringing  men  to  fair  war :  There 
fore,  he  faid,  affaffinations  were  fuch  deteftable 
things  that  he  would  never  begin  them  :  But  if 
any  of  the  King's  party  mould  endeavour  to  aflfaf- 
finate  him,  and  fail  in  it,  he  would  make  an 
afiaflinating  war  of  it,  and  deftroy  the  whole  fa 
mily  :  And  he  pretended  he  had  inftruments  to 
execute  it,  whenfoever  he  fhould  give  order  for 
it.  The  terrour  of  this  was  a  better  fecurity  to 
him  than  his  guards. 

The  other  as  to  their  plottirigs  was  the  more 
dangerous.  But  he  underflood  that  one  Sir 
Richard  Willis  was  Chancellouf  Hide's  chief  con 
fident,  to  whom  he  wrote  often,-  and  to  whom  all 
the  party  fubmitted,  looking  on  him  as  an  able 
and  wife  man-  in  whom  they  confided  abfolutely, 
So  he  found  a  way  to  talk  with  him  :  He  faid, 
he  did  not  intend  to  hurt  any  of  the  party  :  His 
defign  was  rather  to  fave  them  from  ruin  :  They 
were  apt  after  their  cups  to  run  into  foolifh  and  ill 
concerted  plots,  which  fignined  nothing  but  to 
ruin  thofe  who  engaged  in  them  :  He  knew  they 
confulted  him  in  every  thing :  All  he  defired  of 
him  was  to  know  all  their  plots,  that  he  might  fo 
difconcert  them  that  none  might  ever  fuffer  for 
them:  If  he  clapt  any  of  them  up  in  prifon,  it 
fhould  only  be  for  a  little  time  :  And  they  fHould 
be  interrogated  only  about  fome  trifling  difcourfe, 
but  never  about  the  bufinefs  they  had  been  en 
gaged  inf  He  offered  Willis  whatever  he  would 
accept  of,  and  to  give  it  when  or  as  he  pleafed. 
He  durft  not  afk  or  take  above  200  pound  a  year. 
None  was  trufted  with  this  but  his.fecretary  Thurloj 
who  was  a  very  dexterous  man  #t  getting  intel 
ligence. 

Thus  Cromwell  had  all  the  King's  party  in  a 
ne£.     He  let  them  dance  in  it  at  pleafure  :  And 

upon 


before  the  R  E.S  T  o  R  A  T  i  O-N. 

upon  occafions  clapt  them  up  for  a  fliort  while  : 
But  nothing,  was  ever  difcovered  that  hurt  any  of 
them.      In;  conclufion,   after   Cromwell's   death, 
Willis  continued  to  give  notice  of  every  thing  to< 
Thurlo.     At  lafb,  when  the  plot  was  laid  among 
the  Cavaliers  for  a  general  infurreclion,  the  King 
was  defircd  to  come  over  to  that  which  was  to  be, 
raifed  in  SuiTex  :  He  was  to  have  landed  near  Chir 
chefter,  all  by  Willis's  management :  And  a  fnar-e- 
was  laid   for  him,  in  which  he   would  probably-, 
have  been  caught,  if  Morland,  Thurlo's  under  fe~ 
cretary,  who  was  a  prying  man,  had  not  difco 
vered    the    correfpondence    between    his   Mailer* 
and  Willis,  and  warned  the  King  of  his   danger. 
Yet  it  .was  not  eafy  to  perfuade  thofe  who  hadl 
trufted  Willis   fo   much,  and   who  thought   him 
faithful  in  all  refpects,  to  believe  that  he  could"  be 
guilty  of  fo  black  a  treachery  :  So  Morland's  ad- 
vertifement  was  look'd  on  as  an  artifice  to  create 
jealoufy.     But  he   to  give  a  full  conviction   ob* 
ferved  where  the  fecretary  laid  fome  letters  of  ad-r 
vice,  on  which  he  law  he  relied  moil,  and  getting 
the  key  of  that  cabinet  in  his  hand  to  feal  a  let 
ter  with  a  feal  that  hung  to  it,  he  took  the  im- 
prefllon  of  it  in  wax,  and  got  a  key  to  be  made 
from  it,  by  which  he  opened  the  cabinet,  and  fent 
over  fome  of  the  moft  important- of  thofe  letters* 
The  hand  was  known,  and  this  artful  but  black 
treachery  was  difcovered  :  So  the  defrgn  of   the 
rifmg  was  laid  afide.     Sir  George  Booth  having 
engaged  at  the  fame  time  to  raile:  a. body  in  Cher 
(hire,  two  feveral  mefiengers  were. lent  to  him  t$> 
let  him  know  the  defign  could.npt  be  executed  at 
the  time  appointed  :  But  both  theJfe-  perfons  were 
fufpe&ed  by  fome  garrifons  thro'- which]  they  muft 
pafs,  as  giving  no  good  account  of  themfelve^iti 
a  time  of  jealoufy,  and  were  fo  long  ftopt,  that 
.they  could  not  give  him  notice  in  e  time  :  So  he 
very  gallantly  performed  his  part :  Btit  not  being 
fcconcled  he  was  ibon  cr timed  by  La^best. 


A  S  u  M  M  A  R  T  of  Affairs 

Willis  loft  the  merit  of  great  and  long  fervices. 
This  was  one  of  Cromwell's  mailer  pieces. 

As  for  the  Prefbyterians,  they  were  fo  appre- 
henfive  of  the  fury  of  the  Commonwealth  party, 
that  they  thought  it  a  deliverance  to  be  refcued 
out  of  their  hands  :  Many  of  the  Republicans  be 
gun  to  profefs  Deifm  :  And  almoft  all  of  them 
were  for  deftroying  all  Clergymen,  and  for  break 
ing  every  thing  that  looked  like  the  union  of  a 
national  church.  They  were  for  pulling  down 
the  churches,  for  difcharging  the  tithes,  and  for 
leaving  religion  free,  as  they  called  it,  without 
either  encouragement  or  reilraint.  Cromwell  af- 
fured  the  Prelbyterians,  he  would  maintain  a  pub- 
lick  miniilry  with  all  due  encouragement.;  and 
he  joined  them  in  a  commiflion  with  fome  Inde 
pendents,  to  be  the  triers  of  all  thofe  who  were 
to  be  admitted  to  benefices.  Thefe  difpofed  aifo 
of  all  the  churches  that  were  in  the  gift  of  the 
Crown,  of  the  Bifiiops,  and  .of  the  Cathedral 
Churches  :  So  this  foftened  them. 

He  ftudied  to  divide  the  Commdnweakh  party 
among  themfelves,  and  to  let  the  Fifth -monarchy 
men  and  the  Enthufiafts  againft  thofe  who  pre 
tended  to  little  or  no  religion,  and  acted  only 
upon  the  principles  ot  civil  liberty  •,  ilich  as  Al- 
gernoon  Sidney,  Henry  Nevill,  Martin,  Wild- 
man,  and  Harrington.  The  Fifth-monarchy  men 
feemed  to  be  really  in  expectation  every  day  when 
Chrift  Ihould  appear  *  John  Goodwin  headed 
thefe,  who  firft  brought  in  Arminianiim  among 
the  fectaries,  for  he  was  for  liberty  of  all  forts. 
Cromwell  hated  that  doctrine  :  For  his  beloved 
notion  was,  that  once  a  child  of  God  was  always 
a  child  of  God :  Now  he  had  led  a  very  ftrict 
life  for  above  eight  years  together  before  the  war : 
So  he  comforted  himfelf  much  with  his  reflections 
on  that  time,  and  on  the  certainty  of  perfeve- 
rance.  But  none  of  the  preachers  were  fo  tho 
roughly  paced  for  him  as  to  temporal  matters,  as 

Goodwin. 


before  the  RESTORATION.  93 

Goodwin  was  ^  for  he  not  only  juftified  the  put 
ting  the  King  to  death,  but  magnified  it  as  the 
glorioufeft  action  men  were  capable  of.  He  filled 
all  people  with  fuch  expectation  of  a  glorious 
thoufand  years  fpeedily  to  begin,  that  it  looked 
like  a  madnefs  pofTeffing  them. 

It  was  no  eafy  thing  for  Cromwell  to  fatisfy  His  defigo 
thofe,  v/hen  he  took  the  power  into  his  own  hands  ;  ^[nth^j 
fmce  that  looked  like  a  ftep  to  Kingfhip,  which 
Goodwin  had  long  reprefented  as  the  great  Anti- 
chrift,  that  hindred  Chrift's  being  fet  on  his 
throne.  To  thefe  he  faid,  and  as  fome  have  told  me, 
with  many  tears,  that  he  would  rather  have  taken 
a  fhepherd's  ftaff  than  the  Protectorfhip,  fince  no 
thing  was  more  contrary  to  his  genius  than  a 
fhew  of  greatnefs  :  But  he  faw  it  was  neceflary  at 
that  time  to  keep  the  Nation  from  falling  into 
extream  diforder,  and  from  becoming  open  to 
the  common  enemy  :  And  therefore  he  only  fbept 
in  between  the  living  and  the  dead,  as  he  phrafed 
it,  in  that  interval,  till  God  fhould  direct  them 
on  what  bottom  they  ought  to  fettle  :  And  he 
allured  them,  that  then  he  would  furrender  the 
heavy  load  lying  upon  him,  with  a  joy  equal  to 
the  forrow  with  -which  he  was  affected  while  un~ 
der  that  fhew  of  dignity.  To  men  of  this  ilamp 
he  would  enter  into  the  terms  of  their  old  equa* 
lity,  flyming  the  door,  and  making  them  fit  down 
covered  by  him,  to  let  them  fee  how  little  he 
valued  thofe  diftances  that  for  form's  fake  he  was 
bound  to  keep  up  with  others.  Thefe  difcourfes 
commonly  ended  in  a  iong  prayer.  Thus  with 
much  ado,  he  managed  the  republican  enthufiafts. 
The  other  Republicans  he  called  the  Heathens, 
and  profefled  he  could  not  fo  eafily  work  upon 
them.  He  had  fome  chaplains  of  all  forts  :  And 
he  begun  in  his  latter  years  to  be  gentler  towards 
thofe  of  the  church  of  England.  They  had  their 
meetings  in  feveral  places  about  London  without 
any  difturbance  from  him.  ,  In  conclufion,  even 


94  A  SUMMARY  of  Affairs 

the  Papifts  courted  him :  And  he  with  great  difliftiu- 
lation  carried  things  with  all  forts  of  people  farther 
^than  was  thought  pofTible,  considering  the  difficulties 
%e  met  with  in  all  his  Parliaments:  But  it  was 
:gen^rally  believed  that  his  life  and  all  his  arts  were 
exhaufted  at  once,  and  that  if  he  had  lived  much 
longer  he  could  not  have  held  things  together. 

The  debates  came  on  very  high  for  fetting  up 
a  King.     All  the  lawyers,  chiefly  Glyn,  Maynard, 
"Fountain,    and   St.  Johns,  were   vehemently   for 
this.     They  faid,  no   new   government  could  be 
fettled   legally  but  by  a  King,  who  mould  pals 
bills  for  fuch  a  form  as  mould  be  agreed  on.     Till 
then  all  they  did  was  like  building  upon  fand  :  Still 
^men  were  in  danger  of  a  revolution  :  And  in  that 
cafe  all  that  had  been  done  would  be  void  of  itfelf, 
as  contrary  to  a  law  yet  in  being  and  not  repealed. 
Till  that  was  done,  every  man  that  had  been  con 
cerned   in   the   war,  and  in   the  blood   that   was 
-Ihed,    chiefly   the   King's,    was   (till   obnoxieus  : 
And  no  warrants  could  be  pleaded,  but  what  were 
founded  on   or  approved  of  by  a  law  pafled  by 
King,  Lords,  and  Commons.     They  might  agree 
to  truft  this  King  as  much  as  they  pleafcd,   and 
to  make  his  power  determine   as    foon    as  they 
pleafed,  fo  that  he  mould  be, a  Felo  de  fe,  and 
confent  to  an  aft,  if  need  were,  of  extinguifhing 
both  name  and  thing  for  ever.     And  as  no  man's 
perfon  was   fafe  till  that  was  done,  fo  they  faid 
all  the  grants  and  fales  that  had  been  made  were 
null  and  void  :  All  men  that  had  gathered  or  dif- 
pofed  of  the  publick  money  were  for  ever  accoun 
table.     In  Ihort,  this  point  was  made  out  beyond 
the  poffibility  of  anfwering   it,  except  upon  en- 
thufiaftick  principles.     But    by  that   fort  of  men 
"all  this  was  called  a   miftrufting  of  God,  and  a 
trufting  to  the  arm  of  flefh  :  They  had  gone  out, 
as   they  faid.,  in  the  fimplicity  of  their  hearts  to 
fight  the  Lord's  battles,  to  whom  they  had  made 
;the   appeal  :  He    had  heard  them,  and  appeared 
£gr  them,  arid  now  they  could  truft  him  no  longer : 

they  . 


before  the  RESTORATION. 

They  had  pulled  down   monarchy  with  the  mo 
narch,  and  would  they  now  build  that  up  which 
they  had  deftroyed  :  They  had  folemnly  vowed  t$ 
God  to  be  true  to  the  Common  wealth,  without  a 
King  or  Kingfhip  :  And  under  that  vow,  as  under 
a  banner,  they   had   fought   and  prevailed :  But 
now  they  rnuft  be  fecure,  and  in  order  to  that  go 
back  to  Egypt  :  They  thought,  it  was  rather  a 
happinefs  that  they  were  ftili  under  a  legal,  dan 
ger  :  This  might  be  a  mean   to  make  them  more 
cautious  and  diligent :  If  Kings  were  invaders  of 
God's  right,  and  ufurpers   upon    mens  liberties, 
why  mull  they  have  recourfe  to  fuch  a  wicked  en 
gine  ?  Upon  thefe  grounds  they  flood  out :  And 
they  looked  on  ail  that  was  offered  about  the  limit 
ing  this  King  in  his  power,  as  the  gilding  the  pill  : 
The  afTertors  of  thofe  laws  that  made  it  nscefTary 
to  have  a  King,  would  no  fooner  have  one,  than 
they  would  bring   forth  out  of  the   fame  flore- 
houfe  all  that  related  to  the  power  and  preroga 
tive  of   this  King  :    Therefore   they  would   not 
hearken  to  any  thing  that   was  offered  on    that 
head,  but  rejected  it  with  fcorn.     Many  of  them 
began  openly  to  fay,  if  we  mufl  have  a  King  in 
confequence  of  fo  much  law  as  was  alledged,  why 
mould  we  not  rather  have  that  King  to  whom  the 
law  certainly  pointed,  than  any  other  ?  The  Earl 
of  Orrery  told  me,  that,  coming  one  day  to  Crom 
well  during  thofe  heats,  and  telling  him  he  had 
been  in   the  City  all  that  day,  Cromwell  afked 
him  what  news  he  had  heard  there  ?  The  other 
anfwered,  that  he  was  told  he  was  in  treaty  with 
the  King,  who  was  to  be  reftored  and  to  marry 
his  daughter.     Cromwell  expreiling  no  indigna 
tion    at  this,  Lord  Orrery   faid,  in   the  ftate  to 
which  things  were  brought,  he  faw  not;  a, -better  ex? 
pedient :  They  might  bring  him  in  on  what  terms 
they   pleafed :    And  Cromwell   might  retain   the 
fame    authority   he   then  had    with  lefs   trouble- 
Cromwell  anfwered,  the  King  can  never  forgive 
&i§   father's  bipod.     Orrery  faid,  he  was  one  of 

many, 


A  S  u  M  M  A  R  Y  of  Affairs 

many  that  were  concerned  in  that,  but  h6 
would  be  alone  in  the  merit  of  reftoring  him, 
Cromwell  replied,  he  is  fo  damnably  debauched 
he  would  undo  us  all  -,  and  fo  turned  to  another 
difcourfe  without  any  emotion,  which  made  Orrery 
conclude  he  had  often  thought  of  that  expedient. 
Before  the  day  in  which  he  refufed  the  offer  of 
the  Kingfhip  that  was  made  to  him  by  the  Par 
liament,  he  had  kept  himfelf  on*fuch  a  referve  that 
no  man  knew  what  anfwer  he  would  give.  It  was 
thought  more  likely  he  would  accept  of  it :  But 
that  which  determined  him  to  the  contrary  was, 
that,  when  he  went -down  in  the  morning  to  walk 
in  St.  James's  park,  Fleetwood  and  Defborough 
were  waiting  for  him  :  The  one  had  married  his 
daughter,  and  the  other  his  filter.  With  thefc 
he  entered  into  much  difcourfe  on  the  fubject,  and 
argued  for  it :  He  faid,  it  was  a  tempting  of  God 
to  expofe  fo  many  worthy  men  to  death  and  po 
verty,  when  there  was  a  certain  way  to  fecure' 
them.  The  others  infilled  ft  ill  on  the  oaths  they 
had  taken.  He  faid,  thefe  oaths  were  againft  the 
power  and  tyranny  of  Kings,  but  not  againft  the 
four  letters  that  made  the  word  King.  In  con- 
clufion,  they,  believing  from  his  difcourfe  that 
he  intended  to  accept  of  it,  told  him,  they  fa\v 
great  confufions  would  follow  on  it :  And  as  they 
could  not  ferve  him  to  fet  up  the  idol  they  had 
put  down,  and  had  fworn  to  keep  down,  fo  they 
would  not  engage  in  any  thing  againft  him,  but 
would  retire  and  look  on.  So  they  offered  hirri 
their  commiflions,  fmce  they  were  refolved  not  to- 
ferve  a  King :  He  defired  they  would  flay  till  they 
heard  his  anfwer.  It  was  believed,  that  he,  fee 
ing  two  perfons  fo  near  him  ready  to  abandon  him, 
concluded  that  many  others  would  follow  their 
example ;  and  therefore  thought  it  was  too  bold  x 
venture.  So  he  refufed  it,  but  accepted  of  the 
continuance  of  his  Protectorlhip.  Yet,  if  he  had 
lived  out  the  next  winter,  as  the  debates  were  to 


before  the  RESTORATION.  £7 

have  been  brought  on  again,  fo  it  was  generally 
thought  he  would  have  accepted  of  the  offer. 
And  it  is  yet  a  queftion  what  the  effect  of  that 
would  have  been.  Some  have  thought  it  would 
have  brought  on  a  geaeral  fettlement,  fmce  the 
law  and  the  ancient  government  were  again  to 
take  place  :  Others  have  fancied  jufl  the  contrary, 
that  it  would  have  engaged  the  Army,  fo  that 
they  would  either  have  deferted  the  fervice,  or 
have  revolted  from  him,  and  perhaps  have  killed 
him  in  the  firft  fray  of  the  tumult.  I  will  not: 
determine  which  of  thefe  would  have  mod  probably 
happened.  In  thefe  debates  fome  of  the  Cavalier 
party,  or  rather  their  children,  came  to  bear  fome 
ihare.  They  were  then  all  zealous  Common  weal  ths- 
men,  according  to  the  directions  fent  them  from 
thofe  about  the  King.  Their  bufinefs  was  to  oppofe 
Cromwell  on  all  his  demands,  and  fo  to  weaken  him 
at  home,  and  expofe  him  abroad.  When  fome 
of  the  other  party  took  notice  of  this  great  change, 
from  being  the  abettors  of  prerogative  to  become 
the  patrons  of  liberty,  they  pretended  their  edu 
cation  in  the  Court  and  their  obligation  to  it  had 
engaged  them  that  way  ;  but  now  fmce  that  was 
out  of  doors,  they  had  the  common  principles  of 
human  nature  and  the  love  of  liberty  in  them. 
By  this  means  as  the  old  republicans  aflifted  and 
protected  them,  fo  at  the  fame  time  they  ftrength- 
ened  the  faction  againft  Cromwell.  But  thefe  very 
inen  at  the  Defloration  fhook  off  this  difguife,  and 
reverted  to  tfheir  old  principles  for  a  high  prero 
gative  and  abfolute  power.  They  faid  they  were 
for  liberty,  when  it  was  a  mean  to  diftrefs  one 
who  they  thought' had  no  right  to  govern  •,  but 
when  the  government  returned  to  its  old  channel, 
they  were  {till  as  firm  to  all  prerogative  notions, 
and  as  great  enemies  to  liberty  as  ever. 

I   go  next  to   give  an  account  of  Cromwell's  Crom- 
traafactions  with  relation  to  foreign  affairs.     He  well's  en" 
laid   it  down  for   a  maxim  to  fpare  no  cofb  or  ^ 

VOL.  L  H  charge 


A  SUMMARY  of  Affairs 
charge  in  order  to  procure  him  intelligence. 
When  he  nndcrftbod  what  dealers  the  Jews  were 
every  where  in  that  trade  that  depends  on  news, 
tile  advancing  money  upon  high  or  low  interefts 
in  proportion  to  the  rifque  they  run  or  the  gain 
to  be  made  as  the  times  might  turn,  and  in  the 
buying  and  felling  ot  the  actions  of  money  fo  ad 
vanced,  he,  more  upon  that  account  than  in  com 
pliance  with  the  principle  of  toleration,  brought  a 
company  of  them  over  to  England,  and  gave 
them  leave  to  build  a  Synagogue.  All  the  while 
that  he  was  negotiating  this,  they  were  Hire  and 
good  fpies  for  him,  efpecially  with  relation  to 
Spain  and  Portugal.  The  Earl  of  Orrery  told 
me,  he  was  once  walking  with  him  in  one  of  the 
galleries  of  White-hall,  and  a  man  almoft  in  rags 
came  in  view :  He  prefently  difmifs'd  Lord  Or 
rery,  and  carried  that  man  into  his  clofet ;  who 
brought  him  an  account  of  a  great  fum  of  money 
that  the  Spaniards  were  fending  over  to  pay  their 
army  in  Flanders,  but  in  a  Dutch  man  of  war  : 
And  he  told  him  the  places  of  the  ihip  in  which 
the  money  was  lodged.  Cromwell  fent  an  exprefs 
immediately  to  Smith,  afterwards  Sir  Jeremy 
Smith,  who  Jay  in  the  Downs,  telling  him  that 
within  a  day  or  two  fuch  a  Dutch  (hip  would  pafs 
the  channel,  whom  he  muft  vifit  for  the  Spanifh 
money,  which  was  contraband  goods,  we  being 
then  in  war  with  Spain.  So  when  the  fhip 
pals'd  by  Dover,  Smith  lent  and  demanded  leave 
to  fearch  him.  The  Dutch  captain  anfwered,  none 
but  his  mailers  might  fearch  him.  Smith  fent  him 
word,  he  had  fet  up  an  hour-glafs,  and  if  before 
that  was  run  out  he  did  not  fubmit  to  the  fearch, 
he  would  force  it.  The  Captain  faw  it  was  in 
Tain  to  ftruggle,  and  fo  all  the  money  was  found. 
Next  time  that  Cromwell  faw  Orrery  he  told  him, 
he  had  his  intelligence  from  that  contemptible  man 
he  faw  him  go  to  fome  days  before.  He  had  on 
all  occafions  very  good  intelligence  :  He  knew 
every  thing  that  pafs'd  in  the  King's  little  Court  : 


before  the  RESTORATIO  NT.'-, 

And  ydt  none  of  his  fpies   were  difcovered,  but 
one  only. 

The  greateft  difHculty  on  him  in  his  foreign  af 
fairs  was,  what   fide  to  chufe,  France  or  Spain. 
The  Prince  of  Conde  was  then  in  the  Netherlands 
with  a  great  many  Proteftants  about  him.     He 
fet  the  Spaniards  on  making  great  ileps    towards 
the  gaining  Cromwell  into  their  interefts.     Spain 
ordered  their  AmbafTador   to  compliment  him  : 
He  was  efteemed  one  of  their  ableft  men  :  His 
name  was  Don  Alonfo  de  Cardenas  i  He  offered 
that  if  Cromwell  would  join    with   them,    they 
would  engage  themfelves   to  make   no  peace  till 
he  fhould  recover  Calais  again  to  England.    This 
was  very  agreeable  to  Cromwell,  who  thought  it 
would  recommend  him  much  ta  the  Nation,  if 
he  could  reftore  that  town  again   to  the  Engiim 
Empire,  after  it  had  been  a  hundred  years  in  the 
hands  of  the  French.     Mazarin  hearing  of  this 
fent  one  over  to  negotiate  with  him,  but  at  firft 
without  a  character :  And,  to   outbid    the   Spa 
niard,  he  offered  to  affiit  Cromwell  to  take  Dun 
kirk,  which  was  a   place  of  much   more  impor 
tance.     The  Prince  of  Conde  fent  over  likewife  to 
offer  Cromwell  to  turn    Proteftant  -,    and,  if  he 
would  give   him    a   fleet   with   good  troops,    he 
would  make  a  defcent  in   Guienne,  where  he  did 
not  doubt  but  that  he  mould   be  alilfted  by  the 
Proteftants ;  and  that  he  mould  fo  diftrefs  France', 
as  to  obtain  fuch    conditions  for  them,  and  for 
England,    as  Cromwell    himfelf  ihould    dictate. 
Upon  this  offer  Cromwell   fent  Stoupe  round   all 
France,  to  talk  with  their  mofc  eminent  men,  to 
fee   into  their  ftrength,  into  their  prefent  difpo- 
fition,  the  opprefTioris   they   lay  under,  and  their 
inclinations  to  truit   the  Prince  of  Conde.     He 
went  from  Paris  down  the  Loire,  then  to  Bour- 
deaux,  from  thence  to  Montauban,  and  crofs  the 
fouth  of  France  to  Lions  :  He  was  inilructed  to 
talk  to   them  only  as  a  traveller,  and  to  allure 
H  2  them 


A  SUMMARY  of  Affairs 
them  of  Cromwell's  zeal  and  care  for  them,  which 
he  magnified  every  where.     The  Proteftants  were 
then  very  much  at  their  cafe :  For  Mazarin,  who 
thought  of  nothing  but  to  enrich  his  family,  took 
care  to  maintain  the  edicls  better   than  they  had 
been  in  any  time  formerly.     So  Stoupe  returned., 
and  gave  Cromwell  an  account  of  the  eafe  they 
were  then  in,  and  of  their  refolution  to  be  quiet. 
They  had  a  very  bad  opinion  of  the  Prince  of 
Conde,  as  a  man  who  fought  nothing  but  his  own 
greatnefs,    to  which  they   believed    that   he  was 
ready  to  facrifice  all  his  friends,  and  every  caufe 
that  he  efpoufed.     This    fettled   Cromwell   as   to 
that  particular.     He  alfo  found   that  the  Cardi 
nal  had  fuch  fpies  on  that  Prince,  that  he  knew 
every  meflage   that    had   paffed   between   them  : 
Therefore  he  would  have  no  farther  correfpondence 
•with  him  *  He  faid  upon  that  to  Stoupe,  Stultus 
eft,  &  s;afrulus,  &  venditur  a  fuis  Cardinali.  That 
which  determined  him  afterwards  in  the  choice  was 
this  :  He  found  the  parties  grew  fo  ftrong  againft 
him  at  home,  that  he  faw  if  the  King  or  his  bro 
ther  were  affifted  by  France  with  an  army  of  Hu 
guenots   to   make   a  defcent   in  England,  which 
was  threatned  if  he  fhould  join   with  Spain,   this 
might  prove  very  dangerous   to  him,  who  had  fo 
many  enemies  at  horns  and  fo  few  friends.     This 
particular  confideration  with   relation  to  himfelf 
made  great  impreffion  on  him  *,  for  he  knew  the 
Spaniards   could  give  thofe   Princes  no  ftrength, 
nor  had  they  any  Proteftant  fubjedls  to  affift  them 
in  any  fuch   dcfign.     Upon  this   occafion    King 
James  told  me,  that  among   other  prejudices   he 
had  as  the  Proteftant  religion-  this  was  one,  that 
both  his  brother  and  himfelf,  being  in  many  com 
panies  i-n  Paris  incognito,  where  they   met  many 
Proteftants,  he  found  they  were  all  alienated  from 
them,  and  were  great  admirers  of  Cromwell :  So, 
lie  believed  they  were  all  rebels  in  their  heart.     I 
aaiwered,  that  foreigners  were  no  other  way  con- 
i  cernei 


before  the   RESTORATION. 
•cerned   in  the  quarrels  of  their  neighbours,   than 
to  fee  who  could  or  would  affift  them  :  The  coid- 
nefs  they  had  feen  formerly  in  the  Court  of  Eng 
land  with  relation  to   them,  and  the  zeal  which 
was  then  expreffed,  mult  naturally  make  them  de 
pend  on  one  that  feemed  refolved  to  protect  them. 
As  the  negotiation  went  on  between  France  and 
England,  Cromwell  would  have  the  King  and  his 
brother  difmifled  the   Kingdom.     Mazarin  con- 
fented  to  this  9  for  he  thought  it  more  honourable, 
that  the  French  King  fhould  fend  them  away  of 
his  own  accord,  than  that  it  fhould  be  done  pur- 
fuant  to  an  article  with  Cromwell.     Great  excufes 
were  made  for  doing  it :  They  had  fome  money 
given  them,  and  were  lent  away  loaded  with  pro- 
mifes  of  conflant  iupplies  that  were  never  meant 
to  be  performed  :  And  they  retired  to  Colen  ;  for 
the  Spaniards  were  not  yet  out  of  hope  of  gaining 
Cromwell.     But  when  that  vanimed,  they  invited 
them  to  Bruxeils,  and  they  fettled  great  appoint 
ments    on  them,  in  their  way,  which  was  always 
to  promife  much,  how  little   foever   they   could 
perform.     They  alfo  fettled  a  pay  for  fuch  of  the 
fubjects  of  the  three   Kingdoms  as  would  come 
and  ferve  under  our  Princes  :  But  few  came,   ex 
cept  from  Ireland  :  Of  thefe  fome  regiments  were 
formed.     But  tho'  this  gave  them  a  great  and  lait- 
ing   intereft   in    our   Court,    efpecially    in   King 
James's,  yet  they  did  not  much  to  deferve  it. 

Before  King  Charles  left   Paris  he  changed  his  The  King 
religion,    but    by   whofe   perfuafion    is    not    yet  fcl?™e<* Pa" 
known  :  Only  Cardinal  de  Retz  was  in  the  lecret,  ^ 
and  Lord   Aubigny  had    a   great  hand  in  it.     It 
was  kept   a  great  fecret.     Chancellour  Hide  had 
fome  fufpicion  of  it,  but  would  never  fuffer  him- 
felf  to  believe  it  quite.     Soon  after  the  Reflora- 
tion  that  Cardinal  came  over  in  difguife,  and  had 
an   audience  of  the   King  :    What    pafs'd    is  not 
known.     The  firft  ground  I  had  to  believe  it  was 
this :  The  Marquis  de  Roucy,  who  was  the  man 
H  3  of 


A  5  u  M  MARY  of  Affairs 
of  the  greateft  family  in  France  that  continued 
Proteftant  to  the  lad,  was  much  preffed  by  that 
Cardinal  to  change  his  religion  :  He  was  his  Kinf- 
irian  and  his  particular  friend.  Among  other  rea- 
ibns  one  that  he  urged  was,  that  the  Protellant 
religion  muft  certainly  be  ruined,  and  that  they 
could  expect  no  protection  from  England,  for  to 
his  certain  knowledge  both  the  Princes  were  al 
ready  changed.  Roucy  told  this  in  great  confi 
dence  to  his  Miniiter,  who  after  his  death  fent  an 
advertifement  of  it  to  my  felf.  Sir  Allen  Bro- 
derick,  a  great  Confident  of  the  Chancellour's, 
who  from  being  very  atheiftical  became  in  the  laft 
years  of  his  life  an  eminent  penitent,  as  he  was  a 
man  of  great  parts,  with  whom  I  had  lived  Jong 
jn  great'  confidence,  on  his  death-bed  fent  me  like- 
wife  an  account  of  this  matter,  which  he  believed 
was  done  in  Fontainebleau,  before  King  Charles 
was  fent  to  Colen.  As  for  King  James,  it  feems 
he  was  not  reconciled  at  that  time  :  For  he  told 
me,  that  being  in  a  Monaftery  in  Flanders,  a  Nun 
defired  him  to  pray  every  day,  that  if  he  was  not 
in  the  right  way  God  would  bring  him  into  it  : 
And  he  faid,  the  impreJTion  thefe  words  made  on 
him  never  left  him  till  he  changed. 

To  return  to  Cromwell :  While   he  was  balan 
cing  in  his  Mind  what  was  fit  for  him  to  do,  Gage, 
who  had  been    a    Priefl,    came    over  from    the 
Weft-Indies,  and  gave   him  fuch   an  account  of 
the  feeblenefs  as  well  as  of  the  wealth  of  the  Spa- 
niards  in  thofe  parts,  as  made  him  conclude  that 
u  ell's  de-  jt  Wou]d  be  both   a  great  and  an  eafy  conqueft  to 
re*  Weft  k*ze  on  ^C'ir  Dominions.     By  this  he  reckoned  he 
Indies.      would   be  (applied  with  fuch  a  t.reafure,  that  his 
government  would  be  eftabiifhed  before  he  mould 
need  to  have    any   recourfe   to  a  Parliament  for 
money.      Spain    would    never    admit  of  a  peace 
with  England  between  the  tropicks  :  So  he  was 
in  a  ftate  of  war  with  them  as  to  thofe  parts,  even 
before  he  declared  war  in  Europe.     He  upon 

that 


before  the  RESTORATION.  rot 

that  equipped  a  fleet  with  a  force  fufficient,  as  he 
hoped,  to  have  feized  Hifpaniola  and  Cuba.  And 
Gage  had  affured  him,  that  fuccefs  in  that  expe 
dition  would  make  all  the  reft  fall  into  his  hands. 
Stoupe,  being  on  another  occafion  called  to  his 
clofet,  faw  him  one  day  very  intent  in  looking  on 
a  Map,  and  in  meafuring  diftances.  Stoupe  faw 
it  was  a  Map  of  the  Bay  of  Mexico,  and  obferved 
who  printed  it.  So,  there  being  no  difcourfe 
upon  that  fubjeft,  Stoupe  went  next  day  to  the 
Printer  to  buy  the  Map.  The  Printer  denied  he 
had  printed  it.  Stoupe  affirmed  he  had  feen  it. 
Then,  he  faid,  it  muft  be  only  in  Cromwell's 
hand  ;  for  he  only  had  fome  of  the  Prints,  and 
had  given  him  a  ftricl:  charge  to  fell  none  till  he 
had  leave  given  him.  So  Stoupe  perceived  there 
was  a  defign  that  way.  And  when  the  time  of 
fetting  out  the  fleet  came  on,  all  were  in  a  gaze 
whither  it  was  to  go  :  Some  fancied  it  was  to  rob 
the  Church  of  Loretto,  which  did  occafion  a  for 
tification  to  be  drawn  round  it :  Others  talked  of 
Rome  itfelf ;  for  Cromwell's  preachers  had  this 
often  in  their  mouths,  that  if  it  were  not  for  the 
divifions  at  home  he  would  go  and  fack  Babylon : 
Others  talked  of  Cadiz,  tho'  he  had  not  yet  broke 
with  the  Spaniards.  The  French  could  not  pe 
netrate  into  the  fecret.  -  Cromwell  had  not  finifhed 
his  alliance  with  them  :  So  he  was  not  bound  to 
give  them  an  account  of  the  expedition.  All  he 
faid  upon  it  was,  that  he  fent  out  the  fleet  to 
guard  the  feas,  and  to  reftore  England  to  its  do 
minion  on  that  element.  Stoupe  happened  to  fay 
in  a  company,  he  believed  the  defign  was  on  the 
Weft-Indies.  The  Spanifh  Ambafladour,  hearing 
that,  fent  for  him  very  privately,  to  afk  him 
upon  what  ground  he  faid  it  :  And  he  offered 
to  lay  down  jocool.  if  he  could  make  any  dif- 
covery  of  that.  Stoupe  owned  to  me  he  had  a 
great  mind  to  the  money  ;  and  fancied  he  betray 
ed  nothing  if  he  did  difcover  the  grounds  of  thefe 
£1  4  conjec~turest 


104  AS  u  M  MARY   of  Affairs 

cohje&ures,  fince  nothing  had  been  trailed  to 
him  :  But  he  expected  greater  matters  from  Crom 
well,  and  fo  kept  the  fecret  ;  and  laid  only,  that 
in  a  diverfity  of  conjectures  that  feemed  to  him 
more  probable  than  any  others.  But  the  Ani- 
bailadour  made  no  account  of  that ;  nor  did  he 
think  it  worth  the  writing  to  Don  John,  then  at 
Bruxells,  about  it. 

Stoupe  writ  it  over  as  his  conjecture  to  one 
about  the  Prince  of  Conde,  who  at  firft  hearing 
it  was  perfuaded  that  muft  be  the  defign,  and 
went  next  day  to  fugged  it  to  Don  John  :  But 
Don  John  rehed  fo  much  on  the  AmbaiTadour, 
that  this  made  no  impreffion.  And  indeed  all 
the  Minifters  whom  he  employed  knew  that  they 
were  not  to  difturb  him  with  troublefome  news  : 
Of  which  King  Charles  told  a  pleafant  ilory.  One 
whom  Don  John  was  lending  to  fome  Court  in 
Germany  coming  to  the  King  to  afk  his  com 
mands,  he  defired  him  only  to  write  him  news : 
The  Spaniard  afkecl  him,  whether  he  would  have 
true  or  falfe  news :  And,  when  the  King  feemed 
amazed  at  the  queftion,  he  added,  if  he  writ  him 
true  news  the  King  muft  be  fecret,  for  he  knew  he 
mufl  write  news  to  Don  John  that  would  be  ac 
ceptable,  true  or  falfe  :  When  the  Miniftcrs  of 
that  Court  lh.ewed  that  they  would  be  ferved  in 
fuch  a  manner,  it  is  no  wonder  to  fee  how  their 
affairs  have  declined.  This  matter  of  the  fleet 
continued  a  great  fecret.  And  fome  months  after 
that  Stoupe  being  accidentally  with  Cromwell,  one 
came  from  the  fleet  thro'  Ireland  with  a  letter.  The 
bearer  looked  like  one  that  brought  no  welcome 
news.  And  as  foon  as  Cromwell  had  read  the 
letter,  he  ciifmiiTed  Stoupe,  who  went  immediately 
to  the  Earl  of  Leicefter,  then  Lord  Lille,  and 
told  him  what  he  had  feen.  He  being  of  Crom 
well's  Council  went  to.  Whitehall,  and  came  back, 
find  told  Stoupe  of  the  defcent  made  on  Hifpa- 
•niola,  and  of  the  misfortune  that  had  happened.  It 


before  the  RESTORATION.  105 

was  then  late,  and  was  the  poft-night  for  Flan 
ders.  So  Stoupe  writ  it  as  news  to  his  correfpon- 
dent,  fome  days  before  the  Spanifh  AmbafTadour 
knew  any  thing  of  it.  Don  John  was  amazed  at 
the  news,  and  had  never  any  regard  for  the  Am- 
bafTadour  after  that ;  but  had  a  great  opinion  of 
Stoupe,  and  ordered  the  Ambaffadour  to  make 
him  theirs  at  any  rate.  The  Ambaffadour  fent  for 
him,  and  afked  him,  now  that  it  appeared  he  had 
gueiled  right,  what  were  his  grounds  :  And  when 
he  told  what  they  were,  the  Ambaffadour  owned 
he  had  reafon  to  conclude  as  he  did  upon  what  he 
faw.  And  upon  that  he  made  great  ufe  of  Stoupe  : 
But  he  himfelf  was  never  efteemed  after  that  fo 
much  as  he  had  been.  This  defer ved  to  be  fet 
down  fo  particularly,  fince  by  it  it  appears  that 
the  greateil  defign  may  be  difcovered  by  an  un 
due  carelefnefs.  The  Court  of  France  was  amazed 
at  the  undertaking,  and  was  glad  that  it  had  mif- 
carried  ;  for  the  Cardinal  faid,  if  he  had  fufpected 
it,  he  would  have  made  peace  with  Spain  on  any 
terms,  rather  than  to  have  given  way  to  that 
which  would  have  been  fuch  an  addition  to  Eng 
land,  as  mull  have  brought  all  the  wealth  of  the 
world  into  their  hands.  The  fleet  took  Jamaica : 
But  that  was  a  fmall  gain,  tho'  much  magnified 
to  cover  the  failing  of  the  main  defign.  The  war 
after  that  broke  out,  irr  which  Dunkirk  was  in 
deed  taken,  and  put  in  Cromwell's  hand  :  But  the 
trade  of  England  fuffered  more  in  that,  than  in 
any  former  war :  So  he  loft  the  heart  of  the  city 
of  London  by  that  means. 

Cromwell  had  two  fignal  occafions  given  him  His  zeal 
to  mew  his  zeal  in  protecting  the  Proteftants  for  the  ' 
abroad.  The  Duke  of  Savoy  raifed  a  new  perfe- 
cution  of  the  Vaudois  :  So  Cromwell  fent  to  Ma- 
zarin,  defiring  him  to  put  a  flop  to  that ;  adding, 
that  he  knew  well  they  had  that  Duke  in  their 
power,  and  could  reflrain  him  as  they  pleafed  : 
if  they  did  not  he  rnuft  prefently  break  with 

them. 


I0g  A   SUMMARY  of  Affairs 

them.  Mazarin  obje&ed  to  this  as  unreafonable  : 
He  promifed  to  do  good  offices :  But  he  could 
not  be  obliged  to  anfwer  for  the  effects  they  might 
have.  This  did  not  fatisfy  Cromwell :  So  they 
obliged  the  Duke  of  Savoy  to  put  a  flop  to  that 
tinjuft  fury  :  And  Cromwell  raifed  a  great  fum  for 
the  Vaudois,  and  fent  over  Morland  to  fettle  all 
their  concerns,  and  to  fupply  all  their  lofles.  There 
was  alfo  a  tumult  in  Nifmes,  in  which  fome  dif- 
order  had  been  committed  by  the  Huguenots  : 
And  they,  apprehending  fevere  proceedings  upon 
it,  fent  one  over  with  great  expedition  to  Crom 
well,  who  fent  him  back  to  Paris  in  an  hour's 
time  with  a  very  effectual  letter  to  his  AmbafTa- 
dour,  requiring  him  either  to  prevail  that  the  mat 
ter  might  be  pafs'd  over,  or  to  come  away  imme 
diately.  Mazarin  complained  of  this  way  of  pro 
ceeding,  as  too  imperious  :  But  the  neceffity  of 
their  affairs  made  him  yield.  Thefe  things  raifed 
Cromwell's  character  abroad,  and  made  him  be 
much 'depended  on. 

His  Ambaffadour  in  France  at  this  time  was 
Lockhart,  a  Scotchman,  who  had  married  his 
niece,  and  was  in  high  favour  with  him,  as  he 
well  deferved  to  be.  He  was  both  a  wife  and  a 
gallant  man,  calm  and  virtuous,  and  one  that  car 
ried  the  generofities  of  friendihip  very  far.  He  was 
made  governour  of  Dunkirk,  and  Ambafiadour 
at  the  fame  time.  But  he  told  me,  that  when  he 
was  fent  afterwards  Arnbafladour  by  King  Charles, 
he  found  he  had  nothing  of  that  regard  that  was 
paid  him  in  Cromwell's  time. 

A  great         Stoupe  told  me  of  a  great  defign  Cromwell  had 
de%n  for  intended  to  begin    his  Kingfliip  with,  if  he  had 
the  inter-  a{fumed  it :  He  refolved  to  fet  up  a  Council  for 
Pronto  the  Proteftant  religion,  in  oppofit.ion  to  the  con- 
religion.    gregation  de  Propaganda  fide  at  Rome.     He  in 
tended  it  Ihould  confift  of  feven  councellours,  and 
four  fecretaries   for   different   provinces.      Thefe 
were  the  firft,  France,  Switzerland^  ajid  the  Val 
leys  : 


before   the   R  E  s  T  o  R  A  T  i  o  N.  107 

leys  :  The  Palatinate  and  the  other  Calvinifts  were 
the  fecond  :  Germany,  the  North,  and  Turkey 
were  the  third  :  And  the  Eaft  and  Weil-Indies 
were  the  fourth.  The  fecretaries  were  to  have 
500  1.  falary  apiece,  and  to  keep  a  correfpondence 
every  where,  to  know  the  ilate  of  religion  all  over 
the  world,  that  fo  all  good  defigns  might  be  by 
their  means  protected  and  ailifted.  Stoupe  was  to 
have  the  firil  Province.  They  were  to  have  a  fund 
of  i  oooo  1.  a  year  at  their  difpofal  for  ordinary 
emergences,  but  to  be  farther  fupplied  as  occafi- 
ons  Ihould  require  it.  Chelfea  college  was  to  be 
made  up  for  them,  which  was  then  an  old  decayed 
building,  that  had  been  at  firil  raifed  to  be  a  col 
lege  for  writers  of  controverfy.  I  thought  it  was 
not  fit  to  let  fuch  a  projed  as  this  be  quite  loil : 
It  was  certainly  a  noble  one  :  But  how  far  he  would 
have  purfued  it  muil  be  left  to  conjecture. 

Stoupe  told  me  a  remarkable  paffage  in  his  em-  Some  paf- 
ployment  under  Cromwell.  Stoupe  had  defired%esm 
all  that  were  under  the  Prince  of  Conde  to  let  him  J 
know  fome  news,  in  return  of  that  he  writ  to  them. 
So  he  had  a  letter  from  one  of  them,  giving  an 
account  of  an  Irifhman  newly  gone  over,  who  had 
faid  he  would  kill  Cromwell,  and  that  he  was  to 
lodge  in  King-ilreet  ^Weftminiler.  With  this 
Stoupe  went  to  Whitehall.  Cromwell  being  then 
at  Council,  he  fent  him  a  note,  letting  him  know 
that  he  had  a  bufinefs  of  great  confequence  to  lay 
before  him.  Cromwell  was  then  upon  a  matter 
that  did  fo  entirely  poflefs  him,  that  he,  fancying 
it  was  only  fome  piece  of  foreign  intelligence,  fent 
Thurio  to  know  what  it  might  be.  Stoupe  was 
troubled  at  this,  but  could  not  refufe  to  fhew  him 
his  letter.  Thurio  made  no  great  matter  of  it : 
Fie  faid,  they  had  many  fuch  advertifcments  fent 
them,  which  fignified  nothing  but  to  make  the 
world  think  the  Protector  was  in  danger  of  his  - 
life :  And  the  looking  too  much  after  thefe  things 
had  an  appearance  of  fear,  which  did  ill  become 


io8  A   S  u  M  M  A  R  y  of  Affairs 

fo  great  a  man.  Stoupe  told  him,  King-ftreet 
might  be  foon  fearched.  Thurlo  anfwered,  if  we 
find  no  fuch  perfon,  how  mail  we  be  laught  at  ?  Yet 
he  ordered  him  to  write  again  to  Bruxells,  and  pro- 
mife  any  reward  if  a  more  particular  difcovery 
could  be  made.  Stoupe  was  much  caft  down, 
when  he  faw  that  a  piece  of  intelligence  which  he 
hoped  might  hav.e  made  his  fortune  was  fo  little 
cpnfidered.  He  wrote  to  .Bruxells:  But  he  had 
no  more  from  thence,  but  a  confirmation  of  what 
had  been  writ  formerly  to  him.  And  Thurlo  did 
not  think  fit  to  make  any  fearch,  or  any  farther 
inquiry  into  it :  Nor  did  he  fo  much  as  acquaint 
Cromwell  with  it.  Stoupe,  being  uneafy  at  this, 
told  Lord  Lifle  of  it :  And  it  happened  that,  a  few 
weeks  after,  Syndercomb's  defign  of  arTaifinating 
Cromwell  near  Brentford,  as  he  was  going  to 
Hampton-court,  was  difcovered.  When  he  was 
examined,  it  appeared  that  he  was  the  perfon  fet 
out  in  the  letters  from  Bruxells.  So  Lifle  faid  to 
Cromwell,  this  is  the  very  man  of  whom  Stoupe 
had  the  notice  given  him.  Cromwell  feemed 
amazed  at  this  ;  and  fent  for  Stoupe,  and  in  great 
wrath  reproached  him  for  his  ingratitude  in  con 
cealing  a  matter  of  fuch  confequence  to  him. 
Stoupe  upon  this  mewed  him  the  letters  he  had 
received  ;  and  put  him  in  mmd  of  the  note  he  had 
fent  in  to  him,  which  was  immediately  after  he  had 
the  firft  letter,  and  that  he  had  fent  out  Thurlo  to 
him.  At  that  Cromwell  feemed  yet  more  amazed ; 
and  fent  for  Thurlo,  to  whofe  face  Stoupe  affirmed 
the  matter  :  Nor  did  he  deny  any  part  of  it ;  but 
only  faid,  that  he  had  many  fuch  advertifements 
fent  him,  in  which  till  this  time  he  had  never  found 
any  truth,  Cromwell  replied  flernly,  that  he 
ought  to  have  acquainted  him  with  it,  and  left 
him  to  judge  of  the  importance  of  it.  Thurlo  de- 
fired  to  fpeak  in  private  with  Cromwell.  So  Stoupe 
was  difmifs'd,  and  went  away  not  doubting  but 
Jhurlo  would  be  .difgraced.  But  as  he  underilood 

from 


before  the  RESTORATION.  109 

from  Lille  afterward,  Thurlo  (hewed  Cromwell 
fuch  inftances  of  his  care  and  fidelity  on  all  fuch 
occafions,  and  humbly  acknowledged  his  errour 
in  this  matter,  but  imputed  it  wholly  to  his  care 
both  for  his  honour  and  quiet,  that  he  pacified  him 
entirely :  And  indeed  he  was  fo  much  in  all  Crom 
well's  fecrets,  that  it  was  not  fafe  to  difgrace  him 
without  deftroying  him  ^  and  that  it  feems  Crom 
well  could  not  reiblve  on.  Thurlo  having  matter 
ed  this  point,  that  he  might  farther  juftify  his  not 
being  fo  attentive  as  he  ought  to  have  been,  did 
fo  much  fearch  into  Stoupe's  whole  deportment, 
that  he  poflefled  Cromwell  with  fuch  an  ill  opinion 
of  him,  that  after  that  he  never  treated  him  with 
any  confidence.  So  he  found  how  dangerous  it 
was  even  to  preferve  a  Prince,  (fo  he  called  him) 
when  a  Minifter  was  wounded  in  the  doing  ot  it ; 
and  that  the  Minifter  would  be  too  hard  for  the 
Prince,  even  tho'  his  own  fafety  was  concerned 
in  it. 

Thefe  are  all  the  memorable  things  that  I  have 
learnt  concerning  Cromwell ;  of  whom  fo  few  have 
fpoken  with  any  temper,  fome  commending,  and 
others  condemning  him,  and  both  out  of  meafure, 
that  I  thought  a  juft  account  of  him,  which  I  had 
from  fure  hands,  might  be  no  unacceptable  thing. 
He  never  could  make  off  the  roughnefs  of  his  edu 
cation  and  temper  :  He  fpoke  always  long  and  ve 
ry  ungracefully.  The  enthufiaft  and  the  difTernbler 
mixed  fo  equally  in  a  great  part  of  his  deportment, 
that  it  was  not  eafy  to  tell  which  was  the  prevail 
ing  character.  He  was  indeed  both,  as  I  under- 
ftood  from  Wilkins  and  Tillotfon,  the  one  having 
married  his  fitter,  and  the  other  his  niece.  He 
was  a  true  enthufiaft,  but  with  the  principle  for 
merly  mentioned,  from  which  he  might  be  eafily 
led  into  all  the  practices  both  of  falfhood  and  cru 
elty  :  Which  was,  that  he  thought  moral  laws  were 
only  binding  on  ordinary  occafions,  but  that  upon 
extraordinary  ones  thefe  might  be  fuperfeded. 

When 


Vio  A  S  u  M  M  A  k  Y  oF  Affairs 

When  his  own  defigns  did  not  lead  him  out  of  the 
way,  he  was  a  lover  of  juftice  and  virtue,  and  even 
of  learning,  tho'  much  decried  at  that  time. 
His  mode-  He  ftudied  to  feek  out  able  and  honeil  men, 
radon  in  and  to  employ  them  :  And  fo  having  heard  that 
govern-  my  fat}ier  |iaci  a  vely  great  reputation  in  Scotland 
for  piety  and  integrity,  tho'  he  knew  him  to  be  a 
royalift,  he  fent  to  him,  defiring  him  to  accept 
of  a  judge's  place,  and  to  do  juftice  in  his  own 
country,  hoping  only  that  he  would  not  act  againft 
his  government ;  but  he  would  not  prefs  him  to 
fubfcribe  or  fwear  to  it.  My  father  refufed  it  in  a 
pleafant  way.  When  he  who  brought  the  meffage 
was  running  out  into  Cromwell's  commendation, 
my  father  told  a  ftory  of  a  Pilgrim  in  Popery,  who 
came  to  a  church  where  one  Saint  Kilmaclotius 
was  in  great  reverence  :  So  the  Pilgrim  was  bid 
pray  to  him :  But  he  anfwered,  he  knew  nothing 
of  him,  for  he  was  not  in  his  breviary:  But  when 
he  was  told  how  great  a  Saint  he  was,  he  prayed 
this  colled ;  "  O  fancte  Kilmacloti,  tu  nobis  hac- 
"  tenus  es  incognitos,  hoc  folum  a  te  rogo,  ut  fi 
<c  bona.tua  nobis  non  profint,  faltem  mala  ne  no- 
"  ceant."  My  father  replied,  that  he  defired  no 
other  favour  of  him  but  leave  to  live  privately, 
without  the  impofitions  of  oaths  and  fubfcriptions  : 
And  ever  after  he  lived  in  great  quiet.  And  this 
was  an  inftance  of  it :  Overton  one  of  Cromwell's 
major  generals,  who  was  a  high  Republican,  be 
ing  for  fome  time  at  Aberdeen,  where  we  then 
lived,  my  father  and  he  were  often  together :  In 
particular  they  were  {hut  up  alone  for  about  two 
hours  the  night  after  the  order  came  from  Crorn- 
'  well  'to  take  away  Overtoil's  commifiions,  and  to 
*  put  him  in  arreft.  Upon  that  Howard,  afterward 
Earl  of  Carlifle,  being  fent  down  to  enquire  into 
all  the  plots  that  thofe  men  had  been  in,  heard  of 
this  long  privacy  :  But,  when  with  that  he  heard 
what  my  father's  character  was,  he  made  no  far 
ther  enquiry  into  it  5  but  faid,  Cromwell  was  very 

uneafy 


before  the  RESTORATION.  in 

imeafy  when  any  good  man  was  queftioned  for  any 
thing. 

This  gentlenefs  had  in  a  great  meafure  quieted  His  pub- 
people's  minds  with  relation  to  him.  And  his  lick  *Pirit- 
maintaining  the  honour  of  the  Nation  in  all  foreign 
countries  gratifyed  the  vanity  which  is  very  natu 
ral  to  Englifhmen ;  of  which  he  was  fo  careful, 
that  tho'  he  was  not  a  crowned  head,  yet  his  Am- 
bafladours  had  all  the  refpe&s  paid  them  which  our 
Kings  Ambafladours  ever  had  :  He  faid,  the  dig 
nity  of  the  Crown  was  upon  the  account  of  the 
Nation,  of  which  the  King  was  only  the  repre- 
fentative  head  ;  fo  the  Nation  being  frill  the  fame, 
he  would  have  the  fame  regards  paid  to  his  Mini- 
fters. 

Another  inftance  of  this  pleafed  him  much. 
Blake  with  the  fleet  happened  to  be  at  Malaga  be 
fore  he  made  war  upon  Spain  :  And  fome  of  his 
feamen  went  afhore,  and  met  the  Hoftie  carried 
about ;  and  not  only  paid  no  refpecl:  to  it,  but 
laughed  at  thole  who  did  :  So  one  of  the  Priefts 
put  the  people  on  refenting  this  indignity ;  and, 
they  fell  upon  them,  and  beat  them  feverely. 
When  they  returned  to  their  fhip  they  complained 
of  this  ufage  :  And  upon  that  Blake  fent  a  trumpet 
to  the  Viceroy,  to  demand  the  Prieft  who  was  the 
chief  inftrument  in  that  ill  ufage.  The  Viceroy 
anfwered,  he  had  no  authority  over  the  Priefts, 
and  fo  could  not  difpofe  of  him.  Blake  upon  that 
fent  him  word,  that  he  would  not  enquire  who 
had  the  power  to  fend  the  Prieft  to  him,  but  if 
he  were  not  fent  within  three  hours  he  would  burn 
their  town  :  And  they,  being  in  no  condition  to 
refift  him,  fent  the  Prieft  to  him,  who  juftified 
himfelf  upon  the  petulant  behaviour  of  the  fea 
men.  Blake  anfwered,  that  if  he  had  fent  a 
complaint  to  him  of  it,  he  would  have  punifhed 
them  feverely,  fince  he  would  not  fuffer  his 
men  to  affront  the  eftablifhed  religion  of  any 
place  at  which  he  touched  :  But  he  took  it 

ill, 


ii2  ASuMMARvof  Affairs 

ill,  that  he  fet  on  the  Spaniards  to  do  it ;  for  he 
would  have  all  the  world  to  know,  that  an  Eng- 
lilhman  was  only  to  be  punilhed  by  an  Englilh- 
man  :  And  fo  he  treated  the  Prieft  civilly,  and 
fent  him  back,  being  fatisfied  that  he  had  him  at 
his  mercy. 

All  the         Cromwell  was  much  delighted  with  this,  and 
world  was  read  the  letters  in  Council  with  great  fatisfadion ; 
afraid  of    ancj  fa^    fa  hoped  he  mould  make  the  name  of 
an  Englifhman  as  great  as  ever  that  of  a  Roman 
had  been.     The  States  of  Holland  were  in  fuch 
dread  of  him,  that  they  took  care  to  give  him  no 
fort  of  umbrage  :  And  when  at  any  time  the  King 
or  his  brothers  came  to  fee  their  filler,  the  Princefs 
royal,  within  a  day  or  two  after,  they  ufed  to  fend 
a  deputation  to  let  them  know,  that  Cromwell  had 
required  of  the  States,  that  they  fhould  give  them 
no  harbour.     King  Charles,  when  he  was  feeking 
for  colours  for  the  war  with  the  Dutch  in  the  year 
1672,  urged  it  for  one,  that  they  fuffered  fome  of 
his  rebels  to  live  in  their  Provinces.     Borel,  then 
their  AmbafTadour,  anfwered,  that  it  was  a  maxim 
of  long  Handing  among  them,  not  to  enquire  up 
on  what  account  ilrangers  came  to  live  in  their 
country,  but  to  receive  them  all,  unlefs  they  had 
been  concerned  in  confpiracies  againfl  the  perfons 
of  Princes.     The  King  told  him  upon  that,  how 
they  had  ufed  both  himfelf  and  his  brother.  Borel, 
in  great  fimplicity,  anfwered  :  "  Ha  !   fire,  c'eiloit 
c<  une    autre  chofe  :    Cromwell  efloit  un  grand 
"  horn  me,  &  il  fe  faifoit  craindre  &  par  terre  & 
ic  par  mer."     This  was  very  rough.     The  King's 
anfwer  was :    "  Je  me  feray  craindre  auffy  a  mon 
"  tour  ;"  But  he  was  fcarce  as  good  as  his  word. 

Cromwell's' favourite  alliance  was  with  Sweden. 
Carol  us  Guftavus  and  he  lived  in  great  conjunct 
on  of  couniels.  Even  Algernoon  Sydney,  who 
was  not  inclined  to  think  or  fpeak  well  of  Kings, 
commended  him  to  me;  and  laid,  he  hadjuft  no 
tions  of  publick  liberty  ;  and  added,  that  Queen 

Chriilina 


before  tire  RESTORATION.  11:  < 

Chriftina  feemed  to  have  them  likewife.*  But  {he"* 
Was  much  changed  from  that,  when  I  waited  on 
her  at  'Rome  -,  tor  Die  complained  of  us  as  a  fadti 
ous  Nation,  that  did  not  readily  comply  with  the 
commands  of  our  Princes.  All  Italy  trembled  at 
the  name  of  Cromwell,  and  feemed  under  a  pan- 
nicki  as  long  as  he  lived.  His  fleet  fcoured  the  Me 
diterranean  :  And  the  Turks durft  not  offend  him; 
but  deliver'd  up  Hide,  who  kept  up  the  character 
of  an  AmbalTadour  from  the  King  there,  and  was 
brought  over  and  executed  for  it.  The  putting 
the  brother  of  the  King  of  Portugal's  Ambaffa- 
dour  to  death  for  murder,  was  the  carrying  juftice 
very  far ;  fince,  tho'  in  the  ilrictnefs  of  the  law  of 
nations  it  is  only  the  AmbafTadour's  own  perfon 
that  is  exempted  from  any  authority  but  his  maf- 
ter's  that  fends  him,  yet  the  practice  had  gone  in 
favour  of  all  that  the  Ambaffadour  owned  to  be 
long  to  him,  Cromwell  (hewed  his  good  under- 
(landing  in  nothing  more,  than  in  feeking  out  ca 
pable  and  worthy  men  for  all  employments,  but 
mod  particularly  for  the  Courts  of  law,  which 
gave  a  general  fatisfaclion. 

Thus  he  lived,  and  at  laft  died,  on  his  aufpici-  The  ruin 
ous  *  third  of  September,  of  fo  flight  a  ficknefs,  of  h"  &- 
that  his  death  was  not  looked  for.     He  had  two  mji-v" 
fons,  and  four  daughters.     His  fons  were  weak, 
but  honeft  men.    Richard,  the  eldeft,  tho'  declared 
Protector  in  purfuance  of  a  nomination  pretended 
to  be  made  by  Cromwell,  the  truth  of  which  was 
much  queftioned,  was  not  at  all  bred  for  bufmefs, 
nor  indeed  capable  of  it.     He  was  innocent  of  all 
the  ill  his  father  had  done  :  So  there  was  no  preju 
dice  lay  againft  him  :   And  both  the  Royalifts  and 
the  Prefbyterians  fancied  he  favoured  them,  tho' 
he  pretended  to  be  an  Independent.     But  all  the 
Commonwealth  party  cried  out  upon  his  afluming 

*  It  may  well  be  called  'Auffichus^  finct:  oivrhat  day  ie  had 
defeated  the  Scoich  at  Dunbar,  and  the  next-  year  r.hc  K^ng  at 
Wcrcefieiv  '  :  3.1  -LTtf 

VOL.  I  I  the 


i  14  A  5  u  M  M  A  R  y  of  Affairs 

the   Protcdorlhip,    as  a  high  ufurpation  •,   fince 
whatever  his  father  had  from  his  Parliaments  was 
only  perfonalj  and  fo  tell  with  him  :  Yet  in  oppo- 
fition  to  this*   the  City  of  London,    and  all  the 
Counties  and  Cities  almoff,  in  England,  fent  him 
addreiTes  congratulatory,  as  well  as  condoling.    So 
little  do  thefe  pompous  appearances  of  refpecl  fig- 
nify.     Tillotfon  told  me,  that  a  week  after  Crom 
well's  death  he  being  by   accident  at  Whitehall, 
and  hearing  there  was  to  be   a  fail  that  day  in  the 
houmold,    he  out  of  curiofity  went  into  the  pre- 
fence  chamber  where  it  was  held.     On  the  one  fide 
of  a  table  Richard  with  the  reft  of  Cromwell's  fa*, 
mily  were  placed,  and  fix  of  the  preachers  were  on 
the  other  fide  :  Thomas  Goodwin,  Owen^  Carril 
and  S terry  were  of  the  number.     There  he  heard 
a  great  deal  of  ftrange  fluff*  enough  to  difgufl  a 
man  for  ever  of  that  enthuiiailick  boldnefs.     God 
was  as  it  were  reproached  with  Cromwell's  fervices, 
and    challenged    for    taking   him    away   fo   foon< 
Goodwin,  who  had  pretended  to  allure  them  in  a 
prayer  that  he  was   not  to  die,  which  was  but  a 
very  few  minutes  before  he  expired,  had  now  the 
impudence  to  fay  to  God,  "  Thou  hail  deceived 
"  us,    and  we  were  deceived."     Sterry,  praying 
for  Richard,  uled  thofe  indecent  words,    next  to 
blafphemy,  "  Make  him  the  brightnefs  of  the  fa* 
4c  trier's  glory,  and  the  exprefs  image  of  his  per- 
*c  fon."     Richard  was  put  on  giving  his  father  a 
pompous  funeral,  by  which  his  debts  encreafed  fo 
upon  him,  that  he  was  foon  run  out  of  all  credit. 
"When  the  Parliament  met,  his  party  tried  to  get 
a  recognition  of  his  Protectorfhip  :  But  it  foon  ap 
peared,  they  had  no  ilrength  to  carry  it.     Fleet- 
wood,    who  married  Ircton's  Widow,    fet  up  a 
Council  of  officers  :    And  thefe  refolved  to   lay 
afide  Richard,  who  had  neither  genius  nor  friends, 
neither  treafure  nor  army  to  fupport  him.     He 
defired  only  fecurity  for  the  debts  he  had  contract 
ed  5    which  was  promifed,    but  not  performed. 

5  And 


before  the  RESTORATION.  115 

And  fo  without  any  flruggie  he  withdrew,  and 
became  a  private  man.  And  as  he  had  done  hurt 
to  no  body,  fo  no  body  did  ever  ftudy  to  hurt  him  -, 
a  rare  inftance  of  the  inilability  of  human  great- 
nefs,  and  of  the  fecurity  of  innocence.  His  bro 
ther  had  been  made  by  the  father  Lieutenant  of 
Ireland,  and  had  the  mod  fpirit  of  the  two  ;  but 
he  could  not  ftand  his  ground,  when  his  brother 
quitted.  One  of  Cromwell's  daughters  was  mar 
ried  to  Claypole,  and  died  a  little  before  himfelf : 
Another  was  married  to  the  Earl  of  Falconbridge, 
a  wife  and  worthy  woman,  more  likely  to  have 
maintained  the  poft  than  either  of  her  brothers  ; 
according  to  a  faying  that  went  of  her,  that  thofe 
who  wore  breeches  deferved  petticoats  better,  but 
if  thofe  in  petticoats  had  been  in  breeches,  they 
would  have  held  fader.  The  other  daughter  was 
married,  firfl  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick's  heir,  and 
afterwards  to  one  RufTel.  They  were  both  very 
worthy  perfons. 

Upon  Richard's  leaving  the  ftage,  the  Com-  Great  dif- 
monwealth  was  again  fet  up  :  And  the  Parliament  °rciers  &1- 
which  Cromwell  had  broke  was  brought  together  :  'G 
But  the  Army  and  they  fell  into  new  difputes  :  So 
they  were  again  broke  by  the  army  :  And  upon 
that  the  Nation  was  like  to  fall  into  great  convul- 
iions.  The  enthufiafts  became  very  fierce,  and 
talked  of  nothing  but  the  deflroying  all  the  re 
cords  and  the  law,  which  they  laid  had  been  all 
made  by  a  fucceffion  of  Tyrants  and  Papifts :  So 
they  refolved  to  model  all  anew  by  a  levelling, 
and  a  fpiritual  government  of  the  Saints.  There 
was  fo  little  fenle  in  this,  that  Nevil  and  Haring- 
ton,  with  fome  others,  fet  up  in  Weftminfter  a 
meeting,  to  confider  of  a  form  of  government 
that  fhould  fecure  liberty,  and  yet  preferve  the 
Nation.  They  ran  chiefly  on  having  a  Parliament 
elected  by  ballot,  in  which  the  Nation  mould  be 
reprefented  according  to  the  proportion  of  what 
was  paid  in  taxes,  towards  the  publick  expence : 

I  2  And 


1 1 6  A   S  u  M  M  A  n  Y  oT  Affairs 

And  by  this  Parliament  a  Council  of  twenty  four 
was  to  be  chofen  by  ballot :  And  every  year  eight 
of  thefe  were  to  be  changed^  and  might  not  again 
be  brought  into  it,  but  after  an  interval  of  three 
years  :  By  thefe  the  Nation  was  to  be  governed  : 
And  they  were  to  give  an  account  of  the  ad  mini  - 
ftration  to  the  Parliament  every  year.  This  meet 
ing  was  a  matter  of  diverfion  and  fcor^  to  fee  a 
few  perfons  take  upon  them  to  form  a  fcheme  of 
government :  And  it  made  many  conclude,  it  was 
neceffary  to  call  home  the  King,  that  fo  matters 
might  again  fall  into  their  old  channel*  Lambert 
became  the  man  on  whom  the  Army  depended 
moil.  Upon  his  forcing  the  Parliament,  great 
applications  were  made  to  Monk  to  declare  for  the 
Parliament :  But  under  this  the  declaring  for  the 
King  was  generally  underftood.  Yet  he  kept  him- 
felf  under  fuch  a  referve,  that  he  declared  all  the 
while  in  the  moil  folemn.  manner  for  a  Common 
wealth,  and  againft  a  Tingle  perfon,  in  particular 
againfb  the  King :  So  that  none  had  any  ground 
from  him  to  believe  he  had  any  defign  that  way. 
Some  have  thought  that  he  intended  to  try,  if  it 
was  poffibie,  to  let  up  for  himielf :  Others  rather 
believed,  that  he  had  no  fettled  defign  any  way, 
and  refolved  to  do  as  occafion  fhould  be  offered 
to  him.  The  Scotch  Nation  did  certainly  hope  he 
would  bring  home  the  King,  He  drew  the  great- 
eft  part  of  the  Army  towards  the  borders,  where 
Lambert  advanced  towards  him  with  7000  horfe. 
Monk  was  ftronger  in  foot:  But  being  apprehenr 
five  of  engaging  on  difadvantage,  he  lent  Clarges 
to  the  Lord  Fairfax  for  his  advice  and  afliftar.ce, 
who  returned  anfwer  by  Dr.  Fairfax,  afterwards 
iecretary  to  the  Archbiihop  of  Canterbury,  and 
affured  him  he  would  raife  Yorkfhire  on  the  firil 
of  January.  And  he  defired  him  to  preis  upon 
Lambert,  in  cafe  that  he  fhould  fend  a  detach 
ment  into  Yorkfhire.  On  the  tirft  of  January, 
'Fairfax  appeared  with  about  100  gentlemen  and 

their 


before  the  RESTORATION. 

tjheir  fervants.     But  fo  much  did  he  ftiil  maintain 
his  great  credit  with  the  Army,  that  the  night  af 
ter  the  Irifh  Brigade,  that  coniifted  of  1200  horfe 
2nd  was  the  rear  of  Lambert's  army,  came  over 
to  him.     Upon  that  Lambert  retreated,  finding 
his  army  was  fo  little  lure  .to  him,  and  refolved  to 
rnarch  back  to  London.     He  was  followed   by 
Monk,  who  when  he  came  to  Yorkihire  met  with 
Fairfax,  and  offered  to  refign  the  chief  command 
to  him.     The  Lord  Fairfax  refyfed  it,  but  prefs'd 
Monk  to  declare  for  a  free   Parliament :    Yet   in 
that  he  was  fo  referved  to  him,  that  Fairfax  knew 
not' how  to  depend  on  him.     But  as  Lambert  was 
making  hafte  up,  his  army  mouldered  away,  and 
he   himfelf  was  brought  up  a  priibner,    and  was 
put  in  the  Tower  qf  London.     Yet  not  long  after 
he  made  his  efcape,  and  gathered  a  few  troops 
about  him  in  Northamptonfhire.     But  thefe  were 
foon  fcattered  i    Fqr  Ingoldiby,   thos  one  of  the 
King's  judges,    rajfed    Buckinghamfhire    againft 
him.     A»d  fq  little  force  feemed  now  in  that  par 
ty,  that  with  very  little  qppofition  Ingoldfby  took 
him  prifoner,  and  brought  him  into  Northampton  : 
Where  Lambert,  as  Ingoldfoy  told  me,  entertain 
ed  him  with  a  pleafant  reflection  for  all  his  misfor 
tunes.     The  people  were  in  great  crowds  applaud 
ing  and  rejoycing  for  the  fuccefs.     So   Lambert 
put  Ingqldfby  in  mind  of  what  Cromwell  had  faid 
to  them  both,  near  that  very  place,    in  the  year 
1650,  when  they  with  a  body  of  the  officers  were 
going  down  after  their  army  that  was  marching  to 
Scotland,    the  people  all  the  while  fhouting  and 
wifhing  them  fuccefs  :  Lambert  upon  that  faid  to 
Cromwell,  he  was  glad  to  fee  they  had  the  Nation 
on  their  fide :  Cromwell  anfwered,  do  not  truil  to 
that;  for  thefe  very  perfons  would  ihout  as  much 
if  you  and  I  were  going  to  be  hanged.     Lambert 
faid,  he  looked  on  himfelf  as  in  a  fair  way  to  that, 
and  began  to  think  Cromwell  prqphelied. 

I  3  Upon 


n8  ASuMMARvof  Affairs 

Upon  the  difperiing  Lambert's    army,    Monk 
marched   fouthward,    and  was  now  the  object  of 
all  men's  hope.     At  London  all  forts  of  people 
began  to  cabal  together,  Royalifts,  Prefbyterians, 
and  Republicans.     Hollis  told  me,  the  Prefbyte 
rians  prelfed  the  Royalifts  to  be  quiet,  and  to  leave 
t'.e  game  in  their  hands ;  for  their  appearing  would 
give  jealoufy,  and  hurt  that  which  they  meant  to 
promote.     He  and  Afhly  Cooper,  Grimflone  and 
Annefly,    met  often  with   Manchefter,    Roberts, 
and  the  reft  of  the  Prefbyterian  party  :    And  the 
Minifters  of  London  were  very  active  in  the  City  : 
So  that  when  Monk  came  up,    he  was  preffed  to 
declare  himfelf.     At  firft  he  would  only  declare 
for  the  Parliament  that  Lambert  had  forced.     But 
there  was  then   a  great  fermentation  all  over  the 
Nation.     Monk  and  the  Parliament  grew  jealous 
of  one  another,   even  while  they  tried  who  could 
give  the  beft  words,  and  exprefs  their  confidence 
in  the  higheft  terms  of  one  another.     I  will  purfue 
the  relation  of  this  tranfaction  no  farther  :  For  this 
matter  is  well  known. 

All  turn  The  King  had  gone  in  Autumn  1 659  to  the 
to  the  meeting  at  the  Pyrenees,  where  Cardinal  Mazarin 
and  Don  Lewis  de  Haro  were  negotiating  a  peace. 
He  applied  himfelf  to  both  fides,  to  try  what 
affiftance  he  might  expert  upon  their  concluding 
the  peace.  It  was  then  known,  that  he  went  to 
Mais  fometimes,  that  fo  he  might  recommend 
himfelf  the  more  effectually  to  both  courts  :  Yet 
this  was  carried  fecretly,  and  was  confidently  de 
nied.  Mazarin  ftill  talked  to  Lockhart  upon  the 
foot  of  the  old  confidence  :  For  he  went  thither 
to  watch  over  the  treaty;  tho'  England  was  now  in 
fuch  convulfions,  that  no  Minifter  from  thence 
could  be  much  confidered,  unlefs  it  was  upon  his 
own  account.  But  matters  were  ripening  fo  faft 
towards  a  revolution  in  England,  that  the  King 
came  back  to  Flanders  in  all  hafte,  and  went  from 
thence  to  Breda.  Lockhart  had  it  in  his  power  to 

have 


before  the  RESTORATION. 

kave  made  a  great  fortune,  if  he  had  begun  firft, 
and  had  brought  the  King  to  Dunkirk-  As  foon 
as  the  peace  of  the  Pyrenees  was  made,  he  came 
over  and  found  Monk  at  London,  and  took 
all  the  pains  he  could  to  penetrate  into  his  defigns. 
But  Monk  continued  (till  to  proteft  to  him  in  the 
folemneft  manner  poiTible,  that  he  would  be  true 
to  the  Commonwealth,  and  againft  the  Royal  fa 
mily.  Lockhart  went  away,  perfuaded  that  mat 
ters  would  continue  (till  in  the  lame  ilate  :  So  that 
when  his  old  friend  Midletoun  writ  to  him  to 
make  his  own  terms,  if  he  would  invite  the  King 
to  Dunkirk,  he  faid,  he  was  trufted  by  the  Com 
monwealth,  and  could  not  betray  it. 

The  Houfe  of  Commons  put  Monk  on  break 
ing  the  gates  of  the  City  of  London,  not  doubt 
ing  but  that  would  render  him  fo  odious  to  them, 
that  it  would  force  him  to  depend  wholly  on  them- 
felves.  He  did  it :  And  foon  after  he  faw  how 
odious  he  was  become  by  it.  So  conceiving 
a  high  indignation  at  thofe  who  had  put  him  on 
fuch  an  ungracious  piece  of  fervice,  he  fent  about 
all  that  night  tp  the  Minifters  and  other  active  ci 
tizens,  alluring  them  that  he  would  quickly  repair 
that  errour,  if  they  would  forgive  it..  So  the  turn 
was.  fudden  :  For  the  City  fent  and  invited  him  to 
dine  the  next  day  at  Guildhall :  And  there  he  de 
clared  for  the  members  whom  the  Army  had 
forced  away  in  the  year  47  and  48,  who  were 
known  by  the  name  of  fecluded  members.  And 
fome  happening  to  call  the  body  that  then  fat  at 
Weftminiter  the  Rump  of  a  Parliament,  a  fudden 
humour  run  like  a  madnefs  through  the  whole  Ci 
ty,  of  roafting  the  Rumps  of  all  forts  of  animals. 
And  thus  the  City  exprerTed  themfelves  fufficient- 
ly.  Thofe  at  Weftminfter  had  no  fupport :  So 
they  fell  unpitied,  and  unregarded.  The  fecluded 
members  came,  and  fate  down  among  them.  But 
all  they  could  do  was  to  give  orders  for  the  fur£~ 

I  4 


vi$o  ••  <  A  -S  u  M  M  A  R.  Y  of  Affairs  i 

.ifiOning  a  new  Parliament  to  meet  tire  firft  of  May  : 
And  ib  they  declared  themfelves  diiTolved. 
Care       siti  There  was  ftill  a  murmuring  in  the  Army.     So 
taken  to  _-  great  care  was  taken  to  fcatter  them  in  wide  quar- 

ters»  anc^  not  to  funCer  to°  rnany  of  thofe  who  were 
'  iliil  for  the  old  caufe  to  lie  near  one  another.  The 
..well  .and  the  ill  affected  were  fo  mixed,  that  in  cafe 

-  of  any  infurrection  fome  might  be  ready  at  hand  to 
siTn't  them.     They  changed  the  officers  that  were 

all  affected,  who  were  not  thought  fit  to  be  trufted 
with  the  commanding  thofe  of  their  own  ftamp  ; 
and  fo  created  a  miftruft  between  the  officers  and 
jthe  foldiers.  And  above  all  they  took  care  to  have 
no  more  troops  than  was  neceiTary  about  the  City  : 

-And  thefe  were  the  bed  affected.     This  was  ma- 

-  naged  with  great  diligence  and  fkill :  And  by  this 
.conduct  it  was,  that  the  great  turn  was  brought 
about   without    the    leafl    tumult   or   bloodshed, 

v.which  was  beyond  what  any  perfon  could  have 
imagined.  .  Of  all. this  Monk  had  both  the  praife 
and  the  reward  :  tho'  I  have  been  told  a  very  Imall 

;fbare  of  it  belonged  to  him.     Admiral  Montague 

-  was  then  in  chief  command  at  fea,   newly  returned 
;  from  the  Sound,  where  he  and  de  Ruyter,  upon 
i.the  orders  they  received  from  their  Mailers,  had 
c  brought  the  two.  northern  Kings  to  a  peace,  the 
-.King  of  Sweden  dying  as  it  was  a  making  up. 
..He  was  foon  gained  to  be  for  the  King  ^  and  dealt 

ib  effectually  with  the  whole  Fleet,  that  the  turn 
..there  was  as  fijently  brought  about,  without  any 
-revolt  or  oppofition,  as  it  had  been  in  the  Army. 
^ -The. Republicans  went  about  like  madmen,  to 
-itoufe  up-,  their  party.  But  their  time  was  paft. 
...All  were,  either  as  men  amazed  or  afleep.  They 

;had  neither  the  fkill,  nor  the  courage  to  make 
c'any  oppofitiorr.  The  elections  of  Parliament  men 
LjXin  all  the  other  way.  So  they  faw  their  bufmefs 
:;.<?.as. quite  loft,  and  they  felt  thernfelves  ftruck  as 
-^with  a  {pirit  of  giddinefs.  And  then  every  man 

thought  only  how  to  fave  or  fecure  himfelf.  And 

now 


before  the  R  E  s  T  o  R  A  r  i  o  N.  123; 

-now  they  faw  how  deceitful  the  argument  from 
fuccefs  was,  which  they  had  ufed  fo  oft,  and  tri 
umphed  fo  much  uppn.  For  whereas  fuccefs  in 
the  field,  which  was  th\  foundation  of  their  ar 
gument,  depended  much  upon  the  conduct  and 
courage  of  armies,  in  which  the  will  of  man  had 
a  large  mare,  here  was  a  thing  of  another  nature  :. 

,  A  Nation,  that  had  run  on  long  in  fuch  a  fierce 
oppofition  to  the  Royal  family,  was  now  turned 
as  one  man  to  call  home  the  King. 

The  Nation  had  one  great  happinefs  during  the 
long  courfe  of  the  civil  war,  that  no  foreigners 
had  got  fpoting  among  them.  Spain  was  finking 
to  nothing  :  France  was  under  a  bafe  fpirited  Mi- 

.  nifter  ;  And  both  were  in  war  all  the  while.  Now 
a  peace  was  made  between  them.  And  very  pro 
bably,  according  to  what  is  in  Mazarin's  letters, 
they  would  have  joined  forces  to  have  reftored  the 
King,  The  Nation  was  by  this  means  entirely  in 
its  own  hands :  And  now  returning  to  its  wits  was 
in  a  condition  to  put  every  thing  in  joint  again : 
Whereas,  if  foreigners  had  been  poilerTed  of  any 
important  place,  they  might  have  had  a  large 

,  lhare  of  the  management,  and  w.ould  have  bee"n 
fure  of  taking  care  of  themfelves.  Enthufiafm 
was  now  languid  :  For  that,  owing  its  mechanical 
force  to  the  livelinefs  of  the  blood  and  fpirits, 
men  in  diforder  and  deprefled  could  not  raife  in 
themfelves  thofe  heats,  with  which  they  were  for 
merly  wont  to  tranfport  themfelves  and  others. 
Chancellour  Hide  was  all  this  while  very  bufy  : 
He  fent  over  Dr.  MorLey,  who  talked  much  with 

i  the  Prefbyterians  of  moderation  in  general,  but 
would  enter  into  no  particulars  :  Only  he  took 
care  to  let  them  know  he  was  a  Calvinift :  And 
they  had  the  beft  opinion  of  fuch  of  the  Church 
of  England  as  were  of  that  perfuafion.  Hide 
wrpte  in  the  King's  name  to  all  the  leading  men, 
and  got  the  King  to  write  a  great  many  letters  in 
%  very  obliging  manner.  Some  that  had  been 

«*£  faulty 


122  A  SUMMARY  of  'Affairs 

faulty  Tent  over  confiderable  prefents,  with  affu- 
ranees  that  they  would  redeem  all  that  was  paft 
with  their  zeal  for  the  future.  Thefe  were  all  ac 
cepted  of.  Their  money  was  alfo  very  welcome  ; 
for  the  King  needed  money  when  his  matters  were 
on  that  crifis  and  he  had  fo  many  tools  at  work. 
The  management  of  all  this  was  fo  entirely  the 
Chancellour's  fingle  performance,  that  there  was 
fcarce  any  other  that  had  fp  much  as  a  mare  in  it 
with  him.  He  kept  a  regifler  of  all  the  King's 
promifes,  and  of  his  own  ;  and  did  all  that  lay  in 
his  power  afterwards  to  get  them  all  to  be  per 
formed.  He  was  alfo  all  that  while  giving  the 
King  many  wife  and  good  advices.  But  he  did  it 
too  much  with  the  air  of  a  governour,  or  of  a 
lawyer.  Yet  then  the  King  was  wholly  in  his 
hands. 

A  new  I  need  not  open  the  fcene  of  the  new  Parliament, 
Parha-  ^or  Convention,  as  it  came  afterwards  to  be  called, 
becaufe  it  was  not  fummoned  by  the  King's  writ :) 
Such  unanimity  appeared  in  their  proceedings, 
that  there  was  not  the  leaft  difpute  among  them, 
but  upon  one  fingle  point :  Yet  that  was  a  very 
important  one.  Hale,  afterwards  the  famous, 
Chief  Juftice>  moved  that  a  Committee  migkt  be 
appointed  to  look  into  the  proportions  that  had 
been  made,  and  the  conceflions  that  had  been 
offered  by  the  late  King  during  the  war,  particu 
larly  at  the  treaty  of  Newport,  that  from  thence 
they  might  digeft  fuch  proportions  as  they  mould 
think  fit  to  be  fent  over  to  the  King.  This  was 
feconded,  but  I  do  not  remember  by  whom.  It 
was  forefeen,  that  fuch  a  motion  might  be  fet  on 
foot :  So  Monk  was  inftru&ed  how  to  anfwer  it, 
•  when  foe  ver  it  fhould  be  propofed.  He  told  the 
Houfe,  that  there  was  yet,  beyond  all  mens  hope, 
an  univerfal  quiet  all  over  the  Nation ;  but  there 
were  many  incendiaries  ftill  on  the  watch,  trying 
where  they  could  firft  raife  the  flame.  He  faid, 
he  had  fuch  cogious  informations  fent  him  of  thefe 

things* 


before  the  R  B  s  TORATIO^.  123 

things,  that  it  was  not  fit  they  fhould  be  generally 
known  :  He  could  not  anfwer  for  the  peace,  either 
of  the  Nation  or  of  the  Army,  if  any  delay  was 
put  to  the  fending  for  the  King  :  What  need  was 
there  of  fending  proportions  to  him  ?  Might  they 
not  as  well  prepare  them,  and  offer  them  to  him, 
when  he  mould  come  over  ?  He  was  to  bring  nei 
ther  army  nor  treafure  with  him,  either  to  fright 
them  or  to  corrupt  them.  So  he  moved,  that 
they  would  immediately  fend  commiflioners  to 
bring  over  the  King  :  And  faid,  that  he  muft  lay 
the  blame  of  all  the  blood  or  mifchief  that  might 
follow  on  the  heads  of  thole,  who  fhould  dill  in- 
fift  on  any  motion  that  might  delay  the  prefent 
.fettlement  of  the  Nation.  This  was  echo'd  with 
fuch  a  ihout  over  the  Houfe,  that  the  motion  was 
no  more  infilled  on. 

This  was  indeed  the  great  fervice  that  Monk  They 
did.     It  was  chiefly  owing  to  the  poft  he  was  in,  caljed 
and  to  the  credit  he  had  gained :  For  as  to  the  Jg™e  the 
Reftoration  itfelf,  the  tide  run  fo  ftrong,  that  he  without  a 
only  went  into  it  dexteroufly  enough,  to  get  much  treaty, 
fame,  and  great  rewards,  for  that  which  will  have 
ftill  a  great  appearance  in  hiftory.     If  he  had  died 
foon  after,    he  might  have  been  more  juftly  ad 
mired,  becaufe  lefs  known,    and  feen  only  in  one 
advantageous  light :  But  he  lived  Jong  enough  to 
make  it  known,  how  falfe  a  judgment  men  are  apt 
to  make  upon  outward  appearance.    To  the  King's 
coming  in  without  conditions  may  be  well  imputed 
all  the  errours  of  his  reign.     And  when  the  Earl 
of  Southampton  came  to  fee  what  he  was  like  to 
prove,  he  faid  once  in  great  wrath  to  Chancellour 
Hide,  it  was  to  him  they  owed  all  they  either  felt 
or  feared  -,  for  if  he  had  not  pofferTed  them  in  all 
his  letters  with  fuch  an  opinion  of  the  King,  they 
would  have  taken  care  to  have  put  it  out  of  his 
power  either  to  do  himfelf  or  them  any  mifchief, 
which  was  like  to  be  the  effect  of  their   truftmg 
him  fo  entirely.     Hide  anfwered,  that  he  thought 

the 


124  ASuMMARYoF  Affairs,  &c, 

the  King  had  fo  true  a  judgment,  and  fo  much 
good  nature,  that  when  the  age  of  pleafure  mould 
be  over,  and  the  idlenefs  of  his  exile,  which  made 
him  feek  new  diverfions  for  want  of  other  employ 
ment,  was  tiirned  to  an  obligation  to  mind  affairs, 
then  he  would  have  fhaken  off  thofe  entangle- 
-ments.  I  mufl  put  my  reader  in  mind,  that  I 
leave  all  common  tranfaclions  to  ordinary  books. 
If  at  any  time  I  fay  things  that  occur  in  any  books, 
it  is  partly  to  keep  the  thread  of  the  narration  in 
an  unintangled  method,  and  partly,  becaufe  I  nei 
ther  have  heard  nor  read  thofe  things  in  books  $ 
or  at  leaft,  I  do  not  remember  to  have  read  them 
fo  clearly  and  fo  particularly  as  I  havejrelated  them, 
I  now  leave  a  mad  and  confufed  fcene,  tp  open,  a 
more  auguft  and  fplendid  one. 


'       «.V» 

•jj';q 


THE 


THE 


HISTORY 


O  F 

:    My  Own  Times. 

fefett^MrtlH^^ 

!^  -        BOOK     II.  / 

Of  the  firft  twelve  years  of  the  reign  of  King 
Charles  II.  from  the  year  1660  to  the 
year  1673. 

DIVIDE  King  Charles's  reign  in 
to  two  books,  not  fo  much  becaufe, 
confifting  of  twenty  four  years,  it 
fell,  if  divided  at  all,  naturally  to 
put  twelve  years  in  a  book  :  But  I 
have  a  much  better  reafon  for  it? 
fince  as  to  the  firft  twelve  years,  tho*  I  knew  the 
affairs  of  Scotland  very  authentically,  yet  I  had 
only  fuch  a  general  knowledge  of  the  affairs  cif 
England  as  I  could  pick  up  at  a  diilance  :  Where 
as  I  lived  fo  near  the  fcene,  and  had  indeed  fuch  a 
mare  in  feveral  parts  of  it,  during  the  laft  twelve 
years,  that  I  can  write  of  thefe  with  much  more 
certainty,  as  well  as  more  fully,  than  of  the  firft 
twelve.  I  will  therefore  enlarge  more  particularly, 
within  the  compafs  that  1  have  fixed  for  this  book, 
on  the  affairs  of  Scotland ;  both  out  of  the  imbred 
love  that  all  men  have  for  their  native  country, 

and 


1660. 


HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

ant!  nfO?e  particularly,  that  I  may  leave  f6me  ufe- 
ful  inftrudionS  to  thole  of  my  own  order  and  prb- 
feffion,  by  reprefenting  to  them  the  conduct  of  the 
Bifhops  of  Scotland  j  For  having  obferved  with 
more  than  ordinary  nicenefs  all  the  errours  that 
were  committed,  both  at  the  firft  fetting  up  of 
EpJifcopacy*  and  in  the  whole  progrefs  of  its  con 
tinuance,  in  Scotland,  till  it  was  again  overturned 
there,  I  am  enabled  to  fet  all  that  matter  in  a  full 
view  and  in  a  clear  light. 

Many  -^s  ^oon  as  ^  was  ^xe(^  tnat  tne  King  was  to  be 

wentover  reftored,  a  great  many  went  dver  to  make  their 
court :  Among  thefe  Sharp,  who  was  employed 
by  the  refolntioners  of  Scotland,  was  one.  H£ 
carried  with  him  a  letter  from  the  Earl  of  Glen- 
cairn  to  Hide,  made  foon  after  Earl  of  Clarendon, 
recommending  him  as  the  only  perfon  capable  to 
manage  the  defign  of  fetting  up  Epifcopacy  in 
Scotland  :  Upon  which  he  was  received  into  great 
confidence.  Yet,  as  he  had  obferved  very  care 
fully  the  fuccefs  of  Monk's  folemn  proteftations 
againft  the  King  for  a  Commonwealth,  it  feems 
he  was  fo  pleafed  with  the  original  that  he  refolved 
to  copy  after  it,  without  letting  himfelf  be  di 
verted  from  it  by  fcruples  :  For  he  ftuck  neither 
at  folemn  proteftations,  both  by  word  of  mouth 
and  by  letters,  (of  which  I  have  feen  many  proofs,) 
nor  at  appeals  to  God  of  his  fincerity  in  acting 
for  the  Prefbytery,  both  in  prayers  and  on  other 
occafions,  joining  with  thefe  many  dreadful  im 
precations  on  himfelf  if  he  did  prevaricate.  He 
was  all  the  while  maintained  by  the  Prefbyterians 
as  their  agent,  and  continued  to  give  them  a  con 
front  account  of  the  progrefs  of  his  negotiation  in 
their  fervice,  while  he  was  indeed  undermining  it, 
This  piece  of  craft  was  fo  vifible,  he  having  re 
peated  his  proteftations  to  as  many  perfons  as  then 
grew  jealous  of  him,  that  when  he  threw  off  the 
mafk,  about  a  year  after  this,  it  laid  a  foundation 

of 


of  King  CH  ARL-E  s  II.  127 

of  fuch  a  character  of  him,  that   nothing  could    1660. 
ever  bring  people  to  any  tolerable  thoughts  of  a  v- — v— - 
man>    whofe   diffimulation   and  treachery  was  fo 
well  known,  and  of  which  fo  many  proofs  were 
to  be  feen  under  his  own  hand. 

With  the  Reftoration  of  the  King,  a  fpirit  ofTheNTa- 
extravagant   joy   fpread   over    the   Nation,   that tlon  was 

,  i  D  •  i    •       i        i  •  rr   i  over-run 

brought  on  with  it  the  throwing  oil  the  very  pro-  wjth  vice 
feflions  of  virtue  and  piety  :  All  ended  in  enter-  and 
tainments   and  drunkennefs,  which  over- run   the  drunken- 
three  Kingdoms  to  fuch  a  degree,  that  it  very nefs- 
much  corrupted  all  their  morals.     Under  the  co 
lour  of  drinking  the  King's  health,  there  were  great 
diforders  and  much  riot  every  where :  And  the 
pretences  of  Religion,  both  in  thofe  of  the  hypo 
critical  fort,  and  of  the  more  honeft  but  no  lefs 
pernicious   enthufiafls,  gave  great  advantages,  as 
well  as  they  furnifhed  much  matter,  to  the  pro- 
phane  mockers   of  true  piety.     Thofe  who  had 
been  concerned  in  the  former  tranfa&ions  thought, 
they  could  not  redeem  themfelves  from  the  cen- 
fures  and  jealoufies  that  thofe  brought  on  them, 
by  any  method  that  was  more  Cure  and  more  eafy, 
than  by  going  into  the   ftream,  and  laughing  at 
all  religion,  telling   or  making  {lories  to  expofe 
both  themfelves  and  their  party  as  impious  and 
ridiculous. 

The  King  was  then  thirty  years  of  age,  and,  as  The 
might  have  been  fuppofed,  paft  the  levities  of  l' 
youth  and  the  extravagance  of  pleafure.  He  had 
a  very  good  underilanding.  He  knew  well  the 
ftate  of  affairs  both  at  home  and  abroad.  He  had 
a  foftnefs  of  temper  that  charmed  all  who  came 
near  him,  till  they  found  how  little  they  could  de 
pend  on  good  looks,  kind  words,  and  fair  pro- 
mifes  ;  in  which  he  was  liberal  to  excefs,  becaufe 
he  intended  nothing  by  them,  but  to  get  rid  of 
importunities,  and  to  filence  all  farther  preffing 
upon  him.  He  teemed  to  have  no  fenfe  of  reli 
gion  :  Both  at  prayers  and  faerament,  he,  as  it 

were, 


*28  The  HISTORY  df  the  Reign 

1 660.  Were,  took  care  to  fatisfy  people,  that  he  was  ill 
no  fort  concerned  in  that  about  which  he  was 
employed.  So  that  he  was  very  far  from  being 
an  hypocrite,  unlefs  his  affifting  at  tliofe  perfor 
mances  was  a  fort  of  hypocrify,  (as  no  doubt  it 
was :)  But  he  was  fure  not  to  encreafe  that  by  any 
the  lead  appearance  of  Religion.  He  faid  once 
to  myfelf,  he  was  no  atheiit,  but  he  could  not 
think  God  would  make  a  man  miferable,  only  for 
taking  a  little  pleafure  out  of  the  way.  He  dif- 
guifed  his  Popery  to  the  laft.  But  when  he  talk 
ed  freely,  he  could  not  help  letting  himfelf  out 
againft  the  liberty  that  under  the  Reformation  all 
men  took  of  enquiring  into  matters  of  religion  : 
For  from  their  enquiring  into  matters  of  religion 
they  carried  the  humour  farther,  to  enquire  into 
matters  of  flate.  He  faid  often,  he  thought  go 
vernment  was  a  much  fafer  and  eafier  thing  where 
the  authority  was  believed  infallible,  and  the  faith 
and  fubmiflion  of  the  people  was  implicite  :  About 
which  I  had  once  much  difcourfe  with  him.  He 
was  affable  and  eafy,  and  loved  to  be  made  fo  by 
all  about  him.  The  great  art  of  keeping  him  long 
was,  the  being  eafy,  and  the  making  every  thing  eafy 
to  him.  He  had  made  fuch  oblervations  on  the 
-French  government,  that  he  thought  a  King  who 
might  be  checkt,  or  have  his  Minifters  called  to 
an  account  by  a  Parliament,  was  but  a  King  in 
name.  He  had  a  great  compafs  of  knowledge, 
tho'  he  was  never  capable  of  much  application  of 
ftudy.  He  underftood  the  Mechanicks  and  Phy- 
fick ;  and  was  a  good  Chymift,  and  much  fet  on 
feveral  preparations  of  Mercury,  chiefly  the  fix* 
ing  it.  He  nnderitood  navigation  well :  But 
above  all  he  knew  the  architecture  of  mips  fo  per 
fectly,  that  in  that  refpecl  he  was  exacl  rather 
more  than  became  a  Prince.  His  apprehenfion 
was  quick,  and  his  memory  good.  He  was  an 
everlailing  talker.  He  told  his  (lories  with  a 
good  grace  ;  But  they  came  in  his  way  too  often. 

He 


of  King  C  H  A'k  L  E  s  if. 

lie  had  a  very  ill  opinion  both  of  men  and 
women  ;  and  did  not  think  that  there  was  either" 
fincerity  or  chaftity  in  the  world  out  of  principle^ 
but  that  fome  had  either  the  one  or  the  other  out 
of  humour  or  vanity.  He  thought  that  no  body 
did  ferve  him  out  of  love  t  And  fo  he  was  quits 
with  all  the  world,  and  loved  others  as  little  as  he 
thought  they  loved  him.  He  hated  bufmefs*  and 
could  not  be  eafily  brought  to  mind  any :  But 
when  it  was  necefiary,  and  he  was  fet  to  it,  he 
would  flay  as  long  as  his  Minifters  had  work  for 
him.  The  ruin  of  his  reign,  and  of  all  his  affairs, 
was  occafioned'  chiefly  by  his  delivering  himielf 
up  at  his  firfl  coming  over  to  a  mad  range  of  plea- 
fure.  One  of  the  race  of  the  Villers,  then  married 
to  Palmer,  a  Papifl,  foon  after  made  Earl  of  Caflle- 
fnain,  who  afterwards  being  feparated  from  hirti 
was  advanced  to  be  Duchefs  of  Cleveland i  was  his 
firft  and  longeft  miftrefs,  by  whom  he  had  five 
children.  She  was  a  woman  of  great  beauty,  but 
moft  enormouQy  vitious  and  ravenous  j  foolifh  but 
imperious*  very  uneafy  to  the  King,  and  always 
carrying  on  intrigues  with  other  men,  while  yet 
flie  pretended  (lie  was  jealous  of  him.  His  paf~ 
lion  for  her  and  her  flrange  behaviour  towards 
him*  did  fo  diforder  him*  that  often  he  was  not 
mafter  of  himielf,  nor  capable  of  minding  bufi- 
ncfs,  which  in  fo  critical  a  time  required  great 
application  :  But  he  did  then  fo  entirely  truft  th'e 
Earl  of  Clarendon*  that  he  left  all  to  his  care*  and 
fubmitted  to  his  advices  as  to  fo  many  oracles. 

The  Earl  of  Clarendon  was  bred  to  the  Law*  Claren- 
and  was  like  to   grow  eminent  in  his  profefiioh^™'50*1 
when  the  wars  began.     He  diftinguimed  himfeti tdL  er' 
fo  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  that  he  became  con- 
fiderable,  and  was  much  trufted  all  the  while  the 
King  was  at  Oxford.     He  flayed  beyond  fea  fol 
lowing   the  King's  fortune  till   the  Refloration  • 
and  was  now  an  abfolute  favourite,  and  the  chief 
or  the  only  Miniflcr.  but  with   too  magifterial  a 

VOL,  L  K  way* 


The  H  i  s  T  o  R  r  of  the  Reign 

j66o.  way.  He  was  always  preffing  the  King  to  mind 
«^v^  his  affairs,  but  in  vain.  He  was  a  good  Chan- 
cellour,  only  a  little  too  rough,  but  very  impar 
tial  in  the  adminiftration  of  juftice.  He  never 
feemed  to  underfland  foreign  affairs  well :  And 
yet  he  meddled  too  much  in  them.  He  had  too 
much  levity  in  his  wit,  and  did  not  always  ob- 
ferve  the  decorum  of  his  poft.  He  was  high,  and 
was  apt  to  reject  thofe  who  addrelfed  thernfelves 
to  him  with  too  much  contempt.  He  had  fuch 
a  regard  to  the  King,  that  when  places  were  dif- 
pofed  of,  even  otherwife  than  as  he  advifed,  yet 
he  would  juilify  what  the  King  did,  and  difparage 
the  pretenfions  of  others,  not  without  much  fcorn  ; 
which  created  him  many  enemies.  He  was  inde 
fatigable  in  bufmefs,  tho'  the  gout  did  often  dif- 
able  him  from  waiting  on  the  King  :  Yet,  dur 
ing  his  credit,  the  King  came  conitantly  to  him 
when  he  was  laid  up  by  it. 

Ormond's  The  next  man  in  favour  with  the  King  was  the 
character.  Duke  of  Ormond  :  A  man  every  way  fitted  for  a 
Court :  Of  a  graceful  appearance,  a  lively  wit,  and 
:a  cheerful  temper  :  A  man  of  great  expence,  de 
cent  even  in  his  vices,  for  he  always  kept  up  the 
form  of  religion.  He  had  gone  through  many 
traniactions  in  Ireland  with  more  fidelity  than  fuc- 
.cefs.  He  had  made  a  treaty  with  the  Irifh,  which 
was  broken  by  the  great  body  of  them,  tho'  fome 
few  of  them  adhered  ftill  to  him.  But  the  whole 
Irifh  nation  did  ftill  pretend  that,  thos  they  had 
broke  the  agreement  firft,  yet  he,  or  rather  the 
King  in  whofe  name  he  had  treated  with  them, 
was  bound  to  perform  all  the  articles  of  the  treaty. 
He  had  mifcarried  fo  in  the  fiege  of  Dublin,  that 
it  very  much  leiTened  the  opinion  of  his  military 
conduct.  Yet  his  conftant  attendance  on  his  ma- 
.fler,  his  eafmefs  to  him,  and  his  great  fufferings 
for  him,  railed  him  to  be  Lord  Steward  of  the 
1  Houfhold,  and  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland.  He 
was  firm  to  the  froteftant  religion,  and  fo  far  firm 

to 


of  King  CHARLES  IL 

to  the  laws,  that  he  always  gave  good  advices  :  1660. 
But  when  bad  ones  were  followed,  he  was  not  for  v-^v^-» 
complaining  too  much  of  them. 

The  Earl  of  Southampton  was  next  to  thefe.  South- 
He  was  a  man  of  great  virtue,  and  of  very  good  ampton's 
parts.  He  had  a  lively  apprehenfion,  and  a  good  chara(^er* 
judgment.  lie  had  merited  much  by  his  conftant 
adhering  to  the  King's  intereft  during  the  war, 
and  by  the  large  fupplies  he  had  fent  him  every 
year  during  his  exile  ;  for  he  had  a  great  eftate^ 
and  only  three  daughters  to  inherit  it.  He  was 
Lord  Treafurer  :  But  he  grew  foon  weary  of  bud- 
nefs  -,  for  as  he  was  fubjed  to  the  flone,  which  re 
turned  often  and  violently  upon  him,  fo  he  retain 
ed  the  principles  of  liberty,  and  did  not  go  into 
the  violent  meafures  of  the  Court.  When  he  faw 
the  King's  temper,  and  his  way  of  managing,  or 
rather  of  fpoiling  bufmefs,  he  grew  very  uneafy, 
and  kept  himfelf  more  out  of  the  way  than  was 
confident  with  that  high  pod.  The  King  flood 
in  fome  awe  of  him  ;  and  faw  how  popular  he 
would  grow,  if  put  out  of  his  fervice  :  And  there 
fore  he  chofe  rather  to  bear  with  his  ill  humour 
and  contradiction,  than  to  difmifs  him.  He  left 
the  buftnefs  of  the  treafury  wholly  in  the  hands  of 
his  fecretary,  Sir  Philip  Warwick,  who  was  an 
honeft  but  a  weak  man,  and  underflood  the  common 
road  of  the  treafury.  Fie  was  an  incorrupt  man, 
and  during  feven  years  management  of  the  treafury 
made  but  an  ordinary  fortune  out  of  it.  Before 
the  Reiteration  the  Lord  Treafurer  had  but  a  (mail 
falary,  with  an  allowance  for  a  table  ;  but  he  gave, 
or  rather  fold,  all  the  fubaltern  places,  and  made 
great  profits  out  of  the  eftate  of  the  Crown  :  But 
now,  that  eftate  being  gone,  and  the  Earl  of 
Southampton  clifdaining  to  fell  places,  the  matter 
was  fettled  fo,  that  the  Lord  Treafurer  was  to 
have  8000 1.  a  year,  and  the  King  was  to  name 
all  the  fubaltern  officers.  It  continued  to  be  fo  all 

K  2  his 


132  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1660.  his  time :  But  fince  that  time  the  Lord  Treafurer 
v-*v~ '  both  the  Soool.  and  a  main  hand  in  the  difpofing 
of  thoie  places. 

The  man  that  was  in  the  greateft  credit  with 

the  Earl  of  Southampton  was  Sir  Anthony  Afhly 

cnara&er.  ^  i       i     j  •    j    v-        •  11  3 

Cooper,  who  had  married  his  niece,  and  became 

afterwards  fo  confiderable  that  he  was  raifed  to  be 
Earl  of  Shaftfbury.     And  fmce  he   came  to  have 
fo  great  a  name,  and  that  I  knew  him  for  many 
years  in  a  very  particular  manner,  I  will  dwell  a 
little  longer  on  his  character  i  for  it  was  of  a  very 
extraordinary  compofition.     He  began  to  make  a 
confiderable    figure   very   early.      Before  he  was 
twenty  he  came  into  the  Houie  of  Commons,  and 
was  on   the   King's  fide  •,  and   undertook  to  get 
Wiltfnire  and  Dorfetfhire  to  declare  for  him  :  But 
he  was  not  able  to  effect  it.     Yet  Prince  Maurice 
breaking  articles  to  a  town,  that  he  had  got  to  re 
ceive  him,  furnifhed  him   with  an   excule  to  for- 
fake  that  fide,  and  to  turn  to  the  Parliament.    He 
had  a  wonderful  faculty  in  fpeaking  to  a  popular 
afiembly,  and  could  mix  both   the  facetious  and 
'the  ferious  way  of  arguing  very    agreeably.     He 
had  a  particular  talent  to  make  others  trufb  to  his 
judgment,  and  depend    on   it :  And    he  brought 
over  fo  many  to  a  fubmiffion  to  his  opinion,  that  I 
never  knew   any  man  equal  to  him  in  the  art  of 
governing  parties,    and   of   making   himfelf   the 
head  of  them.     He  was  as  to   religion  a  Deift  at 
heft  ;  He  had  the  dotage  of  Aftrology  in    him  to 
a  high  degree:  He  told  me,  that  a  Dutch  doclor 
had  from  the  ftars   foretold  him  the  whole   feries 
of  his  life.     But  that  which  was  before  him,  when 
he  told  me  this,  proved  falfe,  if  he  told  me  true: 
For  he  faid,  he  was  yet  to  be  a  greater  man  than 
he  had  been.     He  fancied,  that  after  death  our 
fouls  lived  in  ftars.     He  had  a  general  knowledge 
of  the- (lighter  parts  of  learning,  but  underftood 
little   to  the  bottom  :  So  he  triumphed  in  a  ram 
bling  way  of  talking,  but  argued  ilightly  when  he 

was 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

was  held  clofe  to  any  point.  He  had  a  wonderful 
faculty  at  oppofmg,  and  running  things  down  -, 
but  had  not  the  like  force  in  building  up.  He 
had  liich  an  extravagant  vanity  in  letting  him  felt" 
out,  that  it  was  very  difagreeabie.  He  pretended 
that  Cromwell  offered  to  make  him  King.  He 
was  indeed  of  great  ufe  to  him  in  withflanding  the 
enthufiails  of  that  time.  He  was  one  of  thofe 
who  prefs'd  him  moft  to  accept  of  the  Kingfhip, 
becaufe,  as  he  laid  afterwards,  he  was  fure  it  would 
ruin  him.  His  flrength  lay  in  the  knowledge  of 
England,  and  of  all  the  confiderable  men  in  it. 
He  underftood  well  the  fize  of  their  underftand- 
ings,  and  their  tempers  :  And  he  knew  how  to 
apply  himfelf  to  them  fo  dextroufly,  that,  tho'  by 
his  changing  fides  fo  often  it  was  very  viiible  how 
little  he  was  to  be  depended  on,  yet  he  was  to 
the  laft  much  trufted  by  all  the  difcontented  party. 
He  was  not  amamed  to  reckon  up  the  many  turns 
he  had  made  :  And  he  valued  himfelf  on  the  doing 
it  at  the  propereft  feafon,  and  in  the  bed  manner. 
This  he  did  with  fo  much  vanity,  and  fo  little  dif- 
cretion,  that  he  loft  many  by  it.  And  his  repu 
tation  was  at  laft  run  fo  low,  that  he  could  not 
have  held  much  longer,  had  he  not  died  in  good 
time,  either  for  his  family  or  for  his  party  :  The 
former  would  have  been  ruined,  if  he  had  not 
faved  it  by  betraying  the  latter. 

Another  man,   very  near  of  the  fame  fort,  who  Angle- 
palled  thro*  many  great  employments,  was  Anne-  fey^3 
fly,  advanced   to  be   Earl  of  Angleley ;  who  had  ra 
much   more   knowledge,  and  was   very   learned, 
chiefly  in  the  law.     He  had   the  faculty  of  fpeak- 
ing   indefatigably  upon    every    fubje£t :  But    he 
fpoke  ungracefully  •,    and  did  not  know  that  he 
was  not  good   at  raillery,  for  he  was    always  at 
tempting    it.     He   underftood    our    government 
well,   and  had  examined  far  into  the  original  of 
our  conftitution.     He  was  capable  of  great  appli 
cation  :  And  was  a  man  of  a  grave  deportment  ; 
K3 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
but  ftuck  at  nothing,  and  was  afhamed  of  nothing. 
1  He  was  neither  loved  nor  trufted  by  any  man  or 
any  fide  :  And  he  feemed  to  have  no  regard   to 
common  decencies  :  But  fold  every  thing  that  was 
in  his  power  :  And  fold  himfelf  fo  often,  that  at 
laft  the  price  fell  fo  low,  that  he  grew  ufelefs. 
Hollis's         Hollis  was  a  man  of  great  courage,  and  of  as 
$harafter,  great  pride  :  He  was  counted  for  many  years  the 
head  of  the  Prefbyterian  party.     He  was  faithful 
and  firm  to  his  fide,  and  never  changed  thro'  the 
whole  courfe  of  his   life.     He  engaged  in  a  par 
ticular  oppofition  to  Cromwell  in  the  time  of  the 
war.     They  hated  one   another  equally.     Hollis 
feemed  to  carry   this  too  far :  For  he  would  not 
allow  Cromwell  to  have  been  either  wife  or  brave  * 
but  often  applied  Solomon's  obfervation  to  him* 
"  That  the  battle  was  not  to  the  ftrong,  nor  favour 
<c  to  the  man  of  understanding,  but  that  time  and 
"  chance   happened  to   all    men."     He  was  well 
verfed  in  the  records  of  Parliament :  And  argued 
well,  but  too  vehemently  •,  for  he  could  not  bear 
contradiction.     He  had   the   foul  of  an  old  ftub- 
born   Roman   in  him. '   He  was   a  faithful  but  a, 
rough  friend,  and  a  fevere   but  fair  enemy.     He 
had  a  true  fenfe  of  religion  :  And  was  a  man  of 
an  unblameable  courfe  of  life,  and  of  a  found  judg 
ment  when  it  was  not  binfled  by  paffion.     He  was 
made  a  Lord  for  his  merits  in  bringing  about  the 
Refcoration, 

Manchef-  The  Earl  of  Manchefter  was  made  Lord  Cham- 
ter's  dm-  berlain  :  A  man  of  a  foft  and  obliging  temper, 
rafter,  pf  no  great  depth,  but  univerfally  beloved,  being 
Roberts's  both  a  virtuous  and  a  generous  man.  The  Lord 
Roberts  was  made  Lord  Privy  Seal,  afterwards 
Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  and  at  laft  Lord  Pre- 
fident  of  the  Council.  He  was  a  man  of  a  more 
morofe  and  cynical  temper,  juft  in  his  adminiftra- 
tion,  but  vitious  under  the  appearances  of  virtue  : 
Learned  beyond  any  man  of  his  quality,  but  in- 
{ratable,  ftiff  and  obilinate,  proud  and  jealous. 

Theft 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

Thefe  five,  whom  I  have  named  laft,  had  the 
chief  hand  in  engaging  the  Nation  in  the  defign 
of  the  Reftoration.  They  had  great  credit,  chierly 
with  the  Prefbyterian  party,  and  were  men  of 
much  dexterity.  So  the  thanks  of  that  great  turn 
was  owing  to  them  :  And  they  were  put  in  great 
pofts  by  the  Earl  of  Clarendon's  means.  By 
which  he  loft  moft  of  the  Cavaliers,  who  could  not 
bear  the  feeing  fuch  men  fo  highly  advanced,  and 
fo  much  trufted. 

At  the  King's  firft  coming  over,  Monk  and 
Montague  were  the  moft  confidered.  They  both 
had  the  Garter.  The  one  was  made  Duke  of  Al- 
bemarle,  and  the  other  Earl  of  Sandwich,  and  had 
noble  eftates  given  them.  Monk  was  ravenous, 
as  well  as  his  wife,  who  was  a  mean  contemptible 
creature.  They  both  afked,  and  fold  all  that  was 
within  their  reach,  nothing  being  denied  them  for 
fome  time  -,  till  he  became  fo  ufelefs,  that  little 
perfonal  regard  could  be  paid  him.  But  the 
King  maintained  ftill  the  appearances  of  it :  For 
the  appearance  of  the  fervice  he  did  him  was  fuch, 
that  the  King  thought  it  fit  to  treat  him  with  great 
diftinclion,  even  after  he  faw  into  him,  and  de- 
fpifed  him.  He  took  care  to  raife  his  kinfman 
Granville,  who  was  made  Earl  of  Bath  and  Groom 
of  the  Stole,  a  man  who  thought  of  nothing  but 
of  getting  and  fpending  money.  The  Duke  of 
Albemarle  raifed  two  other  perfons.  One  was 
Clarges,  his  wife's  brother,  who  was  an  honeft 
but  haughty  man.  He  became  afterwards  a  very  charader. 
considerable  Parliament  man,  and  valued  himfeif 
on  his  oppofmg  the  Court,  and  on  his  frugality  in 
managing  the  publick  money  ;  for  he  had  Crom 
well's  ceconomy  ever  in  bis  mouth,  and  was  always 
for  reducing  the  expence  of  war  to  the  modefty 
and  parfimony  of  thofe  times.  Many  thought  he 
carried  this  too  far  :  But  it  made  him  very  poj3ii~ 
Jar.  After  he  was  become  very  rich  himfeif  by 
the  publick  money,  he  feemed  to  take  care  that 

Iy  4  no 


The  H  i  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 
1 660.   no  body  elle  fhould  grow  as  rich  as  he  was  in  that 
V— v~-'  way.     Another  man  railed  by  the  Duke  of  Albe- 
MorriceS  marie  was  Morrice,  who  was  the  perfon  that  had 
fjjars&er.  prevailed  with   Monk  to  declare   for  the   King. 
Upon  that  he  was  made  Secretary  of  State.     He 
was  very  learned,  but  full   of  pedantry  and  affec 
tation.     He  had  no  true  judgment  about  foreign 
affairs.     And  the  Duke  of  Aibemarle's  judgment 
of  them  may  be   meafured  by  what  he  laid,  when 
he  found  the  King  grew  weary   qf  Morrice,  but 
that  in  regard  to  him  he  had  no  mind  to  turn  him 
out  -,  He  did  not  know  what  was  neceffary  for  a 
good  Secretary  of  State  in  which  he  was  defective, 
tor  he  could  fpeak  French  and  write  (hart  hand. 
Nieolas's        Nicolas  was  the  other  Secretary,  who  had  been 
chara&er.]  empioved  by  King  Charles  the  firfl  during  the 
war,  and  had  fervcd  him  faithfully,  but  had  no 
ynderfhmding  in  foreign  affairs.     He  was  a  man 
of  virtue,  but  could  not  fall  into  the  King's  tem 
per,  or  become  acceptable  to  him.     So  not  long 
Arling-     ^fter  the  Reftoration,  Bennet,  advanced  afterwards 
ton's  cha-  £O  ^e  £arj  pf  Arlington,  was  by   the  intereft  of 
the  Popifh  party   made   Secretary  of  State ;  and 
was  admitted  into  fo  particular  3  confidence,  that 
he  began  to  raife  a  party  in  oppoiition  to  the  Earl 
pf  Clarendon.     He  was  a  proud  man.     His  parts 
were  folid,  but  not  quick.     He  had  theartofobr 
ferving  the  King's  temper,  and  managing  it  be 
yond  all  the  men  of  that  time.     He  was  believed 
a  Fapift.     He  had  once  profeffed  it  :  And  when 
he  died,    he    again    reconciled    himfelf    to    that 
Church.     Yet  in  the  whole  courfe  of  his  miniftry, 
he  feemed  to  have  made  it    a  maxim,  that  the 
King  ought  to   (hew  no  favour  to   Popery,  but 
that  all    his  affairs   would  be  fpoiled    if  ever  he 
turned. that  way  ;  which  made  the  Papifts  become 
his  mortal  enemjes,  and  accufe  him  as  an  apoilate, 
^nd  the    betrayer   of   their  interefts.     His    chief 
friend  was  Charles  Berkley,   made  Earl   of  Fair- 
jpQuth?  who  without  any   vifible  merit, .  unlefs  it 

* 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

was  the  managing  the  King's  amours,  was  the  mod 
abfolute  of  all  the  King's  favourites  :  And,  which 
-was  peculiar  to  himfelf,  he  was  as  much  in  the 
•Duke  of  York's  favour  as  in  the  King's.  Berkley 
was  generous  in  his  expence  :  And  it  was  thought, 
if  he  had  outlived  the  lewdnefs  of  that  time,  and 
'come  to  a  more  fedate  courfe  of  life,  he  would 
have  put  the  King  on  great  and  noble  defigns. 
This  1  mould  have  thought  more  likely,  if  I  had 
not  had  it  from  the  Duke,  who  had  fo  wrong  a 
tafte,  that  there  was  reafon  to  fufpect  his  judgment 
both  of  men  and  things.  Bennet  and  Berkley 
had  the  management  of  the  miftrefs.  And  all  the 
Earl  of  Clarendon's  enemies  came  about  them  : 
The  chief  of  whom  were  the  Duke  of  Bucking- 
-ham  and  the  Earl  of  Briftol. 

The  firft  of  thefe  was  a  man  of  noble  prefence.  Bucking- 
He  had  a  great   livelinefs  of  wit,  and  a  peculiar  ham's cha- 
faculty  of  turning  all  things    into  ridicule   withrader* 
bold  figures  and  natural  delcriptions.     He  had  no 
fort  of  literature  :  Only   he  was  drawn   into  chy- 
miftry :  And  for  fome  years  he  thought  he  was 
very    near   the   finding   the  philofopher's   ftone  -, 
which  had  the  effecl:  that  attends  on  all  fuch  men 
as  he  was,  when  they  are  drawn  in,  to  lay  out  for 
-it.     He  had  no  principles  of  religion,  virtue,  or 
friendfhip.     Pleafure,  frolick,  or  extravagant  di- 
-verfion  was  all  that  he  laid  to  heart.     He  was  true 
to  nothing,  for  he  was  not  true  to  himfelf.     He 
had  no  fleadinefs  nor  conduct :  He  could  keep  no 
fecret,  nor  execute  any  defign  without  fpoiling  it. 
:H.e  could  never  fix  his  thoughts,  nor  govern  his 
eftate,  tho'  then  the  greatefl  in  England.     He  was 
bred  about  the  King  :  And  for  many  years  he  had 
a  great  afcendent  over  him  :  But  he  fpake  of  him 
to  all  perfons  with  that  contempt,  that  at  laft  he 
drew  a  lading  difgrace  upon  himfelf.     And  he  at 
-length  ruined  both  body  and  mind,  fortune  and 
reputation  equally.  >  The  madnefs  of  vice  appear 
ed 


13$  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1660.  ed  in  his  perfon  in  very  eminent  inftances ;  fmce 
t-*v^>  at  laft  he  became  contemptible  and  poor,  fickly, 
and  funk  in  his  parts,  as  well  as  in  all  other  re- 
fpects,  fo  that  his  converfation  was  as  much  avoid 
ed  as  ever  it  had  been  courted.  He  found  the 
King,  when  he  came  from  his  travels  in  the  year 
45,  newly  come  to  Paris,  fent  over  by  his  father 
when  his  affairs  declined :  And  rinding  the  King 
enough  inclined  to  receive  ill  impreflions,  he, 
who  was  then  got  into  all  the  impieties  and  vices 
of  the  age,  fet  himfelf  to  corrupt  the  King,  in 
which  he  was  too  fuccefsful,  being  feconded  in 
that  wicked  delign  by  the  Lord  Percy.  And  to 
compleat  the  matter,  Hobbs  was  brought  to  him, 
under  the  pretence  of  inftru&ing  him  in  ma- 
thematicks :  And  he  laid  before  him  his  fchemes, 
both  with  relation  to  religion  and  politicks,  which 
made  deep  and  lading  impreffions  on  the  King's 
mind.  So  that  the  main  blame  of  the  King's  ill 
principles,  and  bad  morals,  was  owing  to  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham. 

Briftol's  The  Earl  of  Briftol  was  a  man  of  courage  and 
character,  learning,  of  ?a  bold  temper  and  a  lively  wit,  but 
of  no  judgment  nor  fleadinefs.  He  was  in  the 
•  Queen's  intereft  during  the  war  at  Oxford.  And 
he  fludied  to  drive  things  paft  the  poifibility  of  a 
treaty,  or  any  reconciliation  ;  fancying  that  no 
thing  would  make  the  military  men  fo  fure  to  the. 
King,  as  his  being  fure  to  them,  and  giving 
them  hopes  of  fharing  the  confifcated  eftates  among 
them ;  whereas,  he  thought,  all  difcourfes  of  treaty 
made  them  feeble  and  fearful.  When  he  went 
beyond  fea  he  turned  Papift.  But  it  was  after  a 
way  of  his  own  :  For  he  loved  to  magnify  the 
difference  between  the  Church  and  the  Court  of 
Rome.  He  was  efteemed  a  very  good  fpeaker  : 
But  he  was  too  copious,  and  too  florid.  He  was 
fet  at  the  head  of  the  popifh  party,  and  was  a 
violent  enemy  of  the  Earl  of  Clarendon. 

Having 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II. 
Having  now  faid  as  much  as  feems  neceJTary  to  1660. 
defcribe  the  ftate  of  the  Court  and  Miniftry  at  the 
Reftoration,  I  will  next  give  an  account  of  the 
chief  of  the  Scots,  and  of  the  parties  that  were 
formed  among  them.  The  Earl  of  Lauderdale,  ratter, 
afterwards  made  Duke,  had  been  for  many  years 
a  zealous  Covenanter  :  But  in  the  year  forty  feven 
he  turned  to  the  King's  interefts ;  and  had  conti 
nued  a  prifoner  all  the  while  after  Worcefter  fight, 
where  he  was  taken.  He  was  kept  for  fome  years 
in  the  tower  of  London,  in  Portland  caltle,  and 
in  other  prifons,  till  he  was  fet  at  liberty  by  thofe 
who  called  home  the  King.  So  he  went  over  to 
Holland.  And  fmce  he  continued  fo  long,  and 
contrary  to  all  mens  opinions  in  fo  high  a  degree 
of  favour  and  confidence,  it  may  be  expected  that 
I  fhould  be  a  little  copious-  in  fetting  out  hfs  cha 
racter  j  for  I  knew  him  very  particularly.  He 
made  a  very  ill  appearance :  He  was  very  big : 
His  hair  red,  hanging  odly  about  him  :  His 
tongue  was  too  big  for  his  mouth,  which  made 
him  bedew  all  that  he  talked  to  :  And  his  whole 
manner  was  rough  and  boifterous,  and  very  unfit 
for  a  Court,  He  was  very  learned,  not  only  in 
Latin,  in  which  he  was  a  mafter,  but  in  Greek 
and  Hebrew.  He  had  read  a  great  deal  of  divi 
nity,  and  almoil  all  the  hiftorians  ancient  and  mo 
dern  :  So  that  he  had  great  materials.  He  had 
with  thefe  an  extraordinary  memory,  and  a  copi 
ous  but  unpolifhed  expreilion.  He  was  a  man, 
as  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  called  him  to  me,  of 
a  blundering  underftanding.  He  was  haughty 
beyond  expreffion,  abjed:  to  thofe  he  faw  he  muft 
floop  to,  but  imperious  to  all  others.  He  had  a 
violence  of  paffion  that  carried  him  often  to  fits 
Jike  madnefs,  in  which  he  had  no  temper.  If  he 
took  a  thing  wrong,  it  was  a  vain  thing  to  ftudy 
to  convince  him  :  That  would  rather  provoke  him 
to  fwear,  he  would  never  be  of  another  mind:  He 
Was  to  be  let  alone  :  And  perhaps  he  would  have 

forgot 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
forgot  what  he  had  faid,  and  come  about  of  his 
own  accord.  He  was  the  coldeft  friend  and  the 
violenteft  enemy  I  ever  knew  :  I  felt  it  too  much 
not  to  know  it.  He  at  firil  ieemed  to  defpile 
wealth  :  But  he  delivered  himfelf  up  afterwards  to 
luxury  and  fenfuality :  And  by  that  means  he  ran 
into  a  vafl  expence,  and  iluck  at  nothing  that  was 
BecefTary  to  fupport  it.  In  his  long  imprifonment, 
he  had  great  impreffions  of  religion  on  his  mind  : 
But  he  wore  thefe  out  fo  entirely,  that  fcarce  any 
trace  of  them  was  left.  His  great  experience  ia 
affairs,  his  ready  compliance  with  every  thing  that 
he  thought  would  pleafe  the  King,  and  his  bold 
offering  at  the  mod  defperate  counfels>  gained 
him  fuch  an  interefr.  in  the  King,  that  no  attempt 
againft  him  nor  complaint  ot  him  could  ever 
ihakc  it,  till  a  decay  of  ftrength  and  underftand- 
ing  forced  him  to  let  go  his  hold.  He  was  in  his 
principles  much  againil  Popery  and  arbitrary  go 
vernment  :  And  yet  by  a  fatal  train  of  paffions 
and  interefls  he  made  way  for  the  former,  and  had 
aim  oil  eflabliihed  the  latter.  And,  whereas  fome 
by  a  irnooth  deportment  made  the  rlrft  beginnings 
of  tyranny  lefs  difcernible  and  unacceptable,  he 
by  the  fury  of  his  behaviour  heightned  the  fe veri 
ty  of  his  minifhy,  which  was  liker  the  cruelty  of 
an  inquifition  than  the  legality  of  juftice.  With 
all  this  he  was  a  Prefbyterian,  and  retained  his 
averfion  to  King  Charles  L  and  his  party  to  his 
death. 

Craw-  The  Earl  of  Crawford  had  been  his  fellow  pri- 

ford'scha-  foner  for  ten  years.     And  that  was  a  good  title  for 
maintaining  him  in  the  poft  he  had  before,  of  be 
ing  Lord  Treafurer.     He  was  a  iincere  but  weak 
man,  pafllonate  and  indifcreet,  and  continued  ftill 
Rothes's    a    zealous    Prefbyterian.     The  Earl,    afterwards 
character.  Duke  of  Rothes,  had  married  his  Daughter,  and 
had  the  merit  of  a  long  imprifonment  likewife  to 
recommend  him  :  He  had  a  ready  dexterity  in  the 
management  of  affairs,  with  a.foft  ancl  hifinu.ating 

gddrefs  ? 


of  King  CHARLES  it.  141 

addrefs  :  He  had  a  quick  apprehenfion  with  a  clear    1660. 
judgment :  He  had  no  advantage  of  education,  no 
fort  of  literature  :  Nor  had  he  travelled  abroad  : 
All  in  him  was  mere  nature. 

The  Earl  of  Tweedale  was  another  of  Lord 
Lauderdale's  friends.  He  was  early  engaged  in 
bufmefs,  and  continued  in  it  to  a  great  age.  He 
nnderftood  all  the  intereils  and  concerns  of  Scot 
land  well :  He  had  a  great  llock  of  knowledge, 
with  a  mild  and  obliging  temper.  He  was  of  a 
blamelefs,  or  rather  an  exemplary  life  in  all  ref- 
pects.  He  had  loofe  thoughts  both  of  civil  and 
ecclefiaflical  government;  and  feemed  to  think, 
that  what  form  foever  was  uppermoft  was  to  be 
complied  with.  He  had  been  in  Cromwell's  Par 
liament,  and  had  abjured  the  Royal  family,  which 
lay  heavy  on  him.  But  the  difputes  about  the 
guardianmip  of  the  Duchefs  of  Monmouth  and  her 
elder  fifter,  to  which  he  pretended  in  the  right  of 
his  wife,  who  was  their  father's  filler,  againft  her 
mother  who  was  Lord  Rothes's  fifter,  drew  him 
into  that  compliance  which  brought  a  great  cloud 
upon  him  :  Tho'  he  was  in  all  other  refpedls  the 
ableft  and  worthieft  man  of  the  nobility :  Only  he 
was  too  cautious  and  fearful. 

A  fon  of  the  Marquis  of  Douglas,  made  Earl  D.  Ha- 
of  Selkirk,  had  married  the  heirefs  of  the  family  of  milton'i 
Hamilton,  who  by  her  father's  patent  was  Duchefs  of  cii: 
Hamilton :  And  when  the  heirefs  of  a  title  in  Scot 
land  marries  one  not  equal  to  her  in  rank,  it  is  or 
dinary  at  her  defire  to  give  her  hufband  the  title 
for  life  :  So  he  was  made  Duke  of  Hamilton.  He 
then  pafs'd  for  a  foft  man,  who  minded  nothing 
but  the  recovery  of  that  family  from  the  great  debts 
under  which  it  was  finking,  till  it  was  raifed  up 
again  by  his  great  management.  After  he  had 
compared  that,  he  became  a  more  confiderable 
man.  He  wanted  all  fort  of  polifhing  :  He  was 
rough  and  fullen,  but  candid  and  fmcere.  His 
temper  was  boifterous,  neither  fit  to  fubmit  nor  to 
govern,  lie  was  mutinous  when  out  of  power, 

and 


142  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1660.  and  imperious  in  it.  He  wrote  well,  but  fpoke 
>— -v — '  ill :  For  his  judgment  when  calm,  was  better  than 
his  imagination.  He  made  himfelf  a  great  mafter 
in  the  knowledge  of  the  laws,  of  the  hiftory,  and 
of  the  families  of  Scotland  $  and  feemed  always  to 
have  a  regard  to  juftice,  and  the  good  of  his  coun 
try  :  But  a  narrow  and  felfifh  temper  brought  fuch 
an  habitual  meannefs  on  him,  that  he  was  not  ca 
pable  of  defigning  or  undertaking  great  things. 
Kincair-  Another  man  of  that  fide,  that  made  a  good 
din's  cha-  jftgwre  at  that  time,  was  Bruce,  afterwards  Earl  of 
rader.  Kincairdin,  who  had  married  a  daughter  of  Mr. 
Somelfdych  in  Holland  :  And  by  that  means  he 
had  got  acquaintance  with  our  Princes  beyond  fea, 
and  had  fupplied  them  liberally  in  their  neceffities. 
He  was  both  the  wifeil  and  the  worthieft  man  that 
belonged  to  his  country,  and  fit  for  governing 
any  affairs  but  his  own  •,  which  he  by  a  wrong  turn, 
and  by  his  love  for  the  publick,  negle&ed  to  his 
ruin  ;  for  they  confifling  much  in  works,  coals, 
fait,  and  mines,  required  much  care  ;  and  he  was 
very  capable  of  it,  having  gone  far  in  mathema- 
ticks,  and  being  a  great  mafter  of  mechanicks. 
His  thoughts  went  flow,  and  his  words  came  much 
flower:  But  a  deep  judgment  appeared  in  every 
thing  he  faid  •  or  did.  He  had  a  noble  zeal  for 
juftice,  in  which  even  friendfhip  could  never  biafs 
him.  He  had  folid  principles  of  religion  and 
virtue,  which  fhewed  themfelves  with  great  luftre 
oii  all  occafions.  He  was  a  faithful  friend,  and  a 
merciful  enemy.  I  may  be  perhaps  inclined  to 
carry  his  character  too  far ;  for  he  was  the  firfl 
man  that  entred  into  friendfhip  with  me.  We 
continued  for  feventeen  years  in  fo  entire  a  friend 
fhip,  that  there  was  never  either  referve  or  miftake 
between  us  all  the  while  till  his  death.  And  it 
was  from  him  that  I  underftood  the  whole  fecret 
of  affairs ;  for  he  was  trufted  with  every  thing. 
He  had  a  wonderful  love  to  the  King  *,  and  would 
never  believe  me,  when  I  warned  him,  what  he 

might 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II. 

might  look  for,  if  he  did  not  go  along  with  an 
abject  compliance  in  every  thing.  He  found  it 
true  in  conclufion.  And  the  love  he  bore  the 
King  made  his  difgrace  fink  deeper  in  him,  than 
became  fuch  a  philofopher,  or  fo  good  a  chritlian 
as  he  was. 

I  now  turn  to  another  fet  of  men,  of  whom  the 
Earls  of  Midletoun  and  Glencairn  were  the  chief. 
They  were  followed  by  the  herd  of  the  Cavalier  Thegene- 
,  party,  \vho  were  now  very  fierce  and  full  of  cou-  rai  cha- 
ras;e  over  their  cups,  tho'  they  had  been  very  dif-  rf&er°f 

r".        .     '    ,         r  7,  ,  3     .  .  J  r  the  old 

creet  managers  or  it  in  the  held,  and  m  time  or  Cavaliers. 
action.  But  now  every  one  of  them  boafted  that 
he  had  killed  his  thoufands.  And  all  were  full  of 
merit,  and  as  full  of  high  pretenfions  •,  far  beyond 
what  all  the  wealth  and  revenues  of  Scotland  could 
anfwer.  The  fubtileft  of  all  Lord  Midletoun's 
friends  was  Sir  Archibald  Primrofe :  A  man  of  prim- 
long  and  great  practice  in  affairs  ;  for  he  and  his  rofe'scha- 
father  had  ferved  the  Crown  fuccefiively  an  him- 
dred  years  all  but  one,  when  he  was  turned  out  of 
employment.  He  was  a  dextrous  man  in  bufi- 
nefs :  He  had  always  expedients  ready  at  every 
difficulty.  He  had  an  art  of  fpeaking  to  all  men 
according  to  their  fenfe  of  things :  And  fo  drew 
out  their  fecrets  while  he  concealed  his  own  :  For 
words  went  for  nothing  with  him.  He  faid  every 
thing  that  was  neceflary  to  perfuade  thofe  he  fpoke 
to,  that  he  was  of  their  mind  -3  and  did  it  in  fo 
genuine  a  way  that  he  feemed  to  fpeak  his  heart. 
He  was  always  for  foft  counfels,  and  {low  me 
thods  :  And  thought  that  the  chief  thing  that  a 
great  man  ought  to  do  was,  to  raife  his  family 
and  his  kindred,  who  naturally  flick  to  him  *,  for 
he  had  feen  fo  much  of  the  world,  that  he  did  not 
depend  much  on  friends,  and  fo  took  no  care  in 
making  any.  He  always  advifed  the  Earl  of  Mi 
dletoun  to  go  flowly  in  the  King's  bufinefs  ;  but 
to  do  his  own  effectually,  before  the  King  mould 
fee  he  had  no  farther  cccafion  for  him.  That  Earl 

had 


144  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reigrr 

1660.    had  another  friend,    who  had   more  credit  with 
* — * —  him,    tho*  Primrofe  was   more  necerlary  for  ma- 
Fletcher's  naging  a  Parliament :  He  was  Sir  John  Fletcher* 
character,  made  the  King's  Advocate  or  Attorney  General  i 
For  Nichollbn  was  dead.     Fletcher  was  a  man  of 
ft  generous  temper,  who  defpifed  wealth,   except 
as  it  was  necefTary  to  fupport  a  vaft  expence.     He 
was  a  bold  and  fierce  man,  who  hated  all   mild 
proceedings^  and  could  fcarce  fpeak  with  decency 
or  patience  to  thofe  of  the  other  fide.     So  that  he 
was  looked  on  by  all  that  had  been  faulty  in  the 
late  times>  as  an  Inquifitor  General.     On  the  other 
hand  Primrofe  took  money  liberally,  and  was  the 
intercefTor  for  all  who  made  fuch  effectual  appli 
cations  to  him. 

Advices  The  firft  thing  that  was  to  be  thought  on,  with 
Scotch  af  re^ation  to  3cotch  affairs,  was  the  manner  in  which 
fairs^  offenders  in  the  late  times  were  to  be  treated  :  For 
all  were  at  mercy.  In  the  letter  the  King  writ 
from  Breda  to  the  Parliament  of  England  he  had 
promifed  a  full  indemnity  for  all  that  was  pail, 
excepting  only  thofe  who  had  been  concerned  in 
his  father's  death  :  To  which  the  Earl  of  Claren 
don  perfuaded  the  King  to  adhere  in  a  moft  facred 
manner ;  fmce  the  breaking  of  faith  in  fuch  a 
point  was  that  which  mufb  for  ever  deftroy  confi 
dence,  and  the  obferving  all  fuch  promifes  feemed 
to  be  a  fundamental  maxim  in  government,  which 
was  to  be  maintained  in  fuch  a  manner,  that  not 
fo  much  as  a  ftretch  was  to  be  made  in  it.  But 
there  was  no  promife  made  for  Scotland  :  So  all 
the  Cavaliers,  as  they  were  full  of  revenge,  hoped 
to  have  the  eftates  of  thofe  who  had  been  concern  - 
For  a  crC-  e^  in  the  late  wars  divided  among  them.  The 
neral  in-  Earl  of  Lauderdale  told  the  King,  on  the  other 
.  hand,  that  the  Scotch  nation  had  turned  eminent 
ly,  tho'  unfortunately,  to  ferve  his  father  in  the 
year  forty  eight ;  that  they  had  brought  himfelf 
among  them,  and  had  loft  two  armies' in  his  fer- 
vice,  and  had  been  under  nine  years  oppreflion  on 

that 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

that  account ;  that  they  had  encouraged  and  affifl- 
ed  Monk  in  all  he  did :  They  might  be  therefore 
highly  difgufted,  if  they  fliould  not  have  the  fame 
meafure  of  grace  and  pardon  that  he  was   to  give 
England.     Befides,  the   King,    while  he   was  in 
Scotland,  had  in  the  Parliament  of  Stirling  pafs'ci 
a  very  full  act  of  indemnity,  thov  in  the  terms  and 
with  the  title  of  an  ad:  of  approbation.     It  is  true, 
the  records  of  that  Parliament   were   not  extant, 
but  had  been  loft  in  the  confufion  that  followed 
upon   the  reduction  of  that  Kingdom  :    Yet  the 
thing  was  fo  frefh  in  every  man's  memory,  that  it 
might  have  a  very  ill  effect,    if  the  King  fliould 
proceed  without  a  regard  to  it.     There  was  indeed 
another  very  fevere  act  made  in  that  Parliament 
againfb  all  that  mould  treat  orfubmit  to  Cromwell, 
or  comply  in  any  fort  with  him  :    But,   he  laid,  a 
difference  ought  to  be  made  between  thofe  who 
during  the  ftruggle  had   deferted  the  fervice  and 
gone  over  to  the   enemy,    of  which  number  it 
might  be  fit  to  make  forne  examples,  and  the  reft 
of  the  kingdom,  who  upon  the  general  reduction 
had  been  forced  to  capitulate  :  It  would  be  hard 
to  punifh  any  for  iubmitting  to  a  fuperior  force, 
when  they  were  in  no  condition  to  reiift  it.     This 
feemed  rcafonable :    And  the  Earl  of  Clarendon 
acquiefced  in  it.     But  the  Earl  ofMidletoun  and 
his  party  complained  of  it,    and  deiired  that  the 
Marquis  of  Argile,  whom  they  charged  with  an 
acceflion  to  the  King's  murder,  and  forne  few  of 
thofe  who  had  joined  in  the  remonftrance  while 
the  King  was  in  Scotland,   might  be  proceeded 
againft.     The  Marquis  of  Argile's    craft    made 
them  afraid  of  him  :  And  his  Efta.te  made    them 
defire  to  divide  it  among  them.     His  fon,    the 
Lord  Lorn,  was  come  up  to  Court,  and  was  well 
received  by  the    King :    For  he  had  adhered  fo 
firmly  to  the  King's  interefl,  that  he  would  never 
enter  into  any  engagements   with   the  Ufurpers  : 
And  upon  every  new  occafion  of  jealoufy  he  had 
VOL.  I.  L  been 


146  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1660.  been  clapt  up.     In  one  of  his  imprifonments  lie- 
*a*~V"N"''  had   a   terrible   accident   from    a   cannon  bullet, 
which  the  foldiers  were  throwing  to  exercife  their 
ilrength,  and  by  a  recoil  {truck  him  in  the  head, 
and  made  fuch  a  fracture  in  his  fkull,  that  the  ope 
ration  of  the  trepan,  and  the  cure,    was  counted 
one  of  the  greater!:  performances  of  forgery  at  that 
time.     The  difference  between  his  father  and  him 
went  on  to  a  total  breach ;  fo  that  his  father  was 
let  upon  the  difmheriting  him  of  all  that  was  Hill 
left  in  his  power.     Upon  the  Reftoration  the  Mar 
quis  of  Argile  went  up  to  the  Highlands  for  fome 
time,  till  he  advifed  with  his  friends  what  to  do, 
who  were  divided  in  opinion.     He  writ  by  his  fon 
to  the  King,  afking  leave  to   come  and  wait  on 
him.      The   King   gave   an   anfwer  that    feemed 
to  encourage  it,  but  did  not  bind  him  to  any  thing. 
I  have  forgot  the  words  :  There  was  an  equivo 
cating  in  them  that   did  not  become  a  Prince : 
But  his  fon  told  me,  he  wrote  them  very  particu 
larly  to  his  father,  without  any  advice  of  his  own. 
Upon  that  the  Marquis  of  Argile  came  up  fo  fe- 
cretly,  that  he  was  within  Whitehall,  before  his 
enemies  knew  any  thing  of  his  journey.     He  fent 
his  fon  to  the  King  to  beg  admittance.     But  in- 
^-e       itead  of  that  he  was  fent  to  the  Tower.     And  or 
ient  to  the  ders  were  lent  down  for  clapping  up  three  of  the 
.Tower,     chief  Remonftrators.      Of  thefe  Wariiloun    was 
one  :  But  he  had  notice  fent  him  before  the  mef- 
fengcr  came :  So  he   made  his  efcape,  and  went 
beyond  lea,   firil   to  Hamburgh.     He  had  been 
long  courted  by  Cromwell,  and  had  flood  at  a 
diftance  from  him  for  feven  years  :  But  in  the  1  aft 
year  of  his  government  he  had  gone  into  his  coun- 
lels,  and  was  fummoned  as  one  of  his  Peers  to  the 
Other  Houie,  as  it  was  called.     He  was  after  that 
put  into  the  Council  of  ilate  after  Richard  was 
put  out :  And  then  he  fat  in  another  court  put  up 
by  Lambert  and  the  Arsny,  called  the  Committee 
of  fafety.     So  there  was  a  great  deal  againfl  him. 

Swin,ton, 
- 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 
Swinton,  one  of  Cromwell's  Lords,  was  alfo  fent   1660, 
a  prifoner  to  Scotland.     And  thus  it  was  refoived 
to  make   a  few  examples   in  the  Parliament  that 
was  to  be  called,  as  foon  as  the  King  could  be 
got   to   prepare  matters  for   it.     It  was  refoived 
on,  to  reflore  the  King's  authority  to   the  fame 
flate  it  was  in  before  the  wars,  and  to  raife  fuch 
a  force  as  might  be  necefiary  to  fecure  the  quiet 
of  that  kingdom  for  the  future. 

It  was  a  harder  point,  what  to  do  with  the  cita- 
dels  that  were  built  by  Cromwell,  and   with  the  . 

Englifh  garrifons  that  were  kept  in  them.  Many  demolifh- 
faid,  it  was  necefTary  to  keep  that  kingdom  in  that  ed. 
fubdued  ftate ;  at  leaft  till  all  things  were  fettled, 
and  that  there  was  no  more  danger  from  thence. 
The  Earl  of  Clarendon  was  of  this  mind.  But 
the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  laid  before  the  King,  that 
the  conqueft  Cromwell  had  made  of  Scotland  was 
for  their  adhering  to  him  :  He  might  then  judge 
what  they  would  think,  who  had  fuffered  fo  much 
and  fo  long  on  his  account  ;  if  the  fame  thral- 
dome  mould  be  now  kept  up  by  his  means :  It 
would  create  an  univerfal  difguft.  He  told  the 
King,  that  the  time  might  come,  in  which  he 
would  wiih  rather  to  have  Scotch  garrifons  in 
England  :  It  would  become  a  nations!  quarrel, 
and  lofe  the  affectiqns  of  the  country  to  fuch  a 
degree,  that  perhaps  they  would  join  with  the  gar 
rifons,  if  any  disjointing  happened  in  England 
againil  him  :  Whereas,  without  any  fuch  badge 
of  Slavery,  Scotland  might  be  fo  managed,  that 
they  might  be  made  entirely  his.  The  Earl  of 
Midletoun  and  his  party  durft  not  appear  for  fo 
unpopular  a  thing.  So  it  was  agreed  on,  that 
the  citadels  mould  be  evacuated  and  flighted,  as 
foon  as  the  money  could  be  raifed  in  England  for 
paying  and  difbanding  the  Army,  Of  all  this 
the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  was  believed  the  chief  ad- 
vifer.  So  he  became  very  popular  in  Scotland. 

L  2  Tha 


t4#  The  H  i  STORY  of  the  Reign 

1660.  The  next  thing  that   fell  under  confideratioa 

<  —  v  —  >  was  the  Church,  and  whether  Bifhops  were  to  be 

Difputes  reftored,  or  not.     The  Earl  of  Lauderdale  at  his 


coming  to  tne  Kin§  ftuck  firm  to 
He  told  me,  the  King  ipoke  to  him  to  let  that  go, 

for  it  was  not  a  religion  for  gentlemen.  He  being 
really  a  Prefbyterian,  but  at  the  fame  time  re- 
iblving  to  get  into  the  King's  confidence,  fludied 
to  convince  the  King  by  a  very  fubtil  method  to 
keep  up  Prefbytery  ft  ill  in  Scotland.  He  told 
him,  that  both  King  James  and  his  father  had 
ruined  their  affairs  by  engaging  in  the  defign  of 
letting  up  Epifcopacy  in  that  Kingdom  :  And  by 
that  means  Scotland  became  difcontented,  and  was 
of  no  ufe  to  them  :  Whereas  the  King  ought  to 
govern  them  according  to  the  grain  of  their  own 
inclinations,  and  to  make  them  fure  to  him  :  He 
ought,  inftead  of  endeavouring  an  uniformity  in 
both  kingdoms,  to  keep  up  the  oppofition  be 
tween  them,  and  rather  to  encreafe  than  to  allay 
that  hatred  that  was  between  them  :  And  then 
the  Scots  would  be  ready,  and  might  be  eafily 
brought  to  ferve  him  upon  any  occafion  of  dif- 
pute  he  might  afterwards  have  with  the  Parlia 
ment  of  England  :  All  things  were  then  fmooth  : 
But  that  was  the  honey  moon,  and  it  could  not 
lali  long  :  Nothing  would  keep  England  more  in 
awe,  than  if  they  law  Scotland  firm  in  their  duty 
and  affection  to  him  :  Whereas  nothing  gave  them 
ib  much  heart,  as  when  they  knew  Scotland  was 
disjointed  :  It  was  a  vain  attempt  to  think  of 
doing  any  thing  in  England  by  means  of  the 
Irifh,  who  were  a  defpicable  people,  and  had  a 
iea  to  pafs  :  But  Scotland  could  be  brought  to  en 
gage  for  the  King  in  a  more  filent  manner,  and 
could  ferve  him  more  effectually  :  He  therefore 
laid  it  down  for  a  maxim,  from  which  the  King 
.ought  never  to  depart,  that  Scotland  was  to  be  kept 
quiet  and  in  good  humour,  that  the  oppofition  of 
..the  two  kingdoms  was  to  be  kept  up  and  heigh- 

ten'd  ; 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  IL  149 

ten'd  :  And  then  the  King  might  reckon  on  every    1660. 
man   capable  of  bearing  arms  in  Scotland,  as  a  <-^Y^-> 
lifted  foldier,  who  would  willingly  change  a  bad 
country  for  a  better.     This  was  the  plan  he  laid 
before  the  King.     I  cannot  tell,  whether  this  was 
to  cover  his  zeal  for  Prefbytery,    or  on  defign  to 
encourage  the  King  to  fet  up   arbitrary  govern 
ment  in  England. 

To  fortify  thefe  advices  he  wrote  a  long  letter 
in  white  ink  to  a  Daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Caffilis, 
Lady  Margaret  Kennedy,  who  was  in  great  cre 
dit  with  the  party,  and  was  looked  on  as  a  very 
wile  and  good  woman,  and  was  out  of  meafure 
zealous  for  them.  I  married  her  afterwards,  and 
after  her  death  found  this  letter  among  her  papers  : 
In  which  he  exprefled  great  zeal  for  the  caufe  : 
He  faw  the  King  was  indifferent  in  the  matter : 
But  he  was  eafy  to  thofe  who  preiTed  for  a  change  : 
Which,  he  faid,  nothing  could  fo  effectually  hin 
der,  as  the  fending  up  many  men  of  good  fenfe, 
but  without  any  noile,  who  might  inform  the 
King  of  the  averfion  the  nation  had  to  that  go 
vernment,  and  allure  him  that,  if  in  that  point 
he  would  be  eafy  to  them,  he  might  depend  upon 
them  as  to  every  thing  elfe  •,  and  particularly,  if 
he  flood  in  need  of  their  fervice  in  his  other  do 
minions  :  But  he  charged  her  to  truft  very  few  of 
the  Miniflers  with  this,  and  to  take  care  that 
Sharp  might  know  nothing  of  it :  For  he  was 
then  jealous  of  him.  This  had  all  the  effect  that 
the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  intended  by  it.  The 
King  was  no  more  jealous  of  his  favouring  Pref 
bytery  ;  but  looked  on  him  as  a  fit  inftrument  to 
manage  Scotland,  and  to  ferve  him  in  the  moft 
defperate  defigns :  And  on  this  all  his  credit  with 
the  King  was  founded.  In  the  mean  time  Sharp, 
feeing  the  King  cold  in  the  matter  of  Epifco- 
pacy,  thought  it  was  neceffary  to  lay  the  Prefby- 
terians  afleep,  to  make  them  apprehend  no  dan 
ger  to  their  government,  and  to  -engagq  the  Pub* 
L  3 


i  56  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1660,   lick  Refolutioners  to  proceed  againft  all  the  Pro- 
tefters ;  that  fo  thofe  who  were  like  to  be  the  moft 
inflexible    in  the  point  of  Epifcopacy   might  be 
cenfured  by  their  own  party,  .and  by  that  means 
the  others  might  become  fo  odious  to  the  more 
violent   Prefbyterians,    that    thereby   they  might 
be  the  more  eafily  difpofed  to  fubmit  to  Epifco 
pacy,  or  at   lead  might  have  lefs   credit   to  act 
againil   it.     So   he,  being  prefs'd  by   thofe  who 
employed  him    to  procure   fomewhat  from   the 
King  that  might  look  like  a  confirmation  of  their 
government,  and  put  to  filence   all  difcourfes  of 
an  intended  change,  obtained  by  the  Earl  of  Lau- 
<derdale's  means,  that  a  letter  Ihpuld  be   writ  by 
the  King  to  the  Prefbytery  of  Edinburgh,  to  be 
communicated   by  them  to  all  the  other  Prefby- 
teries  in  Scotland,  in  which  he  confirmed  the  Ge 
neral  AfTemblies   that   fate   at   St.    Andrews  and 
Dundee  while  he  was   in  Scotland,  and  that  had 
confirmed   the   publick  relolutions ;  in  which  he 
ordered  them    to  proceed  to  cenfure  all  thofe  who 
had  then  protefled  againft  them,  and  would  not 
now  fubmit  to  them.     The  King  did  alfo  confirm 
the   Prefbyterian  government,  as   it   was  by  law 
eflabliilied.      This   was   figned,    and   fent   down 
without  communicating  it  to  the  Earl  of  Midle- 
toun  or  his  party.     But  as  foon  as  he  heard  of  it, 
-he  thought  Sharp  had  betrayed  the  defign  \  and 
fent   for  khirn,  and  charged   him  with  it.     Sharp 
faid,  in  his  own  excufe,  that  fomewhat  muil  be 
clone  for  quieting  the  Prefbyterians,  who  were  be 
ginning  to  take  the  alarm  ;  That  might  have  pro 
duced  fuch  applications,  as  would  perhaps  make 
fome  impreflion  on  the  King  :  Whereas  now  all 
was  fecured,  and  yet  the  King  was  engaged  to  no 
thing -,  for  his  confirming  their  government,  as  it 
was  eftablifhed  by  lav/,  could  bind  him  no  longer 
.than  while  that  legal  eftablifhroent  was   in  force: 
So  the  reverfing  of  that  would  releafe  the  King. 
This  allayed  the  Earl  of  Midletoun's  difpleafure  a 

little, 


of  King  C  H  A  R  i.  E  s  IT.  151 

little.  Yet  Primrofe  told  me,  he  fpoke  often  of  1660. 
it  with  great  indignation,  fmce  it  leemed  below  ^Y-^ 
the  dignity  of  a  King  thus  to  equivocate  with  his ' 
people,  and  to  deceive  them.  It  feemecl,  that 
Sharp  thought  it  not  enough  to  cheat  the  party 
himfelf,  but  would  have  the  King  fhare  with  him 
in  the  fraud.  This  was  no  honourable  Hep  to  be 
made  by  a  King,  and  to  be  contrived  by  a  Cler 
gyman.  The  letter  was  received  with  tranfports 
of  joy  :  The  Prefbyterians  reckoned  they  were 
fhfe,  and  began  to  proceed  feverely  againft  the 
Proteftors ;  to  which  they  were  fet  on  by  fome  af~ 
piring  men,  who  hoped  to  merit  by  the  heat  ex- 
prefTed  on  this  occafion.  And  if  Sharp's  impa 
tience  to  get  into  the  Archbifhoprick  of  St.  An 
drews  had  not  wrought  too  flrong  on  him,  it  would 
have  given  a  great  advantage  to  the  reftitution  of 
Epifcopacy,  if  a  General  Affembly  had  been  called, 
and  the  two  parties  had  been  let  loofe  on  one  ano 
ther  :  That  would  have  Ihewn  the  impolTibility  of 
maintaining  the  government  of  the  Church  in  a 
party,  and  the  neceflity  of  fetting  a  fuperiour  or 
der  over  them  for  keeping  them  in  unity  and 
peace. 

The  King  fettled  the  Miniftry  in  Scotland.  The  A  Mini- 
Earl  of  Midletoun  was  declared  the  King's  Com-  ftr>'  fettled 
miffioner  for  holding  the  Parliament,  and  Gene- 

•  ral  of  the  forces  that  were  to  be  raifed  :  The  Earl 
of  Glencairn  was   made   Chancellour  :  The  Earl 
of  Lauderdale  was  Secretary  of  State  :  The  Earl 
of  Rothes   Prefident   of  the  Council  :  The  Earl 
of  Crawford    was    continued    in    the  Treafury : 
Primrofe  was  Clerk  Regifler,  which  is  very  like 
phe  place  of  Mailer  of  the  Rolls  in  England.    The 
reft  depended  on  thefe.     But  the  Earls  of  Midle 
toun  and  Lauderdale  were  the  two  heads  of  the 
parties.     The   Earl   of  Midletoun  had  a  private 
inftrudion,  which,  as   Lauderdale  told  me,    was 

•  not  communicated  to  him,  to  try  the  inclinations 
pf  the  Nation  for  Epifcopacy,  and  to  confider  of 

L  4  &e 


'l$i  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1660.  the  beft  method  of  fetting  it  up.  This  was  drawn 
>**v»^  from  the  King  by  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  :  For  he 
himfelf  was  obferved  to  be  very  cold  in  it,  while 
thefe  things  were  doing.  Primrofe  got  an  order 
from  the  King  to  put  up  all  the  publick  regiiters 
of  Scotland,  which  Cromwell  had  brought  up, 
and  lodged  in  the  Tower  of  London,  as  a  pawn 
upon  that  Kingdom,  in  imitation  of  what  King 
Edward  the  firit  was  faid  to  have  done  when  he 
fubdued  that  Nation.  They  were  now  put  up  in 
fifty  hogfhcads :  And  a  fhip  was  ready  to  carry 
them  down.  But  it  was  fyggefted  to  Lord  Cla 
rendon,  that  the  original  Covenant,  figned  by  the 
King,  and  fome  other  declarations  under  his  hand, 
were  among  them.  And  he,  apprehending  that 
at  fome  time  or  other  an  ill  ufe  might  have  been 
made  of  thefe,  would  not  fuffer  them  to  be  fhip- 
ped  till  they  were  vifited  :  Nor  would  he  take 
Primrofe's  promife  of  fearching  for  thefe  carefully, 
and  fending  them  up  to  him.  So  he  ordered  a 
fearch  to  be  made.  None  of  the  papers  he  looked 
for  were  found.  But  fo  much  time  was  loft,  that 
the  fummer  was  fpent :  So  they  were  fent  down 
in  winter  :  And  by  fome  eafterly  gufls  the  fhip 
was  caft  away  near  Berwick.  So  we  loft  all  our 
records.  And  we  have  nothing  now  but  fome 
fragments  in  private  hands  to  rely  on,  having 
made  at  that  time  fo  great  a  fhipwreck  of  all  our 
authentick  writings.  This  heightened  the  difplea- 
fure  the  Nation  had  at  the  defigns  then  on  foot. 
^  c<  The  main  thing,  upon  which  all  other  matters 

cd  mTtVt  depended,  was  the  method  in  which  the  affairs  of 
C^  rr  for  Scotland  were  to  be  conducted.     The  Earl  of  Cla- 
Scotc'iaf-  rendon  moved,  that  there  might  be  a  Council  fet- 
tair5-      '  tied  to  fit  regularly  at  Whitehall  on  Scotch  affairs, 
to  which  every  one  of  the  Scotch  Privy  Counqil 
that  happened  to  be   on  the  place  fhould  be  ad 
mitted  :    But   with  this   addition,   that,    as   two 
Scotch  Lords  were  called  to  the  Englifh  Council, 
fo  fix  of  the  Englifh  were  to  be  of  the  Scotch 

Council* 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

Council.  The  effect  of  this  would  have  been, 
that  whereas  the  Scotch  Counfellours  had  no  great 
force  in  Englifli  affairs,  the  Englifh,  as  they  were 
men  of  great  credit  with  the  King,  and  were  al 
ways  on  the  place,  would  have  the  government  of 
the  affairs  of  Scotland  wholly  in  their  hands.  This 
probably  would  have  faved  that  Nation  from  much 
injuilice  and  violence,  when  there  was  a  cer&ain 
method  of  lay  ing  their  grievances  before  the  King: 
Complaints  would  have  been  heard,  and  matters 
well  examined  :  Englifhmen  would  not,  and  durfl 
not,  have  given  way  to  crying  opprefiion,  and  il 
legal  proceedings  :  For  tho*  thefe  matters  did  not 
fall  under  the  cognifance  of  an  Englifh  Parlia 
ment,  yet  it  would  have  very  much  blailed  a 
man's  credit,  who  mould  have  concurred  in  fuch 
methods  of  government  as  were  put  in  practice 
afterwards  in  that  Kingdom  :  Therefore  all  people 
quickly  faw  how  wife  a  project  this  was,  and  how 
happy  it  would  have  proved,  if  affairs  had  ftili 
gone  in  that  channel.  But  the  Earl  of  Lauder- 
dale  oppofed  this  with  all  his  ftrength.  He  told 
the  King,  it  would  quite  deilroy  the  fcheme 
he  had  laid  before  him,  which  muft  be  managed 
fecretly,  and  by  men  that  were  not  in  fear  of  the 
Parliament  of  England,  nor  obnoxious  to  it.  He 
faid  to  all  Scotchmen,  this  would  make  Scotland 
a  province  to  England,  and  fubjed  it  to  Englifh 
Counfellours,  who  knew  neither  the  laws  nor  the 
interefts  of  Scotland,  and  yet  would  determine 
every  thing  relating  to  it:  And  all  the  wealth  of 
Scotland  would  be  employed  to  bribe  them,  who, 
having  no  concern  of  their  own  in  the  affairs  of 
that  Kingdom,  muft  be  fuppofed  capable  of  be 
ing  fwayed  by  private  confiderations.  To  the 
Prefbyterians  he  faid,  this  would  infallibly  bring 
in,  not  only  Epifcopacy,  but  every  thing  elfe  from 
the  Englifh  pattern.  Men  wh°  had  neither^kin- 
dred  nor  eftates  in  Scotland  would  -be-  piaffed 
chiefly  by  that  which  was  moft  in  vogue  in  Eng- 

v    »       •   sA-     » •  •  -  •      '       ".****•  4    ••          ,  '         '  ^"^  '          *          i  i 

land, 


1 54  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1660.    land,  without  any  regard   to  the   inclinations  of 
o*v^>  the  Scots.     Thefe  things  made  great  impreflions 
on    the  Scotch  Nation.     The    King  himfelf  did 
not  much  like  it.     But  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  told 
him,  Scotland,  by  a  fecret  and   ill  management, 
had  begun  the  embroilment  in  his  father's  affairs, 
which  Could  never  have  happened,  if  the  affairs 
of  that  Kingdom  had  been  under  a  more  equal  in- 
fpe6lion  :  If  Scotland  mould  again  fall   into  new 
diforders,  he  muft  have  the  help  of  England  to 
quiet  them :  And  that   could  not  be  expected,  if 
the  Englilh  had  no  mare  in  the  conduct  of  mat 
ters  there.     The  King  yielded  to  it :  And  this  me 
thod  was  followed  for  two  or  three  years  ;  but  was 
afterwards  broke  by  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale,  when 
he  got   into   the   chief  management.     He  began 
early  to  obferve  fome  uneafmefs  in  the  King  at  the 
Earl  of  Clarendon's  pofitive  way.     He  faw  the 
miftrefs  hated  him  :  And  he  believed    fhe  would 
in  time  be  too  hard  for  him  :  Therefore  he  made 
great  applications  to  her.     But  his  converfation 
was  too  coarfe  :  And  he  had  not  money  enough 
to  fupport  himfelf  by  prefents  to  her  :  So  he  could 
not  be  admitted  into  that  cabal  which  was  held  in 
her  lodgings.     He  faw,  that  in  a  Council,  where 
men  of  weight,  who  had  much  at  ftake  in  Eng 
land,  bore  the  chief  fway,  he  durft  not  have  pro- 
pofed  thofe  things,  by  which  he  intended  to  efta- 
blifh  his  own  intereft  with  the  King,  and  to  go 
vern  that  Kingdom  which  way  his  pride  or  paffion 
might  guide  him.     Among  others,  he  took  great 
/pains  to  perfuade  me  of  the' great  fervice  he  had 
done  his  country  by  breaking  that  method  of  go- 
"  verning  it  •,  tho'  we  had  many  occafions  afterwards 
to  fee  how  fatal  that  proved,  and  how  wicked  his 
'  defign  in  it  was. 

TheCom-  I  have  thus  opened  with  fome  copioufnefs  the 
nmteeof  'beginnings  of  tjiis  reign  -,  fince,  as  they  are  little 
meettn  known>  anc^  *  nac^  them  from  the  chief  of  both 
Scc;'.md.  "Fides,  fo  they  may  guide  the  reader  to  obferve  the 

i  progrefs 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  155 

progrefs   of  things  better   in  the   fequel  than  he    1660. 
could  otherwife  do.     In  Auguft  the  Earl  of  Glen-  ^v-~» 
cairn   was  fent  down  to  Scotland,  and  had  orders 
to  call  together  the  Committee  of  Eftates.     This 
was  a  practice  begun  in  the  late  times  :  When  the 
Parliament  made  a  recefs,  they  appointed  fome  of 
every  State  to  fit,  and  to  act  as  a  Council  of  State 
in  their  name  till  the  next  feflion  -,  for  which  they 
were  to  prepare  matters,  and  to  which  they  gave 
an  account  of  their  proceedings.     When  the  Par 
liament    of  Stirling  was  adjourned,  the  King  be 
ing  prefent,  a  Committee  had  been  named  :  So, 
fuch  of  thefe  as  were  yet  alive  were  fummoned  to 
meet,  and  to  fee  to  the  quiet  of  the  Nation,  till 
the  Parliament  mould  be  brought  together  -,  which 
did   not   meet  before   January.     On   the  day  in 
which  the  Committee  met,  ten  or  twelve  of  the 
Protefting  Minifters  met  likewife  at  Edinburgh  ; 
and  had  before  them  a  warm  paper  prepared  by 
one  Guthery,  one  of  the  violenteft  Minifters  of  the 
whole  party.     In  it,  after  fome  cold  compliment 
to  the  King  upon  his  Reftoration,  they    put  him 
in  mind  of  the  Covenant  which  he  had  fo  folemn- 
ly  fworn    while   among   them :    They  lamented 
that,  inilead  of  purfuing  the  ends  of  it  in  Eng 
land,  as  he  had  fworn  to  do,   he  had  fet  up  the 
Common  Prayer  in  his  Chappel,  and  the  order  of 
Biihops  :  Upon  which   they  made  terrible  denun 
ciations  of  heavy  judgments  from  God  on  him,  if 
he  did  not  ftand   to  the   Covenant,   which   they 
called  the  oath  of  God.     The  Earl  of  Glencairn 
had   notice   of   this  meeting :  And   he  fent  and 
feized    on    them,    together    with     this    remon- 
ftrance.     The    paper  was   voted   fcandalous   and 
feditious  :  And  the  Minifters  were  all  clapt  up  in 
prifon,  and  were  threaten'd   with  great  feverities. 
Guthery  was  kept  ftill  in  prifon,  who  had  brought 
the  others  together :  But  the   reft  after  a  while's 
imprifonment  were  let  go.     Guthery,  being  Mini- 
iler  of  Stirling  while  the  King  was  there,  had  let 

fly 


i$6  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1660.   fly  at  him  in  his  Sermons  in  a  molt  indecent  man- 
*-*-v*o  ner  •,   which   at   lail  became   fo   intolerable,  that 
he  was  cited  to  appear  before  the  King  to  anfw.er 
for  fome  paiTages  in  his  fermons  :  He  would  not 
appear,  but  declined  the  King  and   his  Council, 
who,  he  faid,  were  not  proper  judges  of  matters 
of  doctrine,  for  which  he  was  only  accountable  to 
the  judicatories  of  the  Kirk.     He  alfo  protefted 
for  remedy  of  law  againfb  the  King,  for  thus  di- 
fturbing  him  in  the  exercife  of  his  Miniftry.  This 
perfonal  affront  had  irritated  the  King  more  againfl 
him,  than  againft  any  other  of  the  party.     And 
it  was  refolved  to  flrike  a  terrour  into  them  all, 
by  making  an  example  of  him.     He  was  a  man 
of  courage,  and  went  thro'  all  his  trouble  with 
great  firmnefs.     But  this  way  of  proceeding  (truck 
the  whole  party   with  fuch  a  confirmation,  that 
It  had  all  the  effect  which  was  dcfigned  by  it :  For 
whereas  the  pulpits  had,  to  the  great  fcandal  of 
religion,  been  places  where  the  preachers  had  for 
many  years  vented  their  fpleen  and  arraigned  all 
proceedings,  they  became  now  more  decent,   and 
there  was  a  general  filence  every   where  with  rela 
tion  to  the  affairs  of  ftate :  Only  they  could  not 
hold  from  many  fly  and   fecret  infinuations,  as  if 
the  Ark  of  God  was  fhaking,  and  the  Glory  de 
parting.     A  great  many  offenders  were  fummon- 
ed,  at  the  King's   fuit,  before  the  Committee  of 
Eflates,  and  required  to  give  bail,  that  they  Ihould 
appear  at  the  opening  of  the  Parliament,  and  an- 
iwer  to  what  fhould  be  then  obje&ed  to  them. 
Many  faw,  the  defign  of  this  was  to  fright  them 
into  a  compofition,  and  alib  into  a  concurrence 
with  the  meafures  that  were  to  be  taken.     For  the 
•greater  part  they  complied,  and  redeemed  them- 
,  .felves  from   farther  vexation  by   fuch  prefents  as 
they  were  able  to  make.     And  in  thefe  tranfac- 
;  tions  Primrofe  and  Fletcher  were  the  great  dealers. 
In  the  end  of  the  year  the  Earl  of  Midletoun 


incut  in 


Scotland,  came  down  with  great  magnificence  ;  His  way  of 
v::  living 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  157 

living  was  the  moil  fplendid  the  nation  had  ever  1660. 
ieen  :  But  it  was  likewife  the  moil  fcandalous  ;  for  «^v*-» 
vices  of  all  forts  were  the  open  practices  of  thofe 
about  him.  Drinking  was  the  moil  notorious  of 
all,  which  was  often  continued  thro'  the  whole 
night  to  the  next  morning  :  And  many  diforders 
happening  after  thofe  irregular  heats,  the  people, 
who  had  never  before  that  time  feen  any  thing 
like  it,  came  to  look  with  an  ill  eye  on  every 
thing  that  was  done  by  fuch  a  let  of  lewd  and  vi- 
tious  men.  This  laid  in  all  men's  minds  a  new 
prejudice  againft  Epifcopacy :  For  they,  who 
could  not  examine  into  the  nature  of  things,  were 
apt  to  take  an  ill  opinion  of  every  change  in  re 
ligion  that  was  brought  about  by  fuch  bad  inilru- 
ments.  There  had  been  a  face  of  gravity  and 
piety  in  the  former  adminiilration,  which  made 
the  libertinage  of  the  prefent  time  more  odious. 

The  Earl  of  Midletoun  opened  the  Parliament  1661. 
on  the  firil  of  January  with  a  fpeech  fetting  forth  v-^y-^ 
the  bleiling  of  the  Reiloration  :  He  magnified 
the  King's  perfon,  and  enlarged  on  the  affeclion 
that  he  bore  to  that  his  ancient  Kingdom  :  He 
hoped  they  would  make  fuitable  returns  of  zeal 
for  the  King's  fervice,  that  they  would  condemn 
all  the  invaiions  that  had  been  made  on  the  Regal 
authority,  and  affert  the  juil  prerogative  of  the 
Crown,  and  give  fupplies  for  keeping  up  fuch  a 
force  as  was  neceiTary  to  fecure  the  publick  peace, 
and  to  preferve  them  from  the  return  of  fuch  ca 
lamities  as  they  had  fo  long  felt.  The  Parliament 
writ  an  anfwer  to  the  King's  letter  full  of  duty 
and  thanks.  The  firft  thing  propofed  was  to 
name  Lords  of  the  Articles.  In  order  to  the  ap 
prehending  the  importance  of  this,  I  will  give 
ibme  account  of  the  conftitution  of  that  Kingdom. 

The  Parliament  was  anciently  the  King's  Court,  The 
where   all   who  held  land   of  him  were  bound  to  L.rdsof 
appear-     All  fate  in   one  houfe,  but  were  con-  tlle  Am~ 

*  *  f*   i  3   CiCS. 

hae  red 


158  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1661.  fidered  as  three  eftates.  The  firft  was  the  Church, 
reprefented  by  the  Bilhops,  and  mitred  Abbots, 
and  Priors.  The  fecond  was  the  Baronage,  the 
Nobility  and  Gentry  who  held  their  Baronies  of 
the  King.  And  the  third  was  the  Burroughs, 
who  held  of  the  King  by  Barony,  tho'  in  a  com- 
;inunity.  So  that  the  Parliament  was  truly  the 
Baronage  of  the  Kingdom.  The  lefier  Barons 
grew  weary  of  this  attendance  :  So  in  King  James 
the  firft's  time  (during  the  reign  of  Henry  IV.  of 
England)  they  were  excufed  from  it,  and  were 
impowered  to  fend  proxies,  to  an  indefinite  num 
ber,,  to  reprefent  them  in  Parliament.  Yet  they 
neglecled  to  do  this.  And  it  continued  fo  till 
King  James  the  fixth's  time,  in  which  the  mitred 
Abbots  being  taken  away,  and  few  of  the  titular 
Bifhops  that  were  then  continued  appearing  at 
them,  the  Church  Lands  being  generally  in  Lay 
hands,  the  Nobility  carried  matters  in  Parliament 
as  they  pleafed  :  And  as  they  opprefifed  the  Bur 
roughs,  fo  they  had  the  King  much  under  them. 
Upon  this  the  lower  Barons  got  themfelves  to  be 
reftored  to  the  right  which-  they  had  neglected 
near  two  hundred  years.  They  were  allowed  by 
act  of  Parliament  to  fend  two  from  a  county  : 
Only  fome  fmaller  counties  fent  but  one.  This 
brought  that  conftitution  to  a  truer  balance.  The 
lower  Barons  have  a  right  to  choofe  at  their  coun 
ty  Courts  after  Michaelmas  their'  Com miffioner^ 
to  ferve  in  any  Parliament  that  may  be  called 
within  that  year.  And  they  who  chufe  them  fign 
a  commillion  to  him  who  reprefents  them.  So 
the  Sheriff  has  no  in  are  of  the  return.  And  in  the 
cafe  of  controverted  elections  the  Parliament  ex~ 
-amines  the  comrniilions,  to  fee  who  has  thegreatefl 
number,  and  judges  whether  every  one  that  iigns  it 
had  a  right  to  do  fo.  The  Burroughs  only  choofe 
their  members  when  the  iummons  goes  out :  And 
all  are  chofen  by  the  men  pt  the  corporation,  or, 
as  they  call  them,  the  town  council.  All  thefe 

Eftates 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

Eftates  fit  in  one  houfe,  and  vote  together.     An-   1661 
ciently  the  Parliament  fate  only  two  days,  the  firil 
and  the  laft.     On  the  firft   they  chofe  thofe  who 
were  to  fit  on  the  articles,  eight  for  every  flate, 
to  whom  the  King  joined  eight  officers  of  ftate. 
Thefe  received  all  the  heads  of  grievances  or  ar 
ticles  that   were    brought   to   them,  and   formed 
them  into  bills  as  they  pleafed  :  And  on  the  laft 
day  of  the   Parliament,  thefe   were  all  read,  and 
were  approved  or  rejected  by  the  whole  body.     So 
they  were  a  committee  that  had  a  very  extraordi 
nary   authority,  fince  nothing  could  be  brought 
before  the  Parliament  but  as  they  pleafed.     This 
was  pretended  to  be  done  only  for  the  Ihortening 
and  difpatching  of  Seffions.     The  Crown  was  not 
contented  with  this  limitation,  but  got  it   to  be 
carried   farther.     The  Nobility  came   to   choofe 
eight   Bifhops,  and  the  Bifhops  to  choofe   eight 
noble  men  :    And  thefe  fixteen  choofe  the  eight 
Barons,  (fo  the  reprefentative   for  the  Shires  are 
called,)  and  the  eight  BurgefTes.     By  this  means 
our  Kings   did   upon   the  matter  choofe   all  the 
Lords  of  the  articles.     So  entirely  had  they  got 
the  liberties  of  that  Parliament  into  their  hands. 

During  the  late  troubles  they  had  ftill  kept  up 

a   diftinclion   of  three  eftates,    the  leiTer  Barons 

making  one :  And  then  every  Eftate  might  meet 

apart,  and   name  their  own  committee  :  But  ftili 

all  things  were  brought  in,  and  debated   in  full 

Parliament.     So  now  the  firil  thing  propofed  was, 

the  returning  to  the  old  cuftom  of  naming  Lords 

of  the  articles.     The  Earl  of  Tweedale  oppofed 

it,  but  was  feconded  only  by  one  perfon.     So  it 

pafs'd  with  that  fmall  oppofition.     Only,  to  make 

it  go  eafier,  it  was  promifed,  that  there  mould  be 

frequent  fefilons  of  Parliament,  and  that  the  ads 

fhould  not  be  brought  in  in  a  hurry,  and  carried 

with  the  hafte  that  had  been  pradtifed  in  former 

times. 

The 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

The  Parliament  granted  the  King  an  additional 
revenue   for  life  of  40000!.  a  year,  to  be  raifed 
The  Acts  by  an  excife  on    beer  and  ale,  for  maintaining  a 

Pia-flr  irm   fmall  force  :  Upon  which  two  troops  and  a  regi- 
thisfefficn.  e  c  ,  t_          -r  j        T-I 

ment  or  root  guards  were  to  be  railed.  They 
ordered  the  Marquis  of  Montrofe's  quarters  to 
be  brought  together  :  And  they  were  buried  with 
great  flate.  They  fell  next  upon  the  acts  of  the  for 
mer  times  that  had  limited  the  Prerogative  :  They 
repealed  them,  and  afTerted  it  with  a  full  extent  in 
a  moft  extraordinary  manner.  Primrofe  had  the 
drawing  of  thefe  acts.  He  often  confeiTed  to  me, 
that  he  thought  he  was  as  one  bewitched  while  he 
drew  them :  For,  not  confidering  the  ill  ufe 
might  be  made  of  them  afterwards,  he  drew  them 
with  preambles  full  of  extravagant  rhetorick, 
reflecting  feverely  on  the  proceedings  of  .the  late 
times,  and  fwelled  them  up  with  the  higheft  phra- 
fes  and  fulleft  claufes  that  he  could  invent.  In 
the  act  which  afierted  the  King's  power  of  the 
militia,  the  power  of  arming  and  levying  the 
fubjects  was  carried  fo  far,  that  it  would  have 
ruined  the  Kingdom,  if  Gilmore,  (an  eminent 
Lawyer,  and  a  man  of  great  integrity,  who  had 
now  the  more  credit,  for  he  had  always  favoured 
the  King's  fide,)  had  not  obferved  that,  as  the  act 
was  worded,  the  King  might  require  all  the  fub 
jects  to  ferve  at  their  own  charge,  and  might 
oblige  them,  in  order  to  the  redeeming  themfelves 
from  ierving,  to  pay  whatever  might  be  fet  on 
them.  So  he  made  fuch  an  oppofition  to  this, 
that  it  could  not  pafs  till  a  provifo  was  added  to 
it,  that  the  Kingdom  mould  not  be  obliged  to 
maintain  any  force  levied  by  the  King,  otherwife 
than  as  it  fliould  be  agreed  to  in  Parliament,  or  in 
a  Convention  of  Eilates.  This  was  the  only  thing 
that  was  then  looked  to  :  For  all  the  other  acts 
pafs'd  in  the  articles  as  Primrofe  had  penn'd  them. 
They  were  brought  into  Parliament :  And  upon 

one 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  x6"t 

one  hafty  reading  them  they  were  put  to  the  vote*    1661. 
and  were  always  carried.  «^*v-w, 

One  acl;  troubled  the  Prefbytenans  extreamly. 
In  the  act  afferting  the  King's  power  in  treaties  of 
peace  and  war,  all  leagues  with  any  other  Nation, 
not  made  by  the  King's  authority,  were  declared 
treafonabte  :  And  in  confequence  of  this  the  League 
and   Covenant   nlade  with  England   in   the  year 
1643  was  condemned,  and  declared  of  no  force 
for  the  future.     This  was  the  idol  of  all  the  Pref 
byterians  :  So  they  were  much  alarmed  at  it.     But 
Sharp  re  (trained  all  thofe  with  whom  he  had  cre 
dit  :  He  told  them,  the  only  way  to  preferve  their 
fDvernment  was,    to  let    all   that   related  to  the 
ing's  authority  be  ieparated  from,  it,  and  be  con 
demned,  that  ib  they  might  be  no  more  accufed  as 
fenemies  to  monarchy,  or  as  leavened  with  the  prin 
ciples  of  rebellion.     He  told  them,  they  muft  be 
contented  to  let  that  pafs,  that  the  jealoufy  which 
the  King  had  of  them*  as  .enemies  to  his  prero 
gative*  might  be  extinguished  in  the  mbft  effectual 
manner.     This  re  drained  many.     But  forne  hotter 
zealots  could  not  be  governed.     One  Macquair,  a 
hot   man    and    confiderably   learned,  did    in   his 
church  at  Glafgow  openly   proieil  againft  this  act, 
as  contrary  to  the  oath    of  God,  and  fo  void   of 
itfelf.     To  proteft   againft   an   act  of  Parliament 
was  treafon  by  their  lav/.     And  Midletoun  was  re- 
folved  to  make   an   example  of  him  for  terrifying 
others.     But  Macquair  was   as  (tiff  as  he  was  fe- 
Vere*  and  would  corne  to  no  fubmiiTion.     Yet  he 
was   only    condemned   to    perpetual   banifhment. 
Upon  which  he,  and  forne  others  who  were  after 
wards  baniihed,  went  and    fettled  at  Rotterdam, 
where  they   formed  themfelves  into  a  Prefbytery> 
and  writ  many  feditious  books,  and  kept  a  corref- 
pondence  over  all  Scotland,  that  being  the  chief 
feat  of  the  Scotch   trade :  And    by   that   mean^ 
they  did  much  more  mifchief  to  the  government, 
VQL,  I,  M  thaa 


The  H  i  s  T  o  R  y  of  the  Reign 

r66r.   than  they- could  have  done  had  they  continued  flill 
o*v^  in  Scotland. 

An  aft  re-      The  Lords  of  the  articles  grew  weary  of  pre- 
^:mpin£    paring  fo  many  acts  as  the  practices  of  the  former 
merits'  ' l"  ^mes  gave  occafion  for ;  but  did  not  know  how  to 
held  fince  meddle  with  thofe  acts  that  the  late  King  had 
the  year    pafied  in  the   year  41,    or  the  prefent  King  had 
l633-       nailed  while  he  was  in  Scotland.     They  faw,  that, 
if  they  Ihould  proceed  to   repeal  thole   by  which 
Prefbyterian  government  was  ratified,  that  would 
raife   much  oppofition,  and  bring  petitions  from 
all  that  were  for  that  government  over  the  whole 
Kingdom  ^    which  Midletoun   and  Sharp  endea 
voured  to  prevent,  that  the  King  might  be  confirm 
ed  in  what  they  had  affirmed,  that  the  general  bent 
of  the  Nation  was  now  turned  againftPrefbyteryand 
for  Biihops.     So  Primrofe  propofed,  but  half  in  jeft 
as  he  afTured  me,  that  the  better  and  fhorter  way 
would  be  to   pals  a   general   act  refciffbry,  (as  it 
was  called,)  annulling  all  the  Parliaments  that  had 
been  held  fince  the  year    1633,  during  the  whole 
time  of  the  war,  as  faulty  and   detective  in  their 
conftitution.     But  it  was  not  fo  eafy  to  know  up 
on  what  point  that  defect  was  to  be  fixed.     The 
only  colourable  pretence  in  law  was,  that,  fmce 
the  ecclefiaftical  ftate  was  not   reprefented  in  thole 
Parliaments,  they  were  not  a  full  representative  of 
the  Kingdom,  and  fo  not  true  Parliaments.     But 
this  could  not  be  alledged  by  this  prefent  Parlia 
ment,  which  had  no  Bifhops  in  it :  If  that  inferred 
Vnuliity,  this  was  no  Parliament.     Therefore  they 
could  only  fix  the  nullity  upon  the  pretence  of 
Force  and  violence.     Yet  it  was  a  great  {train   to 
infill  on  that,  fince  it  was  vifible  that  neither  the 
late  King  nor  the  prefent  were  under   any  force 
.when  they  pafled  them  :  They  came  of  their  own 
accord,  and  pafs'd  thofe  acts.     If  it   was  infifte'd 
on,  that  the  ill  ftate  of  their  affairs  was  in  the  na 
ture  of  a  force,  the  ill  confequences  of  this  were 
vifible  5  fince  no  Prince  by  this  means  could  be 

bound 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  163 

bound  to  any  treaty,  or  be  concluded  by  any  law  1661. 
that  limited  his  power,  thefe  being  always  drawn 
from  them  by  the  neceflity  of  their  affairs,  which 
can  never  be  called  a  force,  as  long  as  their  per- 
ions  are  free.  So,  upon  fome  debate  about  it  oh 
thofe  grounds,  at  a  private  juncta  the  proportion, 
tho'  well  liked,  was  let  fall,  as  not  capable  to  have 
good  colours  put  upon  it :  Nor  had  the  Earl  of 
Midletoun  any  inftruction  to  warrant  his  palling 
any  fuch  act.  Yet  within  a  day  or  two,  when, 
they  had  drunk  higher,  they  refolved  to  venture 
on  it.  Primrofe  was  then  ill.  So  one  was  fent 
to  him  to  defire  him  to  prepare  a  bill  to  that  effect. 
He  let  about  it :  But  perceived  it  was  fo  ill  ground 
ed,  and  fo  wild  in  all  the  frame  of  it,  that  he 
thought,  when  it  came  to  be  better  confidered,  it 
amid  certainly  be  laid  afide.  But  it  fell  out  other- 
wife  :  His  draught  was  copied  out  next  morning, 
without  altering  a  word  in  it,  and  carried  to  the 
articles,  and  from  thence  to  the  Parliament,  where 
it  met  indeed  with  great  oppofition.  The  Earl  of 
Crawford  and  the  Duke  of  Hamilton  argued  much 
againft  it.  The  Parliament  in  the  year  41  was 
legally  fummoned  :  The  late  King  came  thither 
in  perfon  with  his  ordinary  attendance,  and  with 
out  the  appearance  of  any  force  :  If  any  acts  then 
pafs'd  needed  to  be  reviewed,  that  might  be  well 
done :  But  to  annul  a  Parliament  was  a  terrible 
precedent,  which  deilroyed  the  whole  fecurity  of 
government :  Another  Parliament  might  annul 
the  prefent  Parliament,  as  well  as  that  which  was 
how~propofed  to  be  done.  So  no  flop  could  be 
made,  nor  any  fecurity  laid  down  for  fixing  things 
for  the  future  :  The  Parliament  in  the  year  48 
proceeded  upon  inftructions  under  the  King's  own 
hand,  which  was  all  that  could  be  had  confidering 
his  imprifonment :  They  had  declared  for  the  King, 
and  raifed  an  army  for  his  prefervation.  To  this 
the  Earl  of  Midletoun,  who  contrary  to  cuftom 
managed  the  debate  himfelf,  anfwered,  that  tho' 
'there  was  no  vifible  force  on  the  late  King  in  the 
M  a  year 


1 64  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1661.   year  41,    yet  they  all  knew  he  was  under  a  real 
^nrw>    force  by  reafon  of  the  rebellion  that   had  been  in 
this  Kingdom,    and  the  apparent  danger  of  one 
ready  to  break  out  in  England,  which  torced  him 
to  fettle  Scotland  on  fuch  terms  as  he  could  bring 
them  to :  So  that  diflrefs  on  his   affairs  was  really 
equivalent  to  a  force  on  his  perfon  :    Yet  he  con-  ' 
felled,  it  was  jufl,  that  fuch  an   appearance  of  a 
Parliament  fhould  be  a  full  authority  to  all   who 
acted  under  it :  And  care  was  taken  to  .fecure  thefe 
by  a  proviib  t|iat  was  put  in  the  act  to  indemnify 
them  :  He  acknowledged  the  defign  of  the  Parlia 
ment  in  the  year  48  was  good  :  Yet  they  declared 
for  the  King  in  fuch  terms,  and  had  acted  fo  hy 
pocritically  in  order  to  the  gaining  of  the   Kirk 
party,  that  it  was  juft  to  condemn  the  proceed 
ings,  tho*  the  intentions  of  many  were  honourable 
and  loyal :  For  we  went  into  it,  he  faid,  as  knaves, 
and  therefore  no  wonder  if  we  mifcarried  in  it  as 
fools.     This  was  very  ill  taken  by  all  who  had 
been  concerned  in  it.     The  bill  WAS  put  to  the 
vote,  and  carried  by  a   great  majority :  And  the 
Earl  of  Midletoun  immediately  pafs'tl  it  without 
Haying  for  an  inilruclion   from  the  King.     The 
excufe  he  made  for  it  was,  that,  lince  the  King 
had  by  his  letter  to  the  Prefbyterians  confirmed 
their    government   as  it   was  eftablilhed  by  law, 
there  was  no  way  left  to  get  out  of  that,    but  the 
annulling  all  thofe  laws. 

ft  was  not  This  was  a  moft  extravagant  act,  and  only  fit 
liked  by  to  be  concluded  after  a  drunken  -bout.  It  ihook 
ajj  pofftbJe  fecurity  for  the  future,  and  laid  down 
a  moil  pernicious  precedent.  The  Earl  of  Lau- 
derdale  aggravated  this  heavily  to  the  King.  It 
fhewed,  that  the  Earl  of  Midletoun  underftood 
.not  the  firfl  principles  of  government,  fince  he 
had,  without  any  warrant  for  it,  gi^en  the  King's 
afient  to  a  law  that  muft  for  ever  take  away  all 
the  fecurity  that  law  can  give  :  No  government 
was  fo  well  eltablifhed,  as  not  to  be  liable  to  a 

revolution  ; 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  165 

revolution  :  This  would  cut  off  all  hopes  of  peace  1661. 
and  fubmiffion,  if  any  diibrder  fhoukl  happen  at  »>-*>-**-> 
any  time  thereafter.  And  fmce  the  Earl  of.  Cla 
rendon  had  fet  it  up  for  a  maxim  never  to  be  vio 
lated,  that  acls  of  indemnity  were  facred  things, 
he  ftudied  to  poffefs  him  againft  the  Earl  of  Mi- 
dletoun,  who  had  now  annulled  the  very  Parlia 
ments,  in  which  two  Kings  had  pafs'd  acts  of  in 
demnity.  This  raifed  a  great  clamour.  And  up 
on  that  the  Earl  of  Midletoun  complained  in  Par 
liament,  that  their  beft  fervices  were  reprefented 
to  the  King  as  blemifhes  on  his  honour,  and  as  a 
prejudice  to  his  affairs :  So  he  deli  red  they  would 
fend  up  fome  of  the  moft  eminent  of  their  body 
to  give  the  King  a  true  account  of  their  proceed 
ings.  The  Earls  of  Glencairn  and  Rothes  were 
fent :  For  the  Earl  of  Rothes  gave  fecret  engage 
ments  to  both  fides,  refolving  to  frrike  into  that 
to  which  he  faw  the  King  moft  inclined.  The 
Earl  of  Midletoun's  defign  was  to  accufe  the  Earl 
of  Lauderdale  of  rnifreprefenting  the  proceedings 
of  Parliament,  and  of  belying  the  King's  good 
fubjects,  called  in  the  Scotch  law  Leafing  making, 
which  either  to  the  King  of  the  People  or  to  the 
People  of  the  King  is  capital. 

Sharp  went  up  with  thefe  Lords  to  prefs  the  The  Prc- 
fpeedy  fetting  up  of  Epifcopacy,  now  that  the  kytcriin 
p;reatefl  enemies  of  that  government  were  under  a  *?/£*?" 

&  «  .  &,  ,  diiorclcr. 

general  coniternation,  and  were  upon  other  ac 
counts  fo  obnoxious  that  they  durft  not  make  any 
oppofition  to  it,  fmce  no  act  of  indemnity  was  yet 
pafs'd.  He  had  exprefled  a  great  concern  to  his 
old  brethren,  when  the  act  refcifTcry  pafs'd,  and 
acted  that  part  very  folemnly  for  fome  days :  Yet 
he  feemed  to  take  heart  again,  and  perfuaded  the 
minifters  of  that  party,  that  it  would  be  a  fervice 
to  them,  fmce  now  the  cafe  of  ratifying  their  go 
vernment  was  feparated  from  the  rebellion  of  the 
late  times :  So  that  hereafter  it  was  to  fubfift  by  a 
la\v  pafs'd  in  a  Parliament  that  fate  and  acted  in 
M  *  full 


1 66  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1661.  full  freedom.  So  he  undertook  to  go  again  to 
*-Y-^  Court,  and  to  move  for  an  inftrudhon  to  fettle 
Prefbytery  on  a  new  and  undifputed  bottom.  Tha 
poor 'men  were  fo  flruck  withfthe  ill  flate  of  their 
affairs,  that  they  either  trufted  him,  or  at  leaft 
feemed  to  do  it ;  for  indeed  they  had  neither  fenfe 
nor  courage  left  them.  During  the  feffion  of  Par 
liament  the  moft  afpiring  men  of  the  Clergy  were 
~pickt  out  to  preach  before  the  Parliament.  They 
did  not  fpeak  out :  But  they  all  infmuated  the  ne- 
ceffity  of  a  greater  authority  than  was  then  in  the 
Church,  for  keeping  them  in  order.  One  or  two 
fpoke  plainer:  Upon  which  the  Prefbytery  of 
Edinburgh  went  to  the  Earl  of  Midletoun,  and 
complained  of  that,  as  an  affront  to  the  law  and 
to  the  King's  letter.  He  difmifled  them  with  good 
words,  but  took  no  notice  of  their  complaint. 
The  Synods  in  feverai  places  refolved  to  prepare 
addreffes  both  to  King  and  Parliament,  for  an  act 
eflablifhing  their  government.  And  Sharp  dif- 
fembled  fo  artificially,  that  he  met  with  thofe  who 
were  preparing  an  addrefs  to  be  prefented  to  the 
Synod  of  File,  that  was  to  fit  within  a  week  af 
ter  :  And  heads  were  agreed  on.  Honyman,  af 
terwards  Bifhop  of  Orkney,  drew  it  up  with  fo 
much  vehemence,  that  Wood,  their  Divinity  Pro- 
feffor,  told  me,  he  and  fome  others  fate  up  almofl 
the  whole  night  before  the  Synod  met.  to  draw  it 
over  again  in  a  fmoother  ilrain.  But  Sharp  gave 
the  Earl  of  Midletoun  notice  of  this.  So  the  Earl 
of  Rothe's  was  lent  over  to  fee  to  their  behaviour. 
As  foon  as  the  Minifters  entred  upon  that  fob- 
je£t,  he  in  the  King's  name  diffolved  the  Synod, 
and  commanded  the  Minifters  under  pain  of  trea- 
fon  to  retire  to  their  feveral  habitations.  Such 
care  was  taken  that  no  publick  application  fhould 
be  made  in  favour  of  Prefbytery.  Any  attempt 
that  was  made  on  the  other  hand  met  with  great 
encouragement.  The  Synod  of  Aberdeen  was  the 
only  body  that  made  an  addrefs  looking  towards 

Epif- 


of  'King  CHARLES-  II. 

Epifcopacy.  In  a  long  preamble  they  rerk&ed  on 
the  confufions  and  violence  of  the  late  times,  of 
which  they  enumerated  many  particulars  :  And 
they  concluded  with  a  prayer,  that  fince  the  legal 
authority  upon  which  their  Courts  proceeded  was 
now  annulled,  that  therefore  the  King  and  Parlia 
ment  would  fettle  their  government,  conform  to 
the  Scriptures  and  the  rules  of  the  primitive 
Church.  The  Prefbyterians  faw  what  was  driven 
at,  and  how  their  words  would  be  underftood.: 
But  I  heard  one  of  them  fay,  (for  I  was  prefent  at 
that  meeting,)  that  no  man  could  decently  oppofe 
thofe  words,  fince  by  that  he  would  infmuate  that 
he  thought  Prefbytery  was  not  conform  to  thefe. 

In  this  feflion  of  Parliament  another  act  pafs'd, 
which  was  a  new  affliction  to  all  the  party  :  The 
twenty  ninth  of  May  was  appointed  to  be  kept  as 
a  holy  day  ;  iince  on  that  clay  an  end  had  been 
put  to  three  and  twenty  year's  courfe  of  rebellion, 
of  which  the  whole  progrefs  was  reckoned  up  in 
the  highefl  drain  of  Primrofe's  eloquence.  The 
Miniiters  faw,  that  by  obferving  this  act  pafs'd 
with  fuch  a  preamble,  they  condemned  all  their  for 
mer  proceedings,  as  rebellious  and  hypocritical. 
They  faw,  that  by  obeying  it  they  would  lofe  all 
their  credit,  and  contradict  all  they  had  been  build 
ing  up  in  a  courfe  of  fo  many  years.  Yet  fuch 
was  the  heat  of  that  time:,  that  they  durfl  not  ex 
cept  to  it  on  that  account.  So  they  laid  hold  on 
the  fubtilty  of  a  holy  day  ;  and  covered  them- 
felves  under  that  controverfy,  denying  it  was  in 
the  power  of  any  human  authority  to  make  a  day 
holy.  But  withal  they  fell  upon  a  poor  Ihift : 
They  enafted  in  their  feveral  Preibyteries  that  they 
mould  obferve  that  day  as  a  thankfgiving  for  the. 
King's  Reftoration  :  So  they  took  no  notice  of  the 
act  of  Parliament,  but  obferved  it  in  obedience  to 
their  own  act.  But  this,  tho'  it  ccvsred  them 
from  profecution,  fince  the  law  was  obeyed,  yet 
'^  -V  M  4  it 


1 68  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1 66 1,   it  laid  them  open  to  much  contempt.     When  the 
^-y^    Earls  ot  Glencairn  and  Rothes  came  to  Court,  the 
King  was  foon  fatisfied  with  the  account  they  gave 
of  the  proceedings  of  Parliament ;  And  the  Earl 
of  Lauderdale  would  not  ov/n   that  he  had  ever 
mifreprefented  them.     They  were  ordered  to  pro 
ceed  in  their  charging  of  him,  as  the  Earl  of  Cla 
rendon  mould  direct  them.     But  he  told  them  the 
affaulting  of  a  Minifter,  as  long  as  he  had  an  in- 
terefi  in  the  King,  was  a  practice  that  never  could 
be  approved  :  It:  was  one  of  the  uneafy  things  that 
a  Houfe  of  Commons  of  England  fometimes  ven 
tured   on,  which   was    ungrateful  to  the  Court  : 
Such  an  attempt,  infteaci  of  making  the   Earl  of 
Lauderdaie,  would  give  him  a  fafter  root  with  the 
King.      They  muft   therefore  content  themfelves 
with  letting  the  King  fee  how  well  his  iervice  went 
on  in  their  hands,  and  how  unjiiftly  they  had  been 
mifreprefented  to  him  :  And  thus  by  degrees  they 
would  gain  their  point,  and  the  Earl  of  Lauder 
dale  would   become  ufelefs  to  the  King.     So  this 
defign  was  let  fall.    But  the  Earl  of  Rothes  allured 
"  Laiiderdale,    he  had  diverted  the   ftorm  :    Thos 
•  Primrofe    told   me,    this    was   the   true   ground 
on  which  they  proceeded.    They  became  all  friends, 
as  to  outward  appearance. 

Thus  I  have  gone  thro'  the  actings  of  the  firft 
feffion  of  this  Parliament  with  relation  to  pubiick 
affairs.  It  was  a  mad  roaring  time,  full  of  extra 
vagance.  And  no  wonder  it  was  fo,  when  the 
men  of  affairs  were  almoft  perpetually  drunk.  I 
mall  in  the  next  place  give  an  account  of  the  at 
tainders  pafs'd  in  It. 

ArgUe?s  Jl      The  firft  and  chief  of  thefe  was  of  the  Marquis 

attainder:  of  Argile.     He  was  indided  at  the  King's  fuit  for 

:   a  gre^t  piany  facts,  that  were  reduced   to   three 

head?.     The  firft  was  of  his  pubiick  actings  during 

the  wars,  of  which  many  inftances   were  given  , 

fuoh  as  his  Being1 concerned  in  the  delivering  up  of 

the; 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  169 

the  King  to  the  Englifh  at  N^wcaftle,  his  oppo-  1661. 
Ting  the  engagement  in  the  year  1648,  and  his 
jieading  the  rifing  in  the  Weft  in  oppofition  to  the 
Committee  of  Eftates :  In  this,  and  many  other 
fteps  made  during  the  war,  he  was  efteemed  the 
principal  actor,  and  fo  ought  to  be  made  the 
greateft  example  for  terrifying  others.  The  fe- 
cond  head  confifted  of  many  murders,  and  other 
barbarities,  committed  by  his  officers,  during  the 
war,  on  many  of  the  King's  xparty  ;  chiefly  on 
thofe  who  had  ferved  under  the  "Marquis  of  Mon- 
trofe,  many  of  them  being  murdered  in  cold 
blood.  The  third  head  conlifted  of  fome  articles 
of  his  concurrence  with  Cromwell  and  the  ufur- 
pers,  in  oppofition  to  thqfe  v/ho  appeared  for  the 
King  in  the  Highlands,  his  being  one  of  his  Parlia 
ment,  and  affifting  in  proclaiming  him  Prote&or, 
with  a  great  many  other  particulars,  into  which 
his  compliance  was  branched  out.  He  ha4  coun- 
fel  affigned  him,  who  performed  their  p^rt  very 
well. 

The  fubftance  of  his  defence  was,  that  durino- 
the  late  wars  he  was  but  one  among  a  great  many 
more  :  He  had  always  acted  by  authority  of  Par 
liament,  and  according  to  the  inftructions  that 
were  given  him,  as  oft  as  he  was  ferit  on  any  ex 
pedition  or  negotiation.  As  to  all  things  done 
before  the  year  1641,  the  late  King  had  buried 
them  in  an  aft  of  oblivion  then  pafled,  as  the  pre- 
fent  King  h.ad  ajfo  done  in  the  year  1651  :  So  he 
did  not  think  he  was  bound  to  anfwer  to  any  par 
ticular  before  that  time.  For  the  fecond  head,  he 
was  at  London  when  moil  of  the  barbarities  fee 
out  in  it  were  Committed  :  Nor  did  it  appear  that 
he  gave  any  orders  about  them.  It  was  well 
known  that  great  outrages  had  been  committed 
by  the  Nfacdonalds  :  And  he  believed  h'i;s  people, 
when  they  had  the  better  of  them,  had  taken  cruel 
pvenges  :  This  was  to  be  imputed  to  the  heat  of 
tl;e  time,  and  to  the  tempers  of  the  people,  who 
4  had 


The ,  H  T  s  T  o  R  y  of  the  .Reign 
Had  been  much  provoked  by  the  burning  .of  his 

"whole  country,  and  by  much  blood  that  was  fhed. 
And  as  to  many  ftories  laid  to  the  charge  of  his 
men,  he  knew  Tome  of  them  were  mere  forgeries, 
and  others  were  aggravated  much  beyond  the 
truth  t  But,  what  truth  foever  might  be  in  them, 
he  could  not  be  anfwefcable  but  for  \yhat  was  done 
by  himfelt;  or  by  his  orders.  As  to  the.  third 

'head,  of  his  compliance  with  the  ufurpation,  he 
had  iiood  out  till  the  nation  was  quite  conquered : 
And  in  that  cafe  it  was  the  received  opinion  both 
of  divines  and  lawyers,  that  men  might  lawfully 
fubmit  to  an  ufurpation,  when  forced  to  it  by  311 
inevitable  neceffity.  It  was  the  epidemical  fin  of 
the  nation,  His  circumftances  were  fuch,  that 
more  than  a  bare  compliance  was  required  of  him. 

'  What  he  did  that  way  was  only  to  preferve  him- 
felf  and  his  family,  and  was  not  done  on  defign  to 
oppofe  the  King's  intereR.  Nor  did  his  fervice 

"  fuffer  by  any  thing  he   did.     This  was  the  fub- 

•  fiance  of  his  defence  in  a   long  fpeech^  which  he 
made  with  fo  good  a  grace. and  ib  fkilfully,   that 
his  character  was  as  much  raifed  as  his  family  -fut- 
fered  by  the  profecution.     In  one  fpeech,  ^  excufmg 
his  compliance   with  Cromwell,    he  faid,    what 

•  could  he  think  of  that  matter,  after  a  man  fo  emi 
nent  in   the  law  as  his  Majefty's  Advocate  had 

:  taken  the  engagement  r.  This,  inflamed  the  Bother 

•  Ib  much,  that  he  called  him  an   impudent  villain, 
and  was  not  fo  much  as  chid  for  that  barbarous 
treatment.      Lord   Argile   gravely  faid,    he  had 

"  learned  in  his .  afflidtion  to  bear  reproaches  -,.  but 
if  the  Parliament  faw  no  caufe  to  condemn  him, 
:  he  was  lefs  concerned   at  the  King's  Advocated 
:  failing.     The  King's  Advocate  put  in  an  additi 
onal  article,  of  charging  him  with  acceffion  to  the 
King's  death,  for  which  all -the  proof  he  Oiiered 
lay  in  a  prefumption  :  Cromwell  had  come  down 
to  Scotland  with  his  army  in   September^  1648, 
and  at  lii  it  time  he  had  many  and  long  conferences 
-     .  with 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

with  Argile ;  and  immediately  upon  his  return  to 
London  the  treaty  with  the  King  was  broken  off, 
and  the  King  was  brought  to  his  trial  :  The  ad 
vocate  frorri  thence  inferred,  that  it  was  to  be  pre- 
fumed  that  Cromwell  and  Argile  had  concerted 
that  matter  between  them.  While  this  procefs 
was  carried  on,  which  was  the  folemneft  that  ever 
was  in  Scotland,  the  Lord  Lorn  continued  at 
Court  foliciting  for  his  father  ^  and  obtained  a  let 
ter  to  be  writ  by  the  King  to  the  Earl  of  Midle- 
toun,  requiring  him  to  order  his  Advocate  not  to 
infift  on  any  publick  proceedings  before  the  in 
demnity  he  himfelf  had  pafs'd  in  the  year  1651. 
He  alfo  required  him,  when  the  trial  was  ended, 
to  fend  up  the  whole  procefs,  and  lay  it  before  the 
King,  before  the  Parliament  mould  give  fentence. 
The  Earl  of  Midietoun  fubmitted  to  the  firft  part 
of  this  :  So  all  farther  enquiry  into  thofe  matters 
was  fuperfeded.  But  as  to  the  fecond  part  of  the 
letter,  it  looked  fo  like  a  diftruft  of  the  juftice  of 
the  Parliament,  that  he  faid,  he  durft  not  let  it  be 
known,  till  he  had  a  fecond  and  more  pofitive  or 
der,  which  he  earneftly  defired  might  not  be  fent ; 
for  it  would  very  much  difcourage  this  loyal  and 
affectionate  Parliament :  And  he  begged  earneftly 
to  have  that  order  recalled  \  which  was  done.  For 
fome  time  there  was  a  flop  to  the  proceedings,  in 
which  Lord  Argile  was  contriving  an  efcape  out 
of  the  Caftle.  He  kept  his  bed  for  fome  days  : 
And  his  Lady  being  of  the  fame  ftature  with  him 
felf,  and  coming  to  him  in  a  chair,  he  had  put  on 
her  cloaths,  and  was  going  into  the  chair  :  But  he 
apprehended  he  mould  be  difcovered,  and  his  exe 
cution  haftened  ±  and  fo  his  heart  failed  him. 
The  Earl  of  Midietoun  refolved,  if  poffible,  to 
have  the  King's  death  faftened  on  him.  By  this 
means,  as  he  would  die  with  the  more  infamy,  -fo 
he  reckoned  this  would  put  an  end  to  the  family, 
fince  no  body  durft  move  in  favour  of  the  .fon  !of 
one  judged  guilty  of  that  crime.  And  he,  as  was 

believed, 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
believed,  hoped  to   obtain  a  grant  of  his  eflate. 
Search  was  made  into  all  the  precedents   of  men 
who  had  been  at  any  time  condemned  upon  pre- 
fumption.     And  the  Earl  of  Midletoun  refolved 
to  argue  the  matter  himfelf,  hoping  that  the  weight 
of  his  authority  would  bear  down   all   oppofition. 
He  managed  it  indeed  with  more  force  than   de 
cency  :  He  was  too  vehement,  and  maintained  the 
argument  with  a  ilrength  that  did  more  honour  to 
his  parts  than  to  his  juftice  or  his  character .     But 
Gilmore,  tho'  newly  made  Prefident  of  the  Sefli- 
on,  which  is  the  lupream  Court  of  Juftice  in  that 
Kingdom,  abhorred  the  precedent  of  attainting  a 
man  upon  fo  remote  a  prefumption  -,  and  looked 
upon  it  as  lefs  juilifiable  than  the  much  decried 
attainder  of  the  Earl  of  Strafford.     So  he  under 
took  the  argument  againlt  Midletoun :  They  re 
plied  upon  one  another  thirteen  or  fourteen  times 
in  a  debate  that  lafled  many  hours,     Gilmore  had 
fo  clearly  the  better  of  the  argument,  that,  tho' 
the  Parliament  was  fo  fet  againft  Argile  that  every 
thing  was  like  to  pafs  that   might  blacken  him, 
yet,  when  it  was  put  to  the  vote,  he  was  acquitted 
as  to  that  by  a  great  majority :  At  which  he  ex- 
prefled  fo  much  joy,    that   he  feemed  little  con 
cerned  at  any  thing  that  could  happen  to  him  after 
that.     All  that  remained  was  to  make  his  com 
pliance  with   the  ufurpers   appear  to  be  treafon. 
The  debate  was  like  to  have  lafted   long.     The 
Earl  of  Lowdun,    who  had  been  Lord  Chancel- 
lour,  and  was  counted  the  eloquenteft  man  of  that 
time,  for  he  had  a  copioufnefs  in  fpeaking  that 
was  never  exhaufted,  (who  was  defcended  from  his 
family  and  was  his  particular  friend,)  had  prepared 
a  long  and  learned  argument  on  that  head.     He 
had    gathered  the  opinions  both   of  divines  and 
lawyers,  and  had  laid  together  a  great  deal  out  of 
hiftory,  more  particularly  out  of  the  Scotch  hiilo- 
ry,  to  fhqw  that  it  had  never  been  cenfured  as  a 
crime;  But  that  on  the1  contrary  in alU-heir confufions 

the 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

the  men,  who  had  merited  the  moft  of  the  Crown 
in  all  its  makings,  were  perfons  who  had  got  cre 
dit  by  compliance  with  the  fide  that  prevailed, 
and  by  that  means  had  brought  things  about 
again.  But,  while  it  was  very  doubtful  how  it 
would  have  gone.  Monk  by  an  inexcufable  bafe-  . 
nefs  had  fearched  among  his  letters,  and  found 
ibme  that  were  writ  by  Argile  to  himfelf,  that 
were  hearty  and  zealous  on  their  fide.  Thefe  he 
fent  cbwn  to  Scotland.  And  after  they  were  read 
in  Parliament,  it  could  not  be  pretended  that  his 
compliance  was  feigned,  or  extorted  from  him. 
Every  body  blamed  Monk  for. fending  thefe  down,. 
fmce  it  was  a  betraying  the  confidence  that  they, 
had  then  lived  in.  They  were  fent:by  an  exprefs, 
and  came  to  the  Earl  of  Midletoun  after  the  Par 
liament  was  engaged  in  the  debate.  So  he  order-, 
ed  the  letters  to  be  read.  This  was  much  blamed, 
as  contrary  to  the  forms  of  juftice,  fince  proba 
tion  was  clofed  on  both  fides.  But  the  reading 
of  them  filenced  all  farther  debate.  All  his  friends 
went  out :  And  he  was  condemned  as  guilty  of 
treafon.  The  Marquis  of  Montrofe  only  refufed 
to  vore.  He  owned,  he  had  too  much  refent- 
ment  to  judge  in  that  matter.  It  was  defigned  he 
mould  be  hanged,  as  the  Marquis  of  Montrofe 
had  been  :  But  it  was  carried  that  he  mould  be 
beheaded,  and  that  his  head  mould  be  fet  up  in 
the  fame  place,  where  Lord  Montrofe's  had  been 
fet.  He  received  his  fentence  decently,  and  com- 
pofed  himfelf  to  fuffer. 

The  day  before  his  death  he  wrote  to  the  King,  Andexe- 
juilifying  his  intentions  in  all  he  had  a<5ted  in  the  cu:ion. 
matter  of  the  Covenant :  He  protefled  his  inno 
cence,  as  to  the  death  of  the  late  King  :  He  fub- 
mitted  patiently  to  his  fcntence,  and  wiftied  the 
King  a  long  and  happy  reign  :  He  caft  his  family 
and  children   upon   his  mercy ;  and   prayed  that 
they  might  not  fuffer  for  their  father's  fault.     On 
the  twenty  feventh  of  May,  the  day  appointed  for 

his 


The  Hi  STORY  of  the  Reign 

his  execution,  he  came  to  the  fcaffbld  in  a  very 
folemn  but  undaunted  manner,  accompanied  with 
many  of  the  Nobility  and  ibme  Minifters.  He 
fpokf-  for  half  an  hour  with  a  great  appearance,  of 
ferenlty.  Cunningham  his  phyfician  told  me  he 
touched  Ills  pulfe,  and  that  it  did  then  beat  at  the 
ufual  rate,  calm  and  flrong.  He  did  in  a  moil 
folemn  manner  vindicate  himfelf  from  all  know 
ledge  or  acceflion  to  the  King's  death  r  He  par 
doned  all  his  enemies;  and  fubmitted  to  the  fen- 
tence,  as  to  the  will  of  God  :  He  fpoke  highly  in 
j  uftification  of  the  Covenant,  calling  it  the  caufe 
and  work  of  God  ;  and  exprefTed  his  apprehenfion 
of  fad  times  like  to  follow  ;  and  exhorted  all  peo 
ple  to  adhere  to  the  Covenant,  and  to  refolve  to 
fuffer  rather  than  fin  agairiil  their  confciences.  He 
parted  with  all1  his  friends  very  decently.  And 
after  fome  time  fpent  in  his  private  devotions  he 
was  beheaded; 

Theexe-  A  few  days  after  Guthry  fufFered.  He  was  ac- 
cution  of  cufed  of  acceffion  to  the  remonftrance  when  the' 
Guthry  a  King  was  in  Scotland,  and  for  a  book  he  had  printed 
'  with  the  title  "  of  the  caufcsi  of  God's  wrath  upon 
"  the  nation  V*  in  which  the  treating  with  the 
King,  the  tendering  him  the  Covenant,  and  the 
admitting  him  to  the  exercife  of  the  government, 
were  highly  aggravated,  as  great  acts  of  apoftacy. 
His  declining  the  King's  authority  to  judge  of  his 
fermons,  and  his  protefting  for  remedy  of  law 
againft  him,  'and  the -late  "feditious  paper  that  he 
was  drawing  others  to  concur  in,  were  the  matters 
objected  to  him.  He  was  a  refolute  and  ftiff  man  : 
So  when  his  lawyers  offered  him  legal  defences,  he 
would  not  be  advifed  by  them,  but  refolved  to 
take  his  own  way.  He  confelTed,  andjuftiSed  all 
that  he  had  done,  as  agreeing  to  the  principles 
and  practices  of  the  Kirk,  who  had  aflerted  all 
along  that  the  doctrine  delivered  in  their  fermons 
did  not  fall  under  the  cognifancc  of  the  temporal 
"Courts,  till  it  was  firfl  judged  by  the  Church •-, 

for 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  175 

For  which  he  brought  much  tedious  proof.     Hg    1661. 
faid,  his  proteiling  for  remedy  of  law  againft  the 
King  was  not  meant  at  the  King's  perfon,  but  was 
only   with  relation  to  cods  and  damages.     The 
Earl  of  Midletoun  had  a  perfonal  animofity  againil 
him ;  for '  in   the  late  times   he  had  excommuni 
cated  him  :  So  his  eagernefs  in- the  profecution  did 
not  look  well.     Tfhe  defence   he  made   fjgnifkd 
nothing  to  juftify  himfelf,  but  laid  a  great  load  on 
Prefbytery ;  fmce  he  made  it  out  beyond  all  di'f- 
pute,  that   he  had   acted   upon   their  principles, 
which    made   them  the  more   odious,  as  Having 
among  them  fbrrie  of  the  worft   maxims  of  the 
Church  of  Rome ;    that  in    particular,  to  make 
the   pulpit  a  privileged   place, 'iiV  which  .a  man 
might  fafely  vent  treafon^  and  He  fecure  in  doing 
It,  if  the  Church  judicatory  mould  agree  to  quit 
him.     So  upon   this  occafion  great  advantage  was 
taken,  to  mew  how  near  the  fpirit  that  had  reigned 
in  Prefbytery  came  up  to  Popery.     It  was  refolved 
to  make  a  publick  example  of  a  Preacher  :  So  he 
was  fmgled  out.     He  gave  no  advantage  to  thofe 
who  wifhed  to  fave  him  by  the  leaft  ftep   towards 
any  fubmiffion,  but  much  to  the  contrary.     Yet, 
tho'  all  people  were  difgufted  at  the  Earl  of  Midle- 
toun's  eagernefs  in  the  profecution,  the   Earl  of 
Tweedale  was  the  only  man  that  moved  againfl 
the  putting  him  to  death.     He  faid,  banifliment 
had  been  hitherto  the   feverefl  cenfure  that   had 
been  laid  on  the  Preachers  for  their  opinions  :  He 
knew  Guthry  was  a  man  apt  to  give  perfonal  pro 
vocation  :  And  he  wifhed  that  might  not  have  too 
great  a  fhare  in  carrying  the  matter  fo  far.     Yet 
he  was  condemned  to  die.     I  faw  him  fuffer.    He 
was  fo  far  from  mewing  any  fear,  that  he  rather 
exprefTed  a  contenipt  of  death.      He  fpoke   an 
hour  upon  the  ladder,  with  the  compofednefs  of  a 
man  that  was  delivering  a  fermon  rather  than  his 
laft  words.     He  juflified  all  he  had  done,  and  ex 
horted  all   people  to   adhere  to  the "  Covenant, 
6  w  hi  oft 


1 76  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1 66 1 .  which  he  magnified  highly.  With  him  one  Gouan 
*-^v^  was  aifo  hanged,  who  had  deferted  the  army  while 
the  King  was  in  Scotland,  and  had  gone  over  to 
Cromwell.  The  man  was  inconfiderable,  till  they 
made  him  more  confidered  by  putting  him  to 
death,  on  fuch  an  account,  at  fo  great  a  diflance 
of  time. 

The  grofs  iniquity  of  the  Court  appeared  iri 
were  pro-  nothing  more  eminently  than  in  the  favour  fhewed 
ceede'd  Maccloud  of  AfTm,  who  had  betrayed  the  Marquis 
againft.  of  Montrofe,  and  was  brought  over  upon  it.  He 
in  prifon  ftruck  up  to  a  high  pitch  of  vice  and  im 
piety,  and  gave  great  entertainments  :  And  that* 
notwithftanding  the  bafenefs  of  the  man  and  of  his 
crimes,  got  him  fo  many  friends,  that  he  was  let 
go  without  any  cenfure.  The  proceedings  againfl 
Wariftoun  were  foon  difpatched,  he  being  abfent. 
It  was  proved,  that  he  had  prefented  the  Remon- 
llrance,  that  he  had  acted  under  Cromwell's  au 
thority,  and  had  fate  as  a  Peer  in  his  Parliament, 
that  he  had  confirmed  him  in  his  Protedtorfhip, 
and  had  likewife  fate  as  one  of  the  Committee  of 
Safety  :  So  he  was  attainted.  Swintoun  had  been 
attainted  in  the  Parliament  at  Stirling  for  going 
over  to  Cromwell :  So  he  was  brought  before  the 
Parliament  to  hear  what  he  could  fay,  why  the 
fentence  fhould  not  be  executed.  He  was  then 
become  a  Quaker ;  and  did,  with  a  fort  of  elo 
quence  that  moved  the  whole  houfe,  lay  out  all 
his  own  errours,  and  the  ill  fpirit  he  was  in  when 
he  committed  the  things  that  were  charged  on 
him,  with  fo  tender  a  fenfe,  that  he  feemed  as 
one  indifferent  what  they  fhould  do  with  him  : 
And,  without  fo  much  as  moving  for  mercy,  or 
even  for  a  delay,  he  did  fo  effectually  prevail  on 
them,  that  they  recommended  him  to  the  King, 
as  a  fit  object  of  his  mercy.  This  was  the  more 
eafily  consented  to  by  the  Earl  of  Midletoun,  in 
hatred  to  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale,  who  had  got  the 
gift  of  his  eftate.  He  had  two  great  pleas  in 

law; 


Of  King   C  H  A  R  L  E  S    II.  Iff 

law:  The  one  was,  that  the  record  of  his  attain-  1661. 
der  at  Stirling,  with  all  that  had  pafs'd  in  that  v-nr^, 
Parliament,  was  loft  :  The  other  was,  that  by  the 
act  refciffory  that  Parliament  being  annulled,  all 
that  was  done  by  it  was  void  :  But  he  urged  nei 
ther,  fince  there  was  matter  enough  to  attaint  him 
anew,  if  the  defects  of  that  fuppofed  attainder 
had  been  obferved.  So  till  the  act  of  indemnity 
was  pafs'd  he  was  ftill  'in  clanger,  having  been 
the  man  of  all  Scotland  that  had  been  the  mod 
tmfted  and  employed  by  Cromwell :  But  upon 
paffi.ng  the  act  of  indemnity  he  was  fafe. 

The  fefTion  of  Parliament  was  now  brought  to  Mklleteua 
a  conclufion,  without  any  motion  for  an  act  of  in-  Save  an 
demnity.     The  fecret  of  this  was,  that  fince  Epif*  of^ji^hat 
copacy  was  to  be  fet  up,  and  that  thofe  who  were  had  paf- 
moft  like  to  oppofe  it  were  on  other  accounts  ob-*  ted  in  Par- 
noxious,  it  was  thought  bed  to  keep  them  under  |lam~nt  to 
that  fear,  till   the  change  mould  be  made.     The 
Earl  of  Midletoun  went  up  to  Court  full  of  merit?, 
and  as  full  of  pride.     He  had   a  mind  to  be  Lord 
Treafurer  •,  and  told  the  Kirjg,  that,  if  he  intended 
to  fet  up  Epifcopacy,  jhe  Earl  of  Crawford,  who 
was  a  noted  Preibyterian^  muft  be  put  out  of  that 
poft  :  It  was   the  opinion  of  the  King's  zeal  tor 
that  form  of  government   that  muft   bear   down 
all  the  oppofition  that  might  otherwife  be  made; 
to  it:  And  it  would   not  be   poffible  to  perfuade 
the  nation  of  that,  as  long  as  they  faw  the  white 
'ftarF  in  fuch  hands.'    Therefore,  on   the   firft  day 
on  which  a  Scotch  Council  was  called  after  he  came 
up,  he  gave  a  long  account  of  the  proceedings  df 
Parliament,  and  magnified   the  zeal   and   loyalty 
that  many  had  exprefled,  while-others  that  had  been 
not  only  pardoned,  but    were-  highly  trufted  by 
the  King,  had  been  bften  cold  and  backward,  and 
fometimes  plainly  againft  the  fervice.     The  Earl 
of  Lauderclale  wa's  :  ill  that  day :  So  the  Ear4  of 
Crawford   undertook   to    ar/fwer   this    reflection, 
which  he  thought  was  meant ;  of  hirrifelf,  fof'op- 

VCL.  L  N  pofing 


1 7^  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign  , 

1661.  pofing  the  ad  refcifibry.  He  faid,  he  had  ob- 
v*^v^~>  ferved  fuch  an  entfre  unanimity  in  carrying  on  the 
King's  fervice,  that  he  did  not  know  of  any  thac 
had  acted  otherwife :  And  therefore  he  moved, 
that  the  Earl  of  Midletoun  might  fpeak  plain,  and 
name  perfons.  The  Earl  of  Midletoun  defired  to 
be  excufed :  He  did  not  intend  to  accufe  any  : 
But  yet  he  thought,  he  was  bound  to  let  the  King 
know  how  he  had  been  ferved.  The  Earl  of 
Crawford  ftill  prefs'd  him  to  fpeak  out  after  fo 
general  an  accufation  :  No  doubt,  he  would  in 
form  the  King  in  private  who  thefe  perfons  were  : 
And  fince  he  had  already  gone  fo  far  in  publick, 
he  thought  he  ought  to  go  farther.  The  Earl  of 
Midletoun  was  in  fome  confufion ;  for  he  did  noc 
expect  to  be  thus  attack'd  :  So  to  get  off  he  named 
the  oppofition  that  the  Earl  of  Tweedale  had  made 
to  the  fentence  pafs'd  on  Guthry,  not  without 
making  indecent  reflections  on  it,  as  if  his  profe- 
cution  had  flowed  from  the  King's  refentments  of 
his  behaviour  to  himfelf :  And  fo  he  turned  the 
matter,  that  the  Earl  of  Tweedale's  reflection, 
which  was  thought  indeed  pointed  againft  himfelf, 
fhould  feem  as  meant  againit  the  King.  The  Earl 
pf  Crawford  upon  this  laid,  that  the  Earl  of  Midie- 
toun  ought  to  have  excepted  to  the  words  when 
they  were  firft  fpoken  ;  and  no  doubt  the  Parlia 
ment  would  have  done  the  King  juflice  :  But  it 
-was  never  thought  confident  with  the  liberty  oi. 
-fpeech  in  Parliament,  to  bring  men  into  que-f- 
.tion  afterwards  for  words  fpoken  in  any  debate* 
when  they  were  not  challenged  as  foon  as  they 
.were  fpoken.  The  Earl  of  Midlctoun  excufed 
himfelf:  He  laid,  the  thing  was  pafs'd  before  he 
<  made  due  reflections  on  it ;  and  fo  afkecl  pardon 
for  that  omiiTion.  The  Earl  of  Crav/ford  was  glad 
he  himfelf  had  efcaped,  and  was  filent  as  to  the 
.Earl  of  Tweedale's  concern  :  So,  no  body  offer 
ing  .  to  excufe  him,  an  order  was  prefently  fent 
•  down  for  committing  him  to  prifon,  and  for  exa 
mining 


of  King  C  H  A  &  L  £  s  II. 

mining  him  upon  the  words  he  had  fpoken,  and  1661. 
on  his  meaning  in  them.  That  was  not  a  time  in 
which  men  durft  pretend  to  privilege,  or  the 
freedom  of  debate  :  So  he  did  not  inlift  on  it  •,  but 
fent  up  fuch  an  account  of  his  words,  and  fuch 
an  explanation  of-them,  as  fully  fatisfied  the  King. 
So  after  the  imprifonment  of  fome  weeks  he  was 
fet  at  liberty.  But  this  raifed  a  great  outcry 
againfl  the  Earl  of  Midletoun,  as  a  thing  that  was 
contrary  to  the  freedom  of  debate,  and  deftru&ive 
of  the  liberty  of  Parliament.  It  lay  the  more 
open  to  cenfure,  becaufe  the  Earl  of  Midletoun 
had  accepted  of  a  great  entertainment  from  the 
Earl  of  Tweedale  after  Guthry's  budnefs  was 
over  :  And  it  feemed  contrary  to  the  rules  of  hof- 
pitality,  to  have  fuch  a  defign  in  his  heart  againfl 
a  man  in  whofe  houfe  he  had  been  fo  treated  :  All 
the  excufe  he  made  for  it  was,  that  he  never  in 
tended  it  ^  but  that  the  Earl  of  Crawford  had 
prefs'd  him  fo  hard  upon  the  complaint  he  had 
made  in  general,  that  he  had  no  way  of  getting 
out  of  it  without  naming  fome  particulars  j  and 
he  had  no  other  ready  then  at  hand. 

Another  difference  of  greater  moment  fell  in 
between  him  and  the  Earl  of  Crawford.  The 
Earl  of  Midletoun  was  now  railing  the  guards, 
that  were  to  be  paid  out  of  the  excife  granted  by 
the  Parliament.  So  he  moved,  that  the  exciie 
might  be  railed  by  collectors  named  by  himfelf  as 
General,  that  fo  he  might  not  depend  on  the 
Treafury  for  the  pay  of  the  forces.  The  Earl  of 
Crawford  oppofed  this  with  great  advantage,  fincc 
all  revenues  given  the"  King  did  by  the  courfe  of 
law  come  into  the  Treafury.  Scotland  was  not  in 
a  condition  to  maintain  two  Treafurers  :  And,  as 
to  what  was  faid,  of  the  neceffity  of  having  the 
pay  of  the  army  well  afcertained  and  ever  ready, 
otherwife  it  would  become  a  grievance  to  the  King 
dom,  he  faid,  the  King  was  Matter,  and  what  or 
ders  foever  he  thought  fit  to  fend  to  the  Treafury, 
^NT  2  they 


f$G>  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1661.  they  fliould  be  moft  punctually  obeyed.  But  the 
Earl  of  Midletoun  knew,  there  would  be  a  great 
overplus  of  the  excife  beyond  the  pay  of  the  troops  : 
And  he  reckoned,  that,  if  the  collection  was  put 
in  his  hands,  he  would  eafily  get  a  grant  of  the 
overplus  at  the  year's  end.  The  Earl  of  Craw 
ford  faid,  no  fuch  thing  was  ever  pretended  to  by 
any  General,  unlefs  by  fuch  as  fet  up  to  be  inde 
pendent,  and  who  hoped  by  that  means  to  make 
themfelves  the  matters  of  the  army.  So  he  carried 
the  pointy  which  was  thought  a  victory.  And  the 
Earl  of  Midletoun  was  much  blamed  for  putting 
his  intereft  at  Court  on  fuch  an  ifTue,  where  the 
p  retention  was  fo  unufual  and  fo  unreafonable-. 

The  next  point  was  concerning  Lord  Argile's 
eftate.  The  King  was  inclined  to  reftore  the.  Lord 
Lorn  ;  tho*  much  pains  was  taken  to  perfuade 
him,  that  all  the  zeal  he  had  exprefied  in  his  fer- 
vice  was  only  an  artifice  between  his  father  and 
him  to  prelerve  the  family  in  all  adventures  :  It 
was  faid,  that ,  had  been  an  ordinary  practice  in 
Scotland  for  father  and  fon  to  put  themfelves  in 
different  fides.  The  Marquis  of  Argile  had  taken 
very  extraordinary  methods  to  raiie  his  own  family 
to  fuch  a  fuperiority  in  the  Highlands,  that  he 
was  a  fort  of  a  King  among  them.  The  Mar 
quis  of  Huntly  had  married  his  fitter:  And  dur 
ing  their  friendfhip  Argile  was  bound  with  him 
for  fome  of  his  debts.  Atter  that,  the  Marquis 
of  Huntly,  as  he  negle&ed  his  affairs,  fo  he  en 
gaged  in  the  King's  fide,  by  which  Argile  faw  he 
mutt  be  undone.  So  he  pretended,  that  he  only 
intended  to  fecure  himfelf,  when  he  brought  in  prior 
mortgages  and  debts,  which,  as  was  believed,  were 
compounded  at  very  low  rates.  The  friends  of 
the  Marquis  of  Huritly's  family  prefs'd  the  King 
hard  to  give  his  heirs  the  conlifcatkm  of  that  part 
of  Argile's  eftate,  in  which  the  Marquis  of  Hunt- 
ly's  debts,  and  all  the  pretenfion  on  his  eftate  were 
comprehended.  And  it  was  given  to  the  Mar 
quis 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 
quis  of  Huntly,  now  Duke  of  Gordon,  then  a  $66 1. 
young  child  :  But  no  care  was  taken  to  breed  him  .— -v-*- 
a  Proteftant.  The  Marquis  of  Montrofe,  and  all 
others  whofe  eftates  had  been  ruined  under  Ar- 
gile's  conduct,  expected  likewife  reparation  out  of 
his  eftate  •,  which  was  a  very  great  one,  but  in  no 
way  able  to  fatisfy  all  thofe  demands.  And  it 
was  believed,  that  the  Earl  of  Midletoim.himfelf 
hoped  to  have  carried  away  the  main  bulk  of  it : 
So  that  both  the  Lord  Lorn  and  he  concurred-, 
tho'  with  different  views,  to  put  a  itop  to  ail  the 
pretenfions  made  upon  it. 

The  point  of  the  greateft  importance  then  un-Irwasre- 
der  confederation  was,  whether  Epifcopacy  fhould  folved  to 
be  reftored  in  Scotland,  or  not.  The  Earl  of  j  .,up 
Midletoun  affhred  the  King,  it  was  defired  by  the  c 
greater  and  honeiler  part  of  the  nation.  One  land. 
Synod  had  as  good  as  petitioned  for  it :  And  many 
others  wifhed  for  it,  tho'  the  mare  they  had  in  the 
late  wars  made  them  think  it  was  not  fit  or  decent 
for  them  to  move  for  it.  Sharp  allured  the  King, 
that  none  but  the  Proteflors,  of  whom  he  had  a 
very  bad  opinion,  were  againft^  rt ;  and  that  of 
the  Refolutioners  there  would  not  be  found  twenty 
that  would  oppofe  it.  All  thofe  who  were  for 
making  the  change  agreed,  that  it  ought  to  be 
done  now,  in  the  firft  heat  of  joy  after  the  Re- 
ftoration,  and  before  the  act  of  indemnity  pafs'd. 
The  Earl  of  Lauderdale  an-d  all  his  friends  on  the 
other  hand  aflfnred  the  King,  that  the  national  pre 
judice  againil  it  was  dill  very  firong,  that  thofe 
who  feemed  zealous  for  it  ran  into  it  only  as  a 
method  to  procure  favour,  but  that  thole  who 
were  againil  it  would  be  found  ttiff  and  eager  In 
their  oppofition  to  it,  that  by  fetting  it  up  the 
King  would  lofe  the  affections  of  the  nation^  arid 
that  the  fupporting  it  would  grow  a  heavy  load  on 
his  government.  The  Earl  of  Lauderdale  turned 
all  this,  that  looked  like  a  zeal  for  Pre(by tery, \o 
a  dextrous  infmuating  himfelf  into  the  King's  con- 
N  3  fidence; 


1 8  2  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

j66i.  fidence  ;    as   one   that  defigned  nothing  but  his 
greatnefs  and  his  having  Scotland  fure  to  him,  in 
order  to  the  executing  of  any  defign  he  might  af 
terwards    be  eng3ged  in.     The  King  went  very 
coldly  into  the  deilgn.     He  faid,  he  remembred 
well  the  averfion  that  he  himfelf  had  obferved  in 
that  nation  to  any  thing  that  looked  like  a  fuperi- 
ority  in  the   Church.     But  to   that   the   Earl  of 
Midietoun  and  Sharp  anfwered,  by   afluring  him 
that  die  infolencies   committed  by  the  Prelbyte- 
rians    v/hile   they   governed,  and    the   ten    years 
ufurpation  that  had  followed,  had   made  fuch  a 
change    in    peoples    tempers,     that    they    were 
much  altered  fmce  he  had  been  among  them.  The 
King  naturally  hated    Prefbytery :    And,   having 
called  a  new  Parliament  in  England,  that  did  with 
great  zeal  efpoufe  the  interefts  of  the  Church  of 
England,  and  were  now  beginning  to  complain  of 
the  evacuating  the  garrifons  held   by  the  army  in 
that  Kingdom,  he  gave  way,  tho'  with  a  vifible 
reiuctancy,  to  the  change  of  the  Church  govern 
ment  in  Scotland.     The  averfion   he  feemed  to 
exprefs  was  imputed  to  his  own  indifference  as  to 
all  thofe  matters,   and   to  his  unwillingnefs  to  in 
volve  his  government  in  new  trouble.     But   the 
view  of  things  that  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  had 
given  him  was  the  true  root  of  all  that  coldnefs. 
The  Earl  of  Clarendon  fet  it  on  with  great  zeal. 
And  fo  did  the  Duke  of  Ormond  •,  who  faid,  it 
.  would  be   very  hard  to  maintain  the  government 
of  the  Church  in  Ireland,  if  Prefbytery  continued 
ia  Scotland  •,  fmce  the  northern  counties,  which 
were   the  beft  flocked  of  any  they  had,  as  they 
were  originally  from  Scotland,  fo  they  would  ft  ill 
follow  the  way  of  that  nation.     Upon  all  this  di- 
verfity  of  opinion,  the  thing  was  propofed  in  a 
Scotch  Council  at  Whitehall.     The  Earl  of  Craw 
ford  declared  himfelf  againft  it :  But  the  Earl  of 
Lauderdale,    Duke   Hamilton,    and   Sir   Robert 
Murray,  were  only  for  delaying  the  making  any 

fuch 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

'fuch  change,  till  the  King  fhould  be  better  fatif- 
fied  concerning  the  inclinations  of  the  nation. 
The  refult  of  the  debate  (all  the  reft  who  were 
prefent  being  earnefl  for  the  change)  was,  that  a 
letter  was  writ  to  the  Privy  Council  of  Scotland, 
intimating  the  King's  intentions  for  fetting  up 
Epifcopacy,  and  demanding  their  advice  upon  it. 
The  Karl  of  Glencairn  ordered  the  letter  to  be 
read,  having  taken  care  that  fuch  perlbns  fhould 
be  prefent  who  he  knew  would  fpeak  warmly  for 
it,  that  ib  others,  who  might  intend  to  oppofe  it, 
might  be  frightened  from  doing  it.  None  fpoke 
againft  it,  but  the  Earl  of  Kincairdin.  He  pro- 
pofed,  that  fome  certain  methods  might  be  taken, 
by  which  they  might  be  well  informed,  and  fo  be 
able  to  inform  the  King  of  the  temper  of  the  na 
tion,  before  they  offered  an  advice,  that  might 
have  fueh  effects  as  might  very  much  perplex,  if 
not  diforder,  all  their  affairs.  Some  fmart  repar 
tees  paffed  between  the  Earl  of  Glencairn  and  him. 
This  was  all  the  oppofition  that  was  made  at  that 
board.  So  a  letter  was  writ  to  the  King  from 
thence,  encouraging  him  to  go  on,  and  afluring 
him,  that  the  change  he  intended  to  make  would 
give  a  general  fatisf action  to  the  main  body  of  the 
nation. 

Upon  that  the  thing  was  refolved  on.  It  re- 
mained  after  this  only  to  confider  the  proper  me- 
thods  of  doing  it,  and  the  men  who  ought  to  be 
employed  in  in.  Sheldon  and  the  Englifh  Bifhops 
had  an  averfion  to  all  that  had  been  engaged  in 
the  Covenant :  So  they  were  for  feeking  out  all 
the  Epifcopal  Clergy,  who  had  been  driven  out  of 
Scotland  in  the  beginning  of  the  troubles,  and 
preferring  them.  There  was  but  one  of  the  old 
Bifhops  left  alive,  Sydferfe,  who  had  been  Bifliop 
of  Galloway.  He  had  come  up  to  London,  not 
doubting  but  that  he  mould  be  advanced  to  the 
Primacy  of  Scotland.  It  is  true,  he  had  of  late 
done  fome  very  irregular  things  :  When-  the  act 
N  4  of 


The  H  i  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 
of  uniformity  required  all   men  who  held  any  be 
nefices  in  England  to  be  epifcopally  ordained,  he, 
who   by  obferving  the   ill   effects  of  their  former 
violence  was  become  very   moderate,  with  others 
of  the  Scotch  Clergy  that  gathered   about- him, 
did  fet  up  a  very  indefenfible  practice  of  ordaining 
all  thole  of  the  Englim.  Clergy  who  came  to  him, 
and  that  without  demanding  either  oaths  or  fub- 
fcriptions  of  them.     Some  believed,  that  this  was 
done  by  him,  only  to  fubfift  on  the  fees  that  aroie 
from  the  letters  of  orders  fo  granted ;  for  he  was 
very  poor.     This  did  fo  difguft  the  Englifn  Bi- 
fliips  at  him  and  his   company,    that  they  took 
no  care  of  him   or  them.     Yet  they  were  much 
againfl  a  fet  of  Prelbyterian  Bifhops.     They  be 
lieved  they  could  have   no  credit,  and  that  they 
would  have  no  zeal.     This  touched  Sharp  to  the 
.quick:  So  he  laid  the.  matter  before  the  Ear]  of 
.Clarendon.     He  faid,  thefe  old  Epifcopal  men  by 
their  long  abfence  out  of  Scotland  knew  nothing 
of  the  prefent  generation  :  And  by  the  ill  ulage 
they  had  met  with  they  were  fo  irritated,  that  they 
would  run  matters  quickly  to  great  extremities  : 
And,  if  there  was  a  faction  among  the  Bi fh ops, 
fome  valuing  themfelves  upon  their  conftant  fted- 
dinefs,  and  looking  with  an  ill  eye  on  thofe  who 
had  been  carried  away  with  the  dream,  this  would 
divide  and  diilract  their  counfels ;  whereas  a  fet 
of  men  of  moderate  principles  would  be  more  uni 
form  in  their  proceedings.     This  prevailed  with 
the  Earl  of  .Clarendon,  who   law  the  King  fo  re- 
mifs  in  that  matter,  that  he  refolved  to  keep  things 
in  as  great  temper  as  was  pofTible.     And  he,  not 
doubting   but  that    Sharp    would    purfue  that  in 
which  he  feemed  to  be  fo  •zealous  and  hot,    and 
carry  things  with  great  mcderation,  perfuaded  the 
Bifhops  of  England  to  leave   the  management  of 
that  'matter  wholly  to  him.     And  Sharp,  being 
,  afifured  of  that  at  which  he  had  long  aimed,  laid 
afide  his   mafk  j   and  owned,  that  he  was  to  be 

Arch. 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

Archbifhop  of  St.  Andrews.  He  faid  to  fome, 
from  whom  I  had  it,  that  when  he  faw  that  the 
King  was  refolved  on  {he  change,  and  that  fome 
hot  men  were  like  to  be  advanced,  whofe  violence 
would  ruin  the  country,  he  had  fubmitted  to  that 
poft  on  defign  to  moderate  matters,  and  to  cover 
ibme  good  men  from  a  fiorm  that  might  otherwife 
break  upon  them.  So  deeply  did  he  ftill  diflemble: 
For  now  he  talked  of  nothing  fo  much  as  of  love 
and  moderation.  ,  .  ~ 

Sydferfe  was  removed  to  be  Bifhop  of  Orkney, 
one  of  the  beft  revenues  of  any  of  the  Bilhopricks 
in  Scotland  :  But  it  had  been  almoft  in  all  times 
a  Sine -Cure,  He  lived  little  more  than  a  year 
after  his  tranfiation.  He  had  died  in  moreefteem, 
if  he  had  died  a  year  before  it.  But  Sharp  was 
ordered  to  find  out  proper  men  for  filling  up  the 
other  Sees.  That  care  was  left  entirely  to  him. 
The  choice  was  generally  very  bad. 

Two  men  were  brought  up  to  be  confecrated 
in  England,  Fairfoul  defigned  for  the  fee  of  Glaf- 
gow,  and  Hamilton,  brother  to  the  Lord  Belha- 
ven,  for  Galloway.  The  former  of  thefe  was  a. 
pleafant  and  facetious  man,  infinuating  and  crafty : 
But  he  was  a  better  phyfician  than  a  divine.  His 
life  was  fcarce  free  from  fcandal :  And  he  was  emi 
nent  in  nothing  that  belonged  to  his -own  function. 
He  had  not  only  fworn  the  Covenant,  but  had  per- 
fuaded  others  to  do  it.  And  when  one  objected 
to  him,  that  it  went  againil  his  cpnfcience,  he  an- 
fwered,  there  were  fome  very  good  medicines  that 
could  not  be  chewed,  but  were  to  be  fwallowed 
down  •,  and  fince  it  was  plain  that  a  man  could 
not  live  in  Scotland  unlefs  he  fware  it,  therefore 
it  mud  be  fwaliov/ed  down  without  any  farther 
examination.  Whatever  the  matter  was,  foon  af 
ter  tfye  confecration  his  parts  funk  fo  fail,  that  in  a 
few  months  he,  who  pafs'd  his  whole  life  long  for 
one  ot  the  cunningeft  men  in  Scotland,  became 
almoil  achangiingi  upon  which  it  may  be  eafily 

colle&ed 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
collected  what  commentaries  the  Prefbyterians 
would  make.  Sharp  lamented  this  to  me,  as  one 
of  their  great  misfortunes.  He  faid,  it  began  to 
appear  in  lefs  than  a  month  after  he  came  to  Lon 
don.  Hamilton  was  a  good  natured  man,  but 
weak.  He  was  always  believed  Epifcopal.  Yet 
he  had  fo  far  complied  in  the  time  of  trie  Cove 
nant,  that  he  affected  a  peculiar  expreffion  of  his 
counterfeit  zeal  for  their  caufe,  to  fecure  himfclf 
from  fufpicion  :  When  he  gave  the  facrament, 
he  excommunicated  all  that  were  not  true  to  the 
Covenant,  ufmg  a  form  in  the  Old  Teftament  of 
making  out  the  lap  of  his  gown ;  faying,  fo  did 
he  caft  out  of  the  Church  and  communion  all  that 
dealt  falfely  in  the  Covenant. 

Bifhop  With  thefe  there  was  a  fourth  man  found  out, 
Leigh-  who  was  then  at  London  at  his  return  from  the 
toun's  Bath,  where  he  had  been  for  his  health  :  And  on 
character.  ^m  j  will  cnj^rge  more  copioufly.  He  was  the 

fon  of  Doftor  Leightoun,  who  had  in  Archbifhop 
Laud's  time  writ  "Zion's  pleaagamft  thePrelates;" 
for  which  he  was  condemned  in  the  Star-Chamber 
to  have  his  ears  cut  and  his  nofe  flit.  He  was  a 
man  of  a  violent  and  ungoverned  heat.  He  fent 
his  eldeft  fon  Robert  to  be  bred  in  Scotland,  who 
was  accounted  a  Saint  from  his  youth  up.  He 
had  great  quicknefs  of  parts,  a  lively  apprehen- 
iion,  with  a  charming  vivacity  of  thought  and 
cxpreffion.  He  had  the  greateft  command  of  the 
pureft  Latin  that  ever  I  knew  in  any  man.  He 
was  a  mafter  both  of  Greek  and  Hebrew,  and  of 
the  whole  compafs  of  theological  learning,  chiefly 
in  the  fludy  of  the  Scriptures,  But  that  which 
excelled  all  the  reft  was,  he  was  polTefTed  with  the 
liigheft  and  nobleft  fenfe  of  divine  things  that  I 
ever  faw  in  any  man.  He  had  no  regard  to  his 
perfon,  unlefs  it  was  to  mortify  it  by  a  conftant 
low  diet,  that  was  like  a  perpetual  faft.  He  had 
a  contempt  both  of  wealth  and  reputation.  He 
feerned  to  have 'the  loweft  thoughts  of  himfelf 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  187 

poflible,  and  to  defire  that  all  other  perfons  mould    1661. 
think  as  meanly  of  him   as  he  did  himfelf :  He  v 
bore  all  forts  of  ill  ufage  and   reproach,    like  a 
man  that  took  pleafure  in  it.     He  had  fo  fubdued 
the  natural  heat  of  his  temper,  that  in  a  great  va 
riety  of  accidents,  and  in  a  courfe  of  twenty  two 
years  intimate  converfation  with  him,  I  never  ob- 
ferved  the   leaft  iign  of  paflion,    but  upon  one 
fingle  occaiion.     He  brought  himfelf  into  fo  com- 

C)  ^^ 

pofed  a   gravity,    that  I    never  faw  him  laugh, 
and  but  feldom  Imile.     And  he  kept  himfeif  in 
fuch  a  conftant  recollection,  that  I  do  not  remem 
ber  that   ever  I    heard   him   fay   one  idle  word. 
There  was  a  vifible  tendency  in  all  he  faid  to  raife 
his  own  mind,  and  thofe  he  converfed  with,  to  fe- 
rious  reflections.     He  feemed  to  be  in  a  perpetual 
meditation.     And,  tho*  the  whole   courfe  of  his 
life  was  Uriel:  and  afcetical,  yet  he  had  nothing  of 
the  fournefs  of  temper  that  generally  pofTefles  men 
of  that  fort.     He  was  the  freefl  from  fuperftition, 
of  cenfuring  others,  or  of  impofing  his  own  me 
thods   on   them  poflible.     So  that  he  did  not  fo 
much  as  recommend   them    to  others.     He  faid, 
there  was  a  diverfity  of  tempers  -,  and  every  man 
was  to  watch  over  his  own,  and  to  turn  it  in  the 
beft  manner  he  could.     His  thoughts  were  lively, 
oft  out  of  the  way  and  furprifing,    yet  juft  and 
genuine.     And  he  had  laid  together  in  his   me 
mory  the  greateft  treafure  of  the  beft  and  wifeft 
of  ail  the  ancient  fayings  of  the   heathens  as  well 
as   chriftians,    that  I  have  ever  known  any  man 
mafter  of:  And  he  ufed  them  in  the   apteft  man 
ner  poflible.     He  had  been  bred  up  with  the  great- 
eft  averfion  imaginable  to  the  whole  frame  of  the 
Church  of  England.     From   Scotland   his  father 
fent  him  to  travel.    He  fpent  fome  years  in  France, 
i  'and  fpoke  that  language  like  one  born  there.    He 
came  afterwards  and  fettled  in  Scotland,  and  had 
J^re.fbyterian   ordination.     But  he   quickly  broke 
thro'  the  prejudices  of  his  education.     His  preach 
ing 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

ing  had  a  fublimity  both  of  thought  and  expreflloti 
in  it.  The  grace  and  gravity  of  his  pronunciation 
was  fuch,  that  few  heard  him  without  a  very  fen- 
fible  emotion  :  I  am  fure  I  never  did.  His  flyle 
was  rather  too  fine  :  But  there  was  a  majefty  and 
beauty  in  it  that  left  fo  deep  an  impreffion,  that  I 
cannot  yet  forget  the  fermons  I  heard  him  preach 
thirty  years  ago.  And  yet  with  this  he  feemed  to 
look  on  himfelf  as  fo  ordinary  a  preacher,  that 
while  he  had  a  cure  he  was  ready  to  employ  all 
others :  And  when  he  was  a  Bifhop  he  chofe  to 
preach  to  fmall  auditories,  and  would  never  give 
notice  before  hand:  He  had  indeed  a  very  low 
voice,  and  fo  could  not  be  heard  by  a  great  croud. , 
He  foon  came  to  fee  into  the  follies  of  the  Prefby- 
terians,  and  to  diflike  their  Covenant ;  particularly 
the  impofing  it,  and  their  fury  againft  all  who 
differed  from  them.  He  found  they  were  not  ca 
pable  of  large  thoughts  :  Theirs  were  narrow,  as 
their  tempers  were  four.  So  he  grew  weary  of 
mixing  with  them.  He  fcarce  ever  went  to  their 
meetings,  and  lived  in  great  retirement,  minding 
only  the  care  of  his  own  parifh  at  Newbottle  near 
Edinburgh.  Yet  all  the  oppofition  that  he  made 
to  them  was,  that  he  preached  up  a  more  exact 
rule  of  life  than  feemed  to  them  confiilent  with 
human  nature :  But  his  own  practice  did  even 
outihine  his  doctrine. 

In  the  year  1648  he  declared  himfelf  for  the  en 
gagement  for  the  King.  But  the  Earl  of  Lothian, 
who  lived  in  his  parifb,  had  fo  high  an  efteem  for 
him,  that  he  pcrfuaded  the  violent  men  not  to 
meddle  with  him  :  Tho'  he  gave  occafion  to  great 
exception  -,  for  when  fome  of  his  parifh,  who  had 
been  in  the  engagement,  were  ordered  to  make, 
publick  profeffion  of  their  repentance  for  it,  he 
told  them,  they  had  been  in  an  expedition,  in 
which,  he  believed,  they  had  neglected  their  duty 
to  God,  and  had  been  guilty  of  injuftice  and  vio 
lence,  of  drunkenncfs  and  other  immoralities,  and 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

he  charged  them  to  repent  of  thefe  very  ferioufly, 
without  meddling  with  the  quarrel  or  the  grounds 
of  that  war.  He  entred  into  a  great  correfpon- 
dence  with  many  of  the  Epifcopal  party,  and  with 
my  own  father  in.  particular  •,  and  did  wholly  fepa- 
rate  himfelf  from  the  Prefbyterians.  At  lait  he 
left  them,  and  withdrew  from  his  cure :  For  he 
could  not  do  the  things. impofed  on  him  any  lon 
ger.  And  yet  he  hated  all  contention  fo  much, 
that  he  chole  rather  to  leave  them  in  a  filent  man 
ner,  than  to  engage  in  any  difputes  with  them, 
But  he  had  generally  the  reputation  of  a  Saint, 
and  of  fomething  above  human  nature  in  him: 
So  the  mafterfhip  of  the  College  of  Edinburgh 
falling  vacant  fome  time  after,  and  it  being  in  the 
gift  of  the  city,  he  was  prevailed  with  to  accept  of 
it,  becaufe  in  it  he  was  wholly  feparated  from  all 
Church  matters.  He  continued  ten  years  in  that 
poll :  And  was  a  great  blefling  in  it ;  for  he  talk 
ed  fo  to  all  the  youth  of  any  capacity  or  diftincti- 
on,  that  it  had  a  great  effect  on  many  of  them. 
He  preached  often  to  them  :  And  if  crouds  broke 
in,  which  they  were  apt  to  do,  he  would  have 
gone  on  in  his  fermon  in  Latin,  with  a  purity  and 
Jife  that  charmed  all  who  underflood  it.  Thus  he 
had  lived  above  twenty  years  in  Scotland,  in  the 
higheft  reputation  that  any  man  in  my  time  ever 
had  in  that  Kingdom. 

He  had  a  brother  well  known  at  Court,  Sir 
Eli  ilia,  who  was  very  like  him  in  face  and  in  the 
vivacity  of  his  parts,  but  the  moft  unlike  him  in 
all  other  things  that  can  be  imagined  :  For,  tho* 
he  loved  to  talk  of  great  fublimities  in  religion, 
yet  he  was  a  very  immoral  man.  He  was  a  Pa- 
pill  of  a  form  of  his  own  :  But  he  had  changed 
his  religion  to  ralfe  himfelf  at  Court  j  for  he  was 
at  that  time  Secretary  to  the  Duke  of  York,  and 
was  very  intimate  with  the  Lord  Aubigny,  a  bro 
ther  of  the  Duke  of  Richmond's,  who  had  changed 
his  religion,  and  was  a  Pried,  and  had  jttobably 

been 


190  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1 66  r.  been  a  Cardinal  if  he  had  lived  a  little  longer, 
^-*v^>  He  maintained  an  outward  decency,  and  had  more 
learning  and  better  notions,  than  men  of  quality, 
who  enter  into  orders  in  that  Church,  generally 
have.  Yet  he  was  a  very  vicious  man  :  And  that 
perhaps  made  him  the  more  confidered  by  the 
King,  who  loved  and  trufted  him  to  a  high  de 
gree.  No  man  had  more  credit  with  the  King; 
lor  he  was  in  the  fecret  as  to  his  religion,  and  was 
more  trufted  with  the  whole  defign,  that  was  then 
managed  in  order  to  eftablifh  it,  than  any  man 
whatibever.  Sir  Elifha  brought  his  brother  and 
him  acquainted :  For  Leightoun  loved  to  know 
men  in  all  the  varieties  of  religion. 

In  the  vacation  time  he  made  excurfions,  and 
came  oft  to  London  •,  where  he  obferved  all  the 
eminent  men  in  Cromwell's  Court,  and  in  the  fe- 
veral  parties  then  about  the  city  of  London.  But 
he  told  me,  he  could  never  fee  any  thing  among 
them  that  pleafed  him.  They  were  men  of  un 
quiet  and  meddling  tempers  :  And  their  difcourfes 
and  fermons  were  dry  and  unfavoury,  full  of  airy 
cant,  or  of  bpmbaft  fwellings.  Sometimes  he 
went  over  to  Flanders,  to  fee  what  he  could  find 
in  the  Teveral  orders  of  the  Church  of  Rome. 
There  he  found  fome  of  Janfenius's  followers,  who 
feemed-to  be  men  of  extraordinary  tempers,  and 
iludied  to  bring  things,  if  poffible,  to  the  purity 
and  (impliclty  of  the  primitive  ages  ;  on  which 
all  his  thoughts  were  much  fet.  He  thought  con- 
troverfies  had  been  too  much  infifted  on,  and  had 
been  carried  too  far.  His  brother,  who  thought 
of  nothing  but  the  raifing  himfelf  at  Court,  fan 
cied  that  his  being  made  a  Biihop  might  render 
himfelf  more  confiderable.  So  he  polTeiTed  the 
Lord  Aubigny  with  fuch  an  opinion  of  him,  that 
he  made  the  King  apprehend,  that  a  man  of  his 
piety  and  his  notions  (and  his  not  being  married 
was  not  forgot)  might  contribute  to  carry  on  their 
defign.1  He  fancied  fuch  a  monaftick  man,  who 

had 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  191 

had  a  great  ftretch  of  thought,  and  fo  many  other  1661. 
eminent   qualities,  would  be  a   mean   at  leaft  to 
prepare  the  nation  for  Popery,   it  he  did  not  di 
rectly  come  over  to  them  ;  for  his  brother  did  not 
flick  to  lay,  he  was  fure  that  lay  at  root  with  him. 
So  the  King  named  him  of  his  own  proper  moti 
on,  which  gave  all  thofe  that  began  to  fufpcft  the 
King  himfelf  great  jealoufies  of  him.     Leightoun 
was  averfe  to  this  promotion,  as  much  as  was  pof- 
fible.     His  brother  had  great  power  over  him ; 
for  he  took  care  to  hide  his  vices  from  him,  and 
to  make  before  him  a  mew  of  piety.     He  feemed 
to  be  a  Papift  rather  in  name  and  fhew  than  in  rea 
lity,    of  which  I  will  fet  down  one  inflance  that 
was  then  much  talked  of.     Some  of  the  Church  of 
England  loved  to  magnify  the  facrament  in  an  ex 
traordinary  manner,    affirming  the  real  prefence, 
only  blaming  the  Church  of  Rome  for  defining 
the  manner  of  it  •,  faying,  Chrift  was  prefent  in  a 
mod  unconceivable  manner.     This  was  fo  much 
the  mode,  that  the  King  and  all  the  Court  went 
into  it.     So  the  King,  upon  fome  raillery  about 
tranfubftantiation,  afked  Sir  Elifha  if  he  believed 
it.     He  anfwered,  he  could  not  well  tell ;  but  tu: 
was  fure  the  Church  of  England  believed  it.    And 
when  the  King  feemed  amazed  at  that,  he  replied, 
,do  not  you  believe  that  Chrifl  is  prefent  in  a  moil 
unconceivable  manner  ?  Which  the  King  granted  : 
Then  faid  he,  that  is  juft  tranfubftantiation,  the 
mod  unconceivable  ,  thing  that  was  ever  yet  in 
dented.     When  Leighton  was  prevailed  on  to  ac 
cept   a  Bifhoprick,   he   chofe  Dunblane,  a  final! 
diocefe  as  well  as  a  little  revenue.     But  the  Deanry 
of  the  Chapel  Royal  was  annexed  to  that  fee.     So 
he  was  willing  to  engage  in  that,   that  he  might 
fet  up  the  Common  Prayer  in  the  King's  Chapel  ; 
for  the  rebuilding  of  which  orders  were   given. 
The  Englilh  Clergy  were  well  pleafed  with  him, 
finding  him  both   more  learned,    and  more  tho 
roughly  theirs  in  the  other  points  of  uniformity. 

-'than 


The-  H  i  s  T  o  R  v  of  -the  Rein 


tKiri  the   reft  of  :  the  Scotch  Clergy,  whom  they 
"  dc/uki  not  mucfr  value.     And  tho'  Sheldon  did  not 


much  like  his  gn^at  fir  i  cine  fs,  in  which  he  had  no 
mind  to  imitate  him,,  yet  he  thought  fuch  a  man 
as*fe  was  might  :  give  credit  to  Epifcopacy,  in  its 
firfl:'*  introduction  to  d  'nation  much  prejudiced 
againfl  it.  Sharp  did  not  know  what  to  make  of 
all  this.  He  neither  liked  his  ftrictnefs  of  life,  nor 
his  "notions.  He  believed,  fhey  would  not  take 
the  fame  methods,,  and  fancied  he  might  be  much 
obfcured  by  him  ;.  for  he-faw  he  would  be  well  fup- 
ported.  He  -faw  'the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  began 
to  magnify  him.  u  And  fo  Sharp  did  all  he  could 
to  difcourage  him,  but  without  any  effeft^  for  he 
had  no  regard  to  him.  I  bear  ftili  the  greatefl  ve 
neration  for  the  'memory  of  that  man,  that  I  do 
for  any  perfon  ;  and  reckon  my  early  knowledge 
of  him,  which  happened  the  year  after  this,  and 
my  long  and  intimate  converfation  with  him,  that 
continued  to  his  death,  for  twenty  three  years, 
among  the  greutelt  bleflings  'of  my  life,  and  for 
which  I  know  1  mufl  give  an  account  to  God  in 
the  great  day  in  a  molt  particular  manner.  And 
yet,  tho*  I  know  this  account  of  his  promotion 
may  feem  a  blemifh  upon  him,  I  would  not  con 
ceal  it,  being  refolved  to  write  of  all  perfons  and 
things  with  all  pofTible  candor.  I  had  the  relation 
of  it  from  himfelf,  and  more  particularly  from  his 
brother.  But  what  hopes  foever  the  Papifls  had 
of  him  at  this  time,  when  he  knew  nothing  of  the 
defign  of  bringing  in  Popery,  and  had  therefore 
talked  of  fome  points  of  Popery  with  the  freedom 
of  an  abflracled  and  fpeculative  man  ;  yet  he  ex- 
preffed  another  fenfe  of  the  matter,  when  he  came 
to  fee  it  was  really  intended  to  be  brought  in 
among  us.  He  then  fpoke  of  Popery  in  the  com 
plex  at  much  another  rate  :  And  he  feemed  to 
have  more  zeal  againfl  it,  than  I  thought  was  in 
his  nature  with  relation  to  any  points  in  contro- 
verfy  j  for  his  abftraction-  made  him  feem  co-id  :  rn 

2  all 


of  King  CHARLES  IL 

all  thofe  matters.  But  he  gave  all  who  converfed  1661 
with  him  a  very  different  view  of  Popery,  when 
he  faw  we  were  really  in  danger  of  coming  under 
the  power  of  ?.  religion,  that  had,  as  he  ufed  to 
fay,  much  of  the  wifdom  that  was  earthly,  fenfual, 
and  devilifh,  but  had  nothing  in  it  of  the  wifdom 
that  was  from  above,  and  was  pure  and  peaceable. 
He  did  indeed  think  the  corruptions  and  cruelties 
of  Popery  were  fuch  grofs  and  odious  things,  that 
nothing  could  have  maintained  that  Church  under 
thofe  ju ft  and  vifible  prejudices,  but  the  federal 
orders  among  them,  which  had  an  appearance  of 
mortification  and  contempt  of  the  world,  and 
with  all  the  trafh  that  was  among  them  maintain 
ed  a  face  of  piety  and  devotion.  He  alib  thought 
the  great  and  fatal  error  of  the  Reformation  was, 
that  more  of  thofe  houfes,  and  of  that  courfe  of 
life,  free  from  the  entanglements  of  vows  and 
other  mixtures,  was  not  preferved :  So  that  the 
Proteilant  Churches  had  neither  places  of  educa 
tion,  nor  retreat  for  men  of  mortified  tempers.  I 
have  dwelt  long  upon  this  man's  character.  But 
it  was  fo  fmgular  that  it  feemed  to  deferve  it. 
And  I  was  fo  iingularly  blefs'd  by  knowing  him  as 
I  did,  that  I  am  fure  he  deferved  it  of  me,  that  I 
fhoLild  give  fo  full  a  view  of  him  ;  which  I  hope 
may  be  of  fome  ufe  to  the  world. 

When  the  time  fixed  for  the  confecration  of  the  The 
Biftiops  of  Scotland  came  on,  the  Englifli  Bifhops  Scotch 
finding  that  Sharp  and  Leightoun  had  not  Epifco-  CQR^* 
pal  ordination,  as  Priefts  and  Deacons,  the  other  crat.d. 
two   having   been  ordained  by  Bifhops  before  the 
wars,  they  flood  upon  it,  that   they  mufl  be  or- 
dain'd,  firft  Deacons  and  then  Priefts.     Sharp  was: 
very  uneafy  at  this,  and  remembred  them  of  what 
had  happened  when  King  James  had  fet  up  Epif- 
copacy.     Bifhop  Andrews  moved  at  that  time  the 
ordaining  them,  as  was  now  propofed :  But  that 
was  overruled  by  King  James,    who  thought   ic 
went  too  far  towards  the  unchurching  of  all  thofe 

VOL.  I.  O  who 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

who  had  no  Bifhops  among  them.  But  the  late 
War,  and  the  difputes  during  that  time,  had  raifed 
thefe  controverfies  higher,  and  brought  men  to 
ftricler  notions,  and  to  maintain  them  with  more 
fiercenefs.  The  Englifh  Bifhops. did  alfo  fay,  that 
by  the  late  act  of  uniformity  that  matter  was  more 
pofitively  fettled,  than  it  had  been  before  ;  fo  that 
they  could  not  legally  confecrate  any,  but  thofe 
who  were,  according  to  that  conftitution,  made 
firft  Priefts  and  Deacons.  They  alfo  made  this 
difference  between  the  prefent  time  and  King 
James's  :  For  then  the  Scots  were  only  in  an  im 
perfect  ftate,  having  never  had  Bifhops  among 
them  fmce  the  Reformation  -,  fo  in  fuch  a  ftate  of 
tilings,  in  which  they  had  been  under  a  real  ne- 
eeility,  it  was  reafonable  to  allow  of  their  orders, 
how  defective  foever :  But  that  of  late  they  had 
been  in  a  ftate  of  fchifm,  had  revolted  from  their 
Bifhops,  and  had  thrown  off  that  order ;  fo  that 
orders  given  in  fuch  a  wilful  oppofition  to  the 
whole  conftitution  of  the  primitive  Church  was  a 
thing  of  another  nature.  They  were  pofitive  in 
the  point,  and  would  not  difpenie  with  it.  Sharp 
ftuck  more  at  it,  than  could  have  been  expected 
from  a  man  that  had  fwallowed  down  greater  mat 
ters.  Leightoun  did  not  ftand  much  upon  it.  He 
did  not  think  orders  given  without  Bifhops  were 
null  and  void.  He  thought,  the  forms  of  govern 
ment  were  not  fettled  by  fuch  pofitive  laws  as  were 
unalterable;  but  only  by  Apoftolical  practices, 
which,  as  he  thought,  authorifed  Epifcopacy  as 
the  beft  form.  Yet  he  did  not  think  it  necellary 
to  the  being  of  a  Church.  But  he  thought  that 
every  Church  might  make  fuch  rules  of  ordination 
as  they  plealed,  and  that  they  might  re-ordain  all 
that  came  to  them  from  any  other  Church  •,  and 
that  the  re-ordaining  a  Prieft  ordained  in  another 
Church  imported  no  more,  but  that  they  received 
kirn  into  orders  according  to  their  rules,  and  did 
not  infer  the  annulling  the  orders  he  had  formerly 

received. 

*/i  . 

Cd«y-  V-  ...;/.r 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  195 

received.  Thefe  two  were  upon  this  privately  or-  1661. 
dained  Deacons  and  Priefts.  And  then  all  the 
four  were  coniecrated  publickly  in  the  Abbey  of 
Weftminfter.  Leightoun  told  me,  he  was  much 
flruck  with  the  feafting  and  jollity  of  that  day  :  It 
had  not  fuch  an  appearance  of  ferioufnefs  or  piety, 
as  became  the  new  modelling  of  a  Church.  When 
that  was  over,  he  made  fome  attempts  to  work  up 
Sharp  to  the  two  defigns  which  poffefled  him  mod. 
The  one  was,  to  try  what  could  be  done  towards 
the  uniting  the  Frefbyterians  and  them.  He  offer 
ed  Ufher's  reduction,  as  the  plan  upon  which  they 
ought  to  form  their  fchemes.  The  other  was,  to 
try  how  they  could  raife  men  to  a  truer  and  higher 
fenfe  of  piety,  and  bring  the  worfhip  of  that 
Church  out  of  their  extempore  methods  into  more 
order ;  and  fo  to  prepare  them  for  a  more  regular 
way  of  worlhip,  which  he  thought  was  of  much 
more  importance  than  a  form  of  government. 
But  he  was  amazed,  when  he  obferved  that  Sharp 
had  neither  formed  any  fcheme,  nor  feemed  fo 
much  as  willing  to  talk  of  any.  He  reckoned, 
they  would  be  eftablifhed  in  the  next  feffion  of 
Parliament,  and  fo  would  be  legally  poffeffed  of 
their  Bifhopricks  :  And  then  every  Bifhop  was  to 
do  the  beft  he  could  to  get  all  once  to  fubmit  to 
his  authority :  And  when  that  point  was  carried, 
they  might  proceed  to  other  things,  as  fhould  bs 
found  expedient :  But  he  did  not  care  to  lay  down 
any  fcheme.  Fairfoul,  when  he  talked  to  him, 
had  always  a  merry  t.ile  ready  at  hand  to  divert 
him  :  So  that  he  avoided  all  ferious  difcourfe,  and 
indeed  did  not  feem  capable  of  any.  By  thefe 
means  Leightoun  quickly  loft  all  heart  and  hope  ; 
and  faid  otten  to  me  upon  it,  that  in  the  whole 
progrefs  of  that  affair  there  appeared  fuch  crofs 
characters  of  an  angry  providence,  that,  how  fully 
foever  he  was  fatisfied  in  his  own  mind  as  to  Epif- 
copacy  itfelf,  yet  it  feemed  that  God  was  againft 
them,  and  that  they  were  not  like  to  be  the  men 
O  2  that 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

that  mould  build  up  his  Church  •,  fo  that  the 
ftruggling  about  it  ieemed  to  him  like  a  fighting 
againit  God.  He  who  had  the  greatefb  hand  in  it 
proceeded  with  fo  much  diflimulation  •,  and  the 
reft  of  the  order  were  fo  mean  and  fo  felfifh  ;  and 
the  Earl  of  Midletoun,  with  the  other  fecular  men 
that  conducted  it,  were  fo  openly  impious  and  vi- 
tious,  that  it  did  caft  a  reproach  on  every  thing 
relating  to  religion,  to  fee  it  managed  by  fuch  in- 
ttruments. 

All  the  fteps  that  were  made  afterwards  were  of 
a  piece  with   this  melancholy  beginning.     Upon 
the  confecration  or  the   Bimops,   the  Prefbyteries 
of  Scotland  that  were  ftill-  fitting  began  now  to  de 
clare  openly  againft  Epifcopacy,    and  to  prepare 
proteftations,  or  other  acts  or  inftruments,  againft 
them.     Some  were  talking  of  entring  into  new  en 
gagements   againft   the  fubmitting  to  them.     So 
Sharp   moved,  that,  iince  the  King   had  fet   up 
Epifcopacy,  a  Proclamation  might  be  iffued  out, 
forbidding  Clergymen    to   meet    together  in  any 
Prefbyteiy,    or  other  judicatory,  till   the  Bifnops 
mould   fettle    a  method    of  proceeding   in  them. 
I 'pon  the  letting  out  this  Proclamation,  a  general 
obedience  was  given  to  it :  Only  the  minifters,  to 
keep  up  a  ihew  of  acting  on  an  Ecclefiaftick  au 
thority,  met  once  and  entred  into  their  Books  a 
proteilation  againft  the  Proclamation,  as  an  inva- 
fion  on  the  liberties  of  the  Church,  to  which  they 
declared  they  gave  obedience  only  for  a  time,  and 
for  peace  fake.     Sharp  procured   this  without  any 
advice :   And  it  proved  very  fatal.     For  when  King 
James  brought  in  the  Bilhops  before,  they  had  ftill. 
Suffered  the  infericur  judicatories  to  continue  fit 
ting,  till  the  Bifhops  came,  and  face  down  among., 
them  :  Some  of  them  proteited  indeed  againft  that  : 
Yet  they  fate  on  ever  after  :   And  fo  the   whole 
Church  had  a  face  of  unity,  while  all  fate,  together 
n  the  famejudicatories,  tho*  upon  different  prin 
ciples. 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

ciples.  The  old  Prefbyterians  faid,  they  late  dill 
as  in  a  Court  fettled  by  the  laws  of  the  Church 
and  State :  And  tho'  they  looked  on  the  Biiliops 
fitting  among  them,  and  affiiming  a  negative  vote, 
as  an  ufurpation,  yet,  they  faid,  it  did  not  infer  a 
nullity  on  the  Court :  Whereas  now,  by  this  fi- 
lencing  thefe  Courts,  the  cafe  was  much  altered  : 
For  if  they  had  continued  fitting,  and  the  Bllhops 
had  come  among  them,  they  would  have  faid,  it 
was  like  the  bearing  with  an  uiurpation,  when 
there  was  no  remedy  :  And  what  proteilations  fo- 
ever  they  might  have  made,  or  what  oppolitioii 
foever  they  might  have  given  the  Bi/hops,  that 
would  have  been  kept  within  their  own  walls,  but 
would  not  have  broken  out  into  Rich  a  diitradion, 
as  the  nation  v/as  call  into  upon  this  :  All  the  op- 
pofition  that  might  have  been  made  would  have 
died  with  thole  few  that  were  difpofed  to  make  it : 
And,  upon  due  care  to  fill  the  vacant  places  with 
worthy  and  well  affected  men,  the  nation  might 
have  been  brought  off  from  their  prejudices.  But 
thefe  Courts  being  now  once  broken,  and  brought 
together  afterwards  by  a  fort  of  connivance,  with 
out  any  legal  authority,  only  as  the  Bifhops  affifl- 
ants  and  officials,  to  give  him  advice,  and  to  act 
in  his  name,  they  pretended  they  could  not  fit  in 
them  any  more,  unlefs  they  fhould  change  their 
principles  and  become  throughly  Epifcopal,  which 
was  too  great  a  turn  to  be  foon  brought  about. 
So  fatally  did  Sharp  precipitate  matters.  He  af 
fected  to  have  the  reins  of  ths  Church  wholly  put 
into  his  hands.  The  Earl  of  Lauderdale  was  not 
forry  to  fee  him  commit  errors  ;  fince  the  worfe 
things  were  managed,  his  advices  would  be  there 
by  the  more  juftiiied.  And  the  Earl  of  Midle- 
toun  and  his  party  took  no  care  of  any  bufinefs, 
being  almoft  perpetually  drunk  :  By  which  they 
came  in  a  great  meafure  to  lofe  the  King.  ,  For, 
tho',  upon  a  frolick,  the  King,  with  a  few  in 
O  3  whole 


198  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1662.  whofe  company  he  took  pleafure,  would  fotnetimes 
\^Y^->    run  into  excefs,    yet  he  did  it  feldom,  and  had  a 

very  bad  opinion  of  all  that  got  into  the  habit  and 

love  of  drunkennefs. 

The  new  The  Bilhops  came  down  to  Scotland  foon  after 
Bifhops  their  confecration,  all  in  one  coach.  Leightoun 
came  to|^  mCj  fa  believed  they  were  weary  of  him,  for 

Scotland,  ne  was  verY  Wear7  °f  tnem  :  But  ne>  finding  they 
intended  to  be  received  at  Edinburgh  with  fome 
pomp,  left  them  at  Morpeth,  and  came  to  Edin 
burgh  a  few  days  before  them.  He  hated  all  the 
appearances  of  vanity.  He  would  not  have  the 
title  of  Lord  given  him  by  his  friends,  and  was 
not  eafy  when  others  forced  it  on  him.  In  this  I 
always  thought  him  too  ftiff:  It  provoked  the 
other  Bifhops,  and  looked  like  fingularity  and  af 
fectation,  and  furnimed  thofe  that  were  prejudiced 
againft  him  with  a  fpecious  appearance,  to  repre- 
ient  him  as  a  man  of  odd  notions  and  practices. 
The  Lord  Chancellour,  with  all  the  Nobility  and 
Privy  Councellours,  then  at  Edinburgh,  went  out, 
together  with  the  Magiftracy  of  the  city,  and 
brought  the  Bifhops  in,  as  in  triumph.  I  looked 
on  :  And  tho'  I  was  thoroughly  Epifcopal,  yet  I 
thought  there  was  fomewhat  in  the  pomp  of  that 
entry,  that  did  not  look  like  the  humility  that 
became  their  function  :  Soon  after  their  arrival, 
lix  other  Bilhops  were  confecrated,  but  not  or 
dained  Priefls  and  Deacons.  The  See  of  Edin 
burgh  was  for  fome  time  kept  vacant.  Sharp 
hoped  that  Douglas  might  be  prevailed  on  to  ac 
cept  it :  But  he  would  enter  into  no  treaty  about 
it.  So  the  Earl  of  Midletoun  forced  upon  Sharp 
one  Wimart,  who  had  been  the  Marquis  of  Mon- 
trofe's  chaplain,  and  had  been  taken  prifoner, 
and  ufed  with  fo  much  cruelty  in  the  jayl  of 
Edinburgh,  that  it  feem'd  but  juftice  to  advance 
a  man  in  that  place,  where  he  had  fuffer'd  fo 
much. 

The 


COS 

of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  199 

The  fefTion  of  Parliament  came  on  in  April  1662. 
1662  :  Where  the  firft  thing  that  was  propofcd  by 
the  Earl  of  Midletoun  was,  that  fince  the  ad 
refciffory  had  annulled  all  the  Parliaments  after 
that  held  in  the  year  1633,  the  former  laws  in  into  Par- 
favour  of  Epifcopacy  were  now  again  in  force, 
the  King  had  reftored  that  function  which  had 
been  fo  long  glorious  in  the  Church,  and  for 
which  his  blefled  father  had  fuffered  fo  much  : 
And  tho'  the  Bifhops  had  a  right  to  come  and 
take  their  place  in  Parliament,  yet  it  was  a  piece 
oi  refpect  to  fend  fome  of  every  ftate  to  invite 
them  to  come,  and  fit  among  them.  This  was 
agreed  to  :  So  upon  the  meffage  the  Bifhops  came 
and  took  their  places.  Leightoun  went  not  with 
them,  as  indeedhhe  never  came  to  Parliament  but 
when  there  was  fomething  before  them  that  re 
lated  to  religion,  or  to  the  Church. 

The  firft  acl:  that  paiTed  in  this  fefllon  was  for 
refloring  Epifcopacy,  and  fettling  the  government 
of  the  Church  in  their  hands.  Sharp  had  the 
framing  of  this  acl,  as  Primrofe  told  me.  The 
whole  government  and  jurifdiction  of  the  Church 
in  the  feveral  diocefes  was  declared  to  be  lodged 
in  the  Bifhops,  which  they  were  to  exercife  with 
the  advice  and  affiftance  of  fuch  of  their  clergy, 
as  were  of  known  loyalty  and  prudence  :  All  men 
that  held  any  benefice  in  the  Church  were  required 
to  own  and  fubmit  to  the  government  of  the 
Church,  as  now  by  law  eftablifhed.  This  was 
plainly  the  fetting  Epifcopacy  on  another  bottom, 
than  it  had  been  ever  on  in  Scotland  before  this 
time  :  For  the  whole  body  of  the  Prefbyterians 
did  formerly  maintain  fuch  a  mare  in  the  admi- 
niitration,  that  the  Bifhops  had  never  pretended 
to  any  more,  than  to  be  their  fettled  Prefi dents 
with  a  negative  voice  upon  them*  But  now  k 
was  faid,  that  the  whole  power  was  lodged  limply 
in  the  Bifhop,  who  was  only  bound  to  carry  along 
with  him  in  the  admimfh-ation  fo  many  Prefbyters, 
O4  as 


200  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1662.   ss  he  thought  fit  to  Tingle  out,  as  his  advifers  and 
aftiilants  ;  which  was  the  taking  all  power  out  of 
the  body  of  the  Clergy  :  Church  judicatories  were 
now   made  only  the  Bifhop's  affiflants  :  And  the 
few  of  the  Clergy  that  muft  affift  being  to  be  pickt 
out  by  him,  that  was  only  a  matter  of  Hiew  •,  nor 
had  they  any  authority  lodged  with  them,  all  that 
being  veiled  only  in  the  Biihop  :  Nor  did  it  efcape 
cenfure,    that  among  the   qualifications  of  thofe 
Prefbyters  that  were  to  be  the   Biihop Js  advifers 
and   ailiftants,    loyalty   and   prudence  were  only 
named  •,  and  that  piety  and  learning  were  forgot, 
which  mull  always  be  reckoned  the  firft  qualifica 
tions    of   the  Clergy.     As  to   the  obligation  to 
own  and  iubmit  to  the  government  thus  cftablim- 
ed  by  law,  they  faid,  it  was  hardjx>  fubmit  to  fo 
high  an  authority  as   was   now  lodged   with   the 
Biihops  •,  but  to  require  them  to   own  it,  fcemed 
to  import  an  antecedent  approving,  or  at  leail  a 
fubfequent  justifying  of  fuch  an  authority,  which 
carried  the  matter  far  beyond  a  bare  obedience, 
even  to  an  impofing  upon  confcicnce.     Thefe  were 
not  only  the  exceptions  made  by  the  Prefbyterians, 
but  by  the  Epifcopal  men  themfelves,  who  had 
never    carried  the  argument  farther  in  Scotland, 
than  for  a  precedency,  with  fome  authority  in  or 
dination,  and  a  negative  in  matters  of  jurifdidtion. 
They  thought,   the  body  of  the  Clergy  ought  to 
be  a  check   upon  the  Biihops,  and  that,  without 
the   confent  of  the  majority,  they  ought   not  to 
be  -legally   impowered   to  act   in  fo  imperious  a 
manner,  as  was  warranted  by  this  aft.     Many  of 
them   would  never  fubfcribe  to  this  form  of  own 
ing  and   fubmitting  :  And  the  more  prudent  Bi- 
fhops  did   not  impoie  it   on  their  Clergy.     The 
whole  frame  of  the   aft  was  liable  to  great  cen 
fure.     It  was  thought  an  inexcufable  piece  of  mad- 
nefs,  that,  when   a  government  was   brought  in 
upon  a  nation  fo  averfe  to  it,  the  firft  ftep  fhould 
carry  their  power  fo   high,     All  the  Biihops,  ex- 
^ 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  201 

cept  Sharp,  difowned  their  having   any  fhare  in    1662. 
the  penning  this  aft  ;  which  indeed  was  pais'd  in  <— — v — J 
hafte,  without  due  confideration.     Nor  did  any  of 
the  Bifliops,  no    not  Sharp    himfelf,  ever   carry 
their  authority  fo  high,  as  by  the   aft  they  were 
warranted  to  do.     But  all  the  enemies  to  Epifco- 
pacy  had  this  aft  ever  in  their  mouths,  to  excufe 
their  not  fubmitting  to  it  •,  and  faid,  it  afferted  a 
greater  ftretch  of  authority  in  Rifhops,   than  they 
themfelves  thought  fit  to  afTuine. 

Soon  after  that  aft  pafs'd,  fome  of  the  Prefby-  Scruples 
terian  preachers  were  fummoned  to  anfwer  before  ^^QfJ-f 
the  Parliament,  for  fome  reflections  made  in  their  premacy. 
fermons  againft  Epifcopacy.     But  nothing  could 
be  made  of  it :  For  their  words  were  general,  and 
capable   of  different  fenfes.     So  it  was  refolved, 
for  a  proof  of  their  loyalty,  to  tender  them  the 
oath  of   allegiance    and  fupremacy.      That  had 
been  enacted  in  the  former  Parliament,  and  was 
refufed  by  none,  but  the  Earl  of  Caffilis.     He  de- 
fired,  that  an  explanation  might  be  made  of  the 
fupremacy :  The  words  of  the  oath  were  large  : 
And  when  the  oath  was  enacted  in  England,  a  clear 
explanation  was  given  in  one  of  the  articles  of  the 
Church  of  England,  and  more  copioufly  afterwards 
in  a  difcourfe  by  Archbifhop  Ufher,  publiftied  by 
King  James's  order.     But  the  Parliament  would 
not  fatisfy  him  fo  far.    And  they  were  well  pleafed 
to  f  e  fcrnples  raifed  about  the  oath,  that  fo  a  colour 
might  be  put  on  their  feverities   againft  fuch  as 
mould  refufe  it,  as  being  men  that  refufed  to  fwear 
allegiance  to  the  King.     Upon  that  the  Earl  of 
Caffilis   left  the  Parliament,  and  quitted   all  his 
employments :  For  he  was  a  man  of  a  moft  inflexi 
ble  firmnefs.     Many  faid,  there  was  no  need  of  an 
explanation,  fmce  how  ambiguous  foever  the  words 
might    be   in  themfelves,    yet    that   oath,    being 
brought  from  Scotland  to  England,  ought  to  be 
underftood  in  the  fame  fenfe  in  which  it  was  im- 
pofed  in  that  Kingdom,     On  the  other  hand,  there 

was 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

wasjufl  reafon  for  fome  mens  being  tender  in  fo 
facred  a  matter  as  an  oath.  The  Earl  of  Caffilis 
had  offered  to  take  the  oath,  provided  he  might 
join  his  explanation  to  it.  The  Earl  of  Midletoim 
was  contented  to  let  him  fay  what  he  pleated,  but 
he  would  not  fuffer  him  to  put  it  in  writing.  The 
Ministers,  to  whom  it  was  now  tendred,  offered 
to  take  it  upon  the  fame  terms  ;  and  in  a  petition 
to  the  Lords  of  the  articles  they  offered  their  ex 
planation.  Upon  that  a  debate  arofe,  whether  an 
act  explanatory  of  the  oath  fhould  be  offered  to  the 
Parliament,  or  not.  This  was  the  firft  time  that 
Leightoun  appeared  in  Parliament.  He  preffed, 
it  might  be  done,  with  much  zeal.  He  faid,  the 
land  mourned  by  reafon  of  the  many  oaths  that 
had  been  taken  :  The  words  of  this  oath  were  cer 
tainly  capable  of  a  bad  fenfe  :  In  compafllon  to 
Papifts  a  limited  fenfe  had  been  put  on  them  in 
England  :  And  he  thought  there  fhould  be  a  like 
tendernefs  fhewed  to  Proteftants,  efpecially  when 
the  fcruple  was  juft,  and  there  was  an  oath  in  the 
cafe,  in  which  the  matter  ought  certainly  to  be 
made  clear  :  To  act  otherwife  looked  like  the  lay 
ing  fnares  for  people,  and  the  making  men  offenders 
for  a  word.  Sharp  took  this  ill  from  him,  and 
replied  upon  him  with  great  bitternefs  :  And  faid, 
it  was  below  the  dignity  of  government  to  make 
acts  to  fatisfy  the  weak  fcruples  of  peevifh  men  : 
It  ill  became  them,  who  had  impofed  their  Co 
venant  on  all  people  without  any  explanation,  and 
had  forced  all  to  take  it,  now  to  expect  fuch  ex 
traordinary  favours.  Leightoun  infifted,  that  it 
ought  to  be  done  for  that  very  reafon,  that  all 
people  might  fee  a  difference  between  the  mild 
proceedings  of  the  government  now,  and  their  ie- 
verity  :  And  that  it  ill  became  the  very  fame  per- 
fons,  who  had  complained  of  that  rigour,  now  to 
practife  it  themfelves  ;  for  thus  it  may  be  faid, 
the  world  goes  mad  by  turns.  This  was  ill  taken 
by  the  Earl  of  Midletoun,  and  all  his  parry  :  For 

they 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

they  defigned  to  keep  the  matter  fo'9  that  the 
Prefbyterians  fhould  be  porTeiTed  with  many  fcru- 
pies  on  this  head  ;  and  that,  when  any  of  the  party 
mould  be  brought  before  them,  whom  they  be 
lieved  in  fault,  but  had  not  full  proof  againit,  the 
oath  mould  be  tendred  as  the  trial  of  their  alle 
giance,  and  that  on  their  refuiing  it  they  mould 
cenfure  them  as  they  thought  fit.  So  the  Mini- 
fters  petition  was  rejected,  and  they  were  required 
to  take  the  oath  as  it  flood  in  the  law,  without 
putting  any  fenfe  upon  it.  They  refufed  to  do  it, 
and  were  upon  that  condemned  to  perpaual  ba- 
niihment,  as  men  that  denied  allegiance  to  the 
King.  And  by  this  an  engine  was  found  out  to 
banilh  as  many  as  they  plealed :  For  the  refolu- 
tion  was  taken  up  by  the  whole  party  to  refule  it, 
unlefs  with  an  explanation.  So  foon  did  men 
forget  all  their  former  complaints  of  the  feverity 
of  impofmg  oaths,  and  began  to  fet  on  foot  the 
fame  practices  now,  when  they  had  it  in  their 
power  to  do  it.  But  how  unbecoming  foever  this 
rigour  might  be  in  laymen,  it  was  certainly  much 
more  indecent  when  managed  by  Clergymen.  And 
the  fupremacy  which  was  now  turned  againft  the 
Prefbyterians  was,  not  long  after  this,  laid  much 
heavier  on  the  Bifhops  themfelves  :  And  then 
they  defired  an  explanation,  as  much  as  the  Pref 
byterians  did  now,  but  could  not  obtain  it. 

The  Parliament  was  not  fatisfied  with  this  oath : 
For  they  apprehended,  that  many  would  infer, 
that,  fince  it  came  from  England,  it  ought  to  be 
underftood  in  the  publick  and  eftablifhed  fenfe  of 
the  words  that  was  pafs'd  there,  both  in  an  article 
of  doctrine  and  in  an  act  of  Parliament.  There 
fore  another  oath  was  likewife  taken  from  the 
Englifh  pattern,  of  abjuring  the  Covenant ;  both 
the  League  and  the  national  Covenant.  It  is  true, 
this  was  only  impofed  on  men  in  the  magiftracy, 
or  in  publick  employments.  By  it  all  the  Prefby 
terians  were  turned  out ;  For  this  oath  was  decried 

by 


2O4  The  .HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1 6f  2.    by  the  Mimilcrs  as  little  lefs  than  open  apoftacy 
v^-v^j  from  God,  and   a  throwing  off  their   baptifmal 
Covenant. 

The  main  bufinefs  of  this  feflion  of  Parliament, 
now  that  Epifcopacy  was  fettled,  and  thefe  oaths 
were   enacted,  was   the  palling  of  the  act  of  in 
demnity.     The  Earl  of  Midletonn  had  obtained 
of  the  King  an  inftrudtion  to  confent  to  the  fining 
of  the   chief  offenders,    or  to   other  punifhments 
not  extending  to  life.     This  was  intended  to  en 
rich  him   and  his   party,  fince   all    the  rich  and 
great  oifenders  would  be  ftruck  with  the  terror  of 
this,  and  choofe  rather  to  make  him  a  good  pre- 
fent,  than  to  be  fined  on   record,  as  guilty  per- 
fons.     This   matter  was   debated  at  the  Council 
in    Whitehall.     The    Earls  of    Lauderdale    and 
Crawford  argued  againft  it.     They  faid,  the  King 
had  granted  a  full  indemnity   in  England,  out  of 
which  none  were  excepted  but  the  regicides  :  It 
ieemed  therefore  an  unkind  and   an  unequal  way 
of  proceeding  towards  Scotland,  that  had  merited 
eminently  at  the  King's  hands  ever  fince  the  year 
1648,  and   fuffered  much    for    it,  that   the   one. 
Kingdom  fhould  not  have   the  fame  meafure  of 
grace  and  pardon  that  was  granted  in  the  other. 
The  Earl  of  Midletoun  anfwered,  that  all  he  de- 
lired  was  in  favour  of  the  loyal  party  in  Scotland, 
who  were  undone  by  their   adhering  to  the  King  : 
The  revenue  of  the  Crown  was  too  fmall,  and  too 
much  charged,  to  repair  their  loffes :  So  the  King 
had  no  other  way   to  be  juft  to   them,    but  to 
make  their  enemies  pay  for  their  rebellion.     Some 
plaufible  limitations  were  offered  to  the  fines  to 
which  any   fhould  be  condemned  •,  as   that  they 
mould  be  only  for   offences  committed  fince  the 
year    1650,  and  that  no  man  fhould  be  fined  in 
above   a   year's  rent   of   his  eftate.     Thefe  were 
agreed  to.     So  he  had  an  inflruction  to  pafs  an 
act  of  indemnity,  with  a  power  of  fining  reftrain'd 
to  thefe  rules.     There  was  one  Sir  George  Mac 
kenzie, 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

kenzie,  fmce  made  Lord  Tarbot  and  Earl  of  Cro- 
marty,  a  young  man   of  great  vivacity  of  parts, 
but   full  of  ambition,  and  had  the  art  to  recom 
mend  himfelf  to  all  fides  and  parties  by  turns,  and 
has  made  a  great  figure  in  that  country  now  above 
fifty  years.     He  had  great  notions  of  virtue  and 
religion  :    But  they  were   only    notions,  at  leaft 
they  have  not  had   great  effect  on  himfelf  at  all 
times.     Fie  became  now  the  Earl  of  Midletoun's 
chief  favourite.     Primrofe  was   grown   rich   and 
cautious  :  And  his   maxim   having  always  been, 
that,  when  he  apprehended  a  change,  he  ought 
to  lay  in  for  it  by  courting  the  fide  that  was  de- 
prefled,  that  fo  in  the  next  turn  he  might  fecure 
friends  to  himfelf,  he  began  to  think  that  the  Earl 
of  Midletoun  went  too  faft  to  hold  out  long.    He 
had  often  advifed  him  to   manage  the  bufmefs  of 
reftoring  Epifcopacy  in  a  flow  progrefs.     He  had 
formed  a  fcheme,  by  which  it  would  have  been 
the  work  of  feven  years.     But  the  Earl  of  Midle- 
toun's  heat,   and  Sharp's  vehemence,  fpoiled  all 
his   project.     The   Earl  of  Midletoun   after  his 
own  difgrace  faid  often  to  him,  that  his  advices 
had    been    always    wife  and    faithful :    But    he 
thought  Princes  were   more   fenfible   of  fervices, 
and  more  apt  to  reflect  on  them,  and  to  reward 
them,  than  he  found  they  were. 

When  the  fettlement  of  Epifcopacy  was  over,  it  wasde- 
the  next  case  was  to  prepare  the  act  of  indemnity,  foed  that 

Some  propofed,  that,  befides  the  power  of  fining;,  fo!n(r  , 

n  i      Tr-  ii  u  'might  be 

they  mould  move  the  King,  that  he  would  con-  inCapa 

fent  to  an  inftru£tion,  impowering  them  likewife  rated, 
to  put  fome  under  an  incapacity  to  hold  any  pub- 
lick  truft.  This  had  never  been  propofed  in  pub- 
lick.  Bur.  the  Earl  of  Midletoun  pretended,  that 
many  of  the  beft  affected  of  the  Parliament  had 
propofed  it  in  private  to  himfelf.  So  he  fent  the 
Lord  Tarbot  up  to  the  King  with  two  draughts  of 
an  act  of  indemnity,  the  one  containing  an  excep 
tion  of  fome  perfons  to  be  fined,  and  the  other 
xtj  con- 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

containing  likewife  a  claufe  for  the  incapacitating 
of  iome,  not  exceeding  twelve,  from  all  publick 
truft.  He  was  ordered  to  lay  both  before  the 
King  :  The  one  was  penned  according  to  the 
Earl  of  Midletoun's  inftru&ions  :  The  other  was 
drawn  at  the  defire  of  the  Parliament,  for  which 
he  prayed  an  inftruction,  if  the  King  thought  fit 
to  approve  of  it.  The  Earl  of  Lauderdale  had  no 
apprehenfion  of  any  defign  againil  himfelf  in  the 
motion.  So  he  made  no  objection  to  it.  And  an 
inftrudion  was  drawn,  impowering  the  Earl  of 
Midletoun  to  pafs  an  act  with  that  claufe.  Tar- 
bot  was  then  much  confidered  at  Court,  as  one 
of  the  moil  extraordinary  men  that  Scotland  had 
produced,  and  was  the  better  liked,  becaufe  he  was 
looked  on  as  the  perfon  that  the  Earl  of  Midle 
toun  intended  to  let  up  in  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale's 
room,  who  was  then  fo  much  hated,  that  nothing 
could  have  preferved  him  but  the  courfe  that  was 
taken  to  ruin  him.  So  Lord  Tarbot  went  back 
to  Scotland.  And  the  Duke  of  Richmond  and 
the  Earl  of  Newburgh  went  down  with  him,  by 
whole  wild  and  ungoverned  extravagancies  the 
Earl  of  Midletoun's  whole  conduct  fell  under  fuch 
an  univerfal  odium  and  fo  much  contempt,  that, 
as  his  own  ill  management  forced  the  King  to  put 
an  end  to  his  miniftry,  fo  he  could  not  have  ferved  . 
there  much  longer  with  any  reputation. 

One  inftance  of  unufual  feverity  was,  that  a 
letter  of  the  Lord  Lorn's  to  the  Lord  Duff  us  was 
intercepted,  in  which  he  did  a  little  too  plainly, 
but  very  truly,  complain  of  the  practices  of  his 
enemies  in  endeavouring  to  poflefs  the  King  againft 
him  by  many  lies  :  But  he  faid,  he  had  now  dif- 
covered  them,  and  had  defeated  them,  and  had 
gained  the  perfon  upon  whom  the  chief  among 
them  depended.  This  was  the  Earl  of  Clarendon, 
upon  whom  the  Earl  of  Berkfhire  had  wrought  fo 
much,  that  he  refolved  to  oppofe  his  reiloration 
no  more :  And  for  this  the  Earl  of  Berkfhire  was 

to 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

to  have  a  thoufand  pounds.  This  letter  was  car 
ried  into  the  Parliament,  and  complained  of  as 
leafing-making ;  fmce  Lord  Lorn  pretended,  he 
had  difcovered  the  lies  of  his  enemies  to  the  King, 
which  was  a  fowing  difienfion  between  the  King 
and  his  fubjects,  and  the  creating  in  the  King  an 
ill  opinion  of  them.  So  the  Parliament  defired, 
the  King  would  fend  him  down  to  be  tried  upon 
it.  The  King  thought  the  letter  very  indifcreetly 
writ,  but  could  not  fee  any  thing  in  it  that  was 
criminal.  Yet,  in  compliance  with  the  defire  of 
fo  zealous  a  Parliament,  Lord  Lorn  was  fent  down 
upon  his  parole  :  But  the  King  writ  pofitively  to 
the  Earl  of  Midletoun,  not  to  proceed  to  the  exe 
cution  of  any  fentence  that  might  pals  upon  him. 
Lord  Lorn  upon  his  appearance  was  made  a  pri- 
foner  :  And  an  indictment  was  brought  againft 
him  for  leafing-making.  He  made  no  defence  : 
But  in  a  long  ipeech  he  fet  out  the  great  provo 
cation  he  had  been  under,  the  many  libels  that 
had  been  printed  againft  him':  Some  of  thefe  had 
been  put  in  the  King's  own  hands,  to  reprefent 
him  as  unworthy  of  his  grace  and  favour :  So, 
aft^r  all  that  hard  ufage,  it  was  no  wonder,  if  he 
had  writ  with  fome  iharpnefs  :  But  he  protefted, 
he  meant  no  harm  to  any  perfon  ;  his  defign  be 
ing  only  to  preferve  and  fave  himfelf  from  the 
malice  and  lies  of  others,  and  not  to  make  lies  of 
any.  In  conclufion,  he  fubmitted  to  the  juftice  of 
the  Parliament,  and  cafi:  himfelf  on  the  King's 
mercy.  He  was  upon  this  condemned  to  die,  as. 
guilty  of  leafing-making  :  And  the  day  of  his  Lorn  con- 
execution  was  left  to  the  Earl  of  Midletoun  by^emned- 
the  Parliament. 

I  neVer  knew  any  thing  more  generally  cried 
out  on  than  this  was,  unlefs  it  was  the  fecond  fen 
tence  pafs'd  on  him  twenty  years  after  this,  which 
had  more  fatal  effects,  and  a  more  tragical  con 
clufion.  He  was  certainly  born  to  be  the  fignaleil 
inflance  in  this  age  of  the  rigour,  or  rather  of 

the 


2oS  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1 66?..   the  mockery  of  juflice.     All  that  was  faid  at  this 
time  to  excufe  the  proceeding   was,  that  it  was 
certain  his  life  was  in  no  danger.     But  fmce  that 
depended  on  the  King,  it   did  not   excufe  thofe 
who  pafs'd  fo  bafe  a  fentence,  and  left  to  pofte- 
rity  the  precedent  of  a  Parliamentary  judgment, 
by  which  any  man  may  be  condemned  for  a  let 
ter  of  common  news.     This  was  not  all  the,  fury 
with  which  this  matter  was  driven  :  For  an  adt 
was  pafs'd  againft  all  perfons,  who  mould  move 
the  King  for  refloring  the  children  of  thofe  who 
were  attainted  by  Parliament ;  which  was  an  un 
heard-of  reftraint  on  applications  to  the  King  for 
his  grace  and  mercy.     This  the  Earl  of  Midletoun 
alfo   pafs'd,    tho'   he   had   no  inftruction   for   it. 
There  was  no  penalty  put  in  the  act :  For  it  was 
a  maxim  of  the  pleaders  for  prerogative,  that  the 
fixing  a  punifhrnent  was  a  limitation  on  the  Crown  : 
Whereas  an  act  forbidding  any  thing,  tho'  with- 
o'ut  a  penalty,  made  the  offenders  criminal :  And 
in  that  cafe  they  did  reckon,  that  the  punifhment 
was  arbitrary  ;  only  that  it   could  not  extend   to 
life.     A  Committee  was  next  appointed  for  fetting 
the   fines.     They  proceeded   without  any  regard 
to  the  rules  the  King  had  fet  them.     The  molt 
obnoxious  compounded   fecretly.     No  confidera- 
tion  was  had  either  of  mens  crimes,  or  of  their 
eftates  :  No  proofs  were  brought.     Enquiries  were 
not  fo  much  as  made :  But  as  men  were  delated, 
they  were  marked  down  for  fuch  a  fine :  And  all 
was  tranfocted  in  a  fecret  Committee.     When  the 
lift  of  the   men  and  of  their  fines  was    read  in 
Parliament,  exceptions  were  made  to  divers  ;  par 
ticularly  fome  who  had  been  under   age   all  the 
time  of  tranfgreffion,  and  others  abroad.     But  to 
every  thing  of  that  kind  an  anfwer  was  made,  that 
there  would  come  a  proper  time   in  which  every 
man  was  to  be  heard  in  his  own  defence  :  For  the 
meaning  of  fetting  the  fine  was   only  this,  that 
fuch  perfons  fliould  have  no  benefit  by  the  ac~t  of 

indem- 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

indemnity,  unlefs  they  paid  the  tins :  Therefore 
every  one  that  could  Hand  upon  his  innocence, 
and  renounce  the  benefit  of  the  indemnity,  was 
thereby  free  from  the  fine$  which  was  only  his 
eompofition  for  the  grace  and  pardon  of  the  act. 
So  all  pafs'd  in  that  great  hurry. 

The  other  point,  concerning  the  incapacity,  was  Some  in- 
carried  farther  than  was  perhaps  intended  at  firft  ;  ^ea] 
tho'  the  Lord  Tarbot  allured  me,  he  had  from  Bal 
the  beginning  defigned  it.  It  was  infufed  into  all 
people*  that  the  King  was  weary  of  the  Earl  of 
Lauderdale,  but  that  he  could  not  decently  throw 
him  off,  and  that  therefore  the  Parliament  muft 
help  him  with  a  fair  pretence  for  doing  it.  Yet 
others  were  very  apprehenfive,  that  the  King  could 
not  approve  of  a  Parliament's  falling  upon  a  Mi- 
niiler.  So  Lord  Tarbot  propofed  two  expedients. 
The  one  was,  that  no  perfon  mould  be  named* 
but  that  every  member  mould  do  it  by  ballot, 
and  mould  bring  twelve  names  in  a  paper  ;  and 
that  a  fecret  Committee  of  three  of  every  Eftate 
mould  make  the  fcrutiny  ;  and  that  they,  without 
making  any  report  to  the  Parliament*  mould  put 
thofe  twelve  names  on  whom  the  greater  number 
fell  in  the  act  of  incapacity ;  which  was  to  be  an. 
acl:  apart,  and  not  made  a  claufe  ot  the  act  of  in 
demnity.  This  was  taken  from  the  oilracifm  in 
Athens*  and  feemed  the  beft  method  in  an  acl:  of 
oblivion,  in  which  all  that  was  pals'd  was  to  be 
forgotten :  And  no  feeds  of  feuds  would  remaia, 
when  it  was  not  fo  much  as  known  againft  whom 
any  one  had  voted.  The  other  expedient  was* 
that  a  claufe  mould  be  put  in  the  act,  that  it 
mould  have  no  force,  and  that  the  names  in  it 
mould  never  be  publimed,  unlefs  the  King  mould 
approve  of  it.  By  this  means  it  was  hoped,  that» 
if  the  King  mould  diilike  the  whole  thing,  yet  it 
would  be  eaiy  to  foften  that,  by  letting  him  fee 
how  entirely  the  act  was  in  his  power.  EmifTa- 
ries  were  lent  to  every  Parliament  man,  directing  , 

VOL.  1.  P  him/ 


The  H  i  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reigu 
him  how  to  make   his  lift,  that  fo  the  Earls  df 
Lauderdale,  Crawford,  and  Sir  Robert  Murray, 
might   be  three  of  the  number.     This  was   ma 
naged  fo  carefully,  that  by  a  great  majority  they 
were  three  of  the  incapacitated  peribns.     The  Earl 
of  Midletoun  pafs'd  the  act,  tho'    he   had  no  in- 
ftruction  about  it  in   this  form.     The  matter  was 
fo  fecretly  carried,  that  it  was  not  iet  out  till  the 
day  before   it   was  done  :  For  they  reckoned  their 
fuccefs  in  it  was  to  depend  on   the  fecrecy  of  it, 
and   in  their   carrying  it  to  the  King,  before  he 
fhould  be  poflefled  againfl  it  by  the  Earl  of  Lau 
derdale,  or  his  party.     So  they  took  great  care  to 
vifit  the  packet,  and  to   Hop   any  that  fhould  go 
to  Court  poft  :  And  all  people  were  under  fuch 
terror,   that   no   courage   was    left.     Only  Lord 
Lorn  fent  one  on  his  own  hories,  who    was   to 
go  on  in  crofs  roads,  till  he  got   into  Yorkfhire  ; 
for  they  had  fecured  every  ftage  to  Durham.     By 
this  means  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  had  the  news 
three   days   before   the   Duke  of  Richmond  and 
The  King  Lord  Tarbot  got  to  Court.     He  carried  it  pre- 
was  dif-     fently  to  the  King,  who  could  fcarce  believe  it. 
^ut  w^en  *ie  ^aw  ^7  tne  liters  that  it  was  certainly 
true,  he  allured,  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale,  that  he 
would  preferve  him,  and  never   fufTer  fuch  a  de- 
ftruclive  precedent  to  pafs.     He  faid,  he  looked 
for  no  better  upon  the  Duke  of  Richmond's  going 
to    Scotland,    and    his    being    perpetually  drunk 
there.     This   mortified  the  Earl   of  Lauderdale  j 
for  it  looked  like  the  laying  in  an  excufe  for  the 
Earl  of  Midletoun.     From  the   King,  by  his  or 
ders,  he  went  to  the  Earl  of  Clarendon,   and  told 
all  to  him.     He  was  amazed   at  it  \    and   laid* 
that  certainly  he  had  fome  fecret  friend  that  had 
got  into  their  confidence,  and  had  perfuaded  them 
to  do  as  they  had  done  on  deiign  to  ruin  them. 
But  growing  more  ferious,  he  added,  he  was  fure 
the   King  on   his  own  account  would  take  care 
not  to  fuffer  fuch  a  thing  to  pafs :  Otherwife  no 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  211 

man  could  ferve  him  :  If  way  was  given  to  fuch  a    1662. 
method  of  proceeding,    he  himfelf  would  go  out 
of  his  dominions  as  faft  as  his  gout  would  fuffer 
him. 

Two  days  after  this  the  Duke  of  Richmond  and 
Lord  Tarbot  came  to  Court.  They  brought  the 
act  of  incapacity  fealed  up,  together  with  a  letter 
from  the  Parliament,  magnifying  the  Earl  of  Mi- 
dletoun's  fervices,  and  another  letter  ilgned  by  ten 
of  the  Bilhops  $  fetting  forth  his  zeal  for  the  Church, 
and  his  care  of  them  all :  And  in  particular  they 
fet  out  the  defign  he  was  then  on,  of  going  round 
fome  of  the  word  affected  counties  to  fee  the 
Church  eftablifhed  in  them,  as  a  work  that  was 
highly  meritorious.  At  the  fame  time  he  fentover 
the  Earl  of  Newburgh  to  Ireland,  to  engage  the 
Duke  of  Orrnond  to  reprefent  to  the  King  the  good 
effects  that  they  began  to  feel  in  that  Kingdom 
from  the  Earl  of  Midletoun's  adtniniftration  in 
Scotland*  hoping  the  King  would  not  difcourage, 
much  lefs  change  fo  faithful  a  mihifter.  The  King 
received  the  Duke  of  Richmond  and  Lord  Tarbot 
very  coldly.  When  they  delivered  the  act  of  in 
capacity  to  him,  he  allured  them,  it  fhould  never 
be  open'd  by  him  ;  and  faid,  their  laft  actings 
Were  like  madmen,  or  like  men  that  were  perpe 
tually  drunk.  Lord  Tarbot  faid,  all  was  yet  en 
tire,  and  in  his  hands,  the  act  being  to  live  or  to 
die  as  he  pleafed  :  He  magnified  the  Earl  of  Mi 
dletoun's  zeal  in  his  fervice,  and  the  loyal  affecti 
ons  of  his  Parliament,  who  had  on  this  occafion 
confulted  both  the  King's  fafety,  and  his  honour  : 
The  incapacity  act  was  only  intended,  to  put  it  out 
of  the  power  of  men,  who  had  been  formerly  bad 
inftruments,  to  be  fo  any  more :  And  even  tUat 
was  fubmitted  by  them  to  the  King's  judgment. 
The  King  heard  them  patiently,  and,  without  any 
farther  dlfcourfe  on  the  fubject,  difmilTed  them  : 
So  they  hoped  they  had  mollified  him.  But  the 
Earl  of  Lauderdak  turned  the  matter  upon  the 

P  2  Earl 


212  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1662.  Earl  of  Midletoun  and  Lord  Tarbot,  who  had 
v-*-v^  made  the  King  believe  that  the  Parliament  delired 
leave  to  incapacitate  fome,  whereas  no  fuch  de- 
fire  had  ever  been  made  in  Parliament :  And  then, 
after  the  King,  upon  that  mifreprefentation,  had 
given  way  to  it,  the  Parliament  was  made  to 
believe,  that  the  King  defired,  that  fome  might 
be  put  under  that  ceniure  :  So  that  the  abufe  had 
been  equally  put  on  both :  Honours  went  by  ballot 
at  Venice :  But  punimments  had  never  gone  fo, 
fmce  the  oflracifm  at  Athens,  which  was  the  fac 
tious  practice  of  a  jealous  Commonwealth,  never 
to  be  let  up  as  a  precedent  under  a  Monarchy  : 
Even  the  Athenians  were  afaamed  of  it,  when 
Ariftides,  the  jufteft  man  among  them,  fell  un- 
.  der  the  ccnfure :  And  they  laid  it  afide  not  long 

after. 

G^eat  The  Earl  of  Clarendon  gave  up  the  thing  as  in- 

pams        exculable  :  But  he  ftudied  to  preferve  the  Earl  of 
>xcu"et0    Midletoun.  The  change  newly  made  in  the  Church 
Midie-      of  Scotland  had  been  managed  by  him  with  zeal 
toun.        and  fuccefs  :    But  tho'  it  was  well  begun,    yet  if 
thefe  laws  were  not  maintained  by  a  vigorous  exe 
cution,    the  Prefbyterians,  who  were  quite  difpi- 
u  rited  by  the  fteddinefs  of  his  conduct,   would  take 
.  heart  again  ;  efpecially  if  they  faw  the  Earl  of  Lau- 
.  derdale  grow  upon  him,  whom  they  looked  on  as 
^  theirs  in  his  heart :  So  he  prayed  the  King  to  for 
give  one  fingle  fault,  that  came  after  fo  much  me 
rit.     He  alfo  fent  advices  to  the  Earl  of  Midletoun 
to  go  on  in  his  care  of  eflablifliing  the  Church, 
and  to  get  the  Bifhops  to  fend  up  copious  accounts 
of  all  that  he  had  done.     The  King  ordered  him 
to  come  up,  and  to  give   him  an  account  of  the 
affairs  in  Scotland.     But  he  reprefented   the  ablb- 
lute  necefilty  of  feeing  fome  of  the  laws  lately  made 
put    in  execution :  For  it  was  hoped,  the  King's 
difpleafure  would  be  allayed,  and  go  off,  if  fome 


time  could  be  but  gained. 


One 


of  King  CHARLES  IJ.  213 

One  act  pafs'd  in  the  lail  Parliament  that  re-  1662. 
ftored  the  rights  of  patronage,  the  taking  away  of  v^-v^/ 
which  even  Prefbytery  could  not  carry  till  the  year  The  Pref- 
1649,  in  which  they  had  the  Parliament  entirely  ^'.ter(1}an 
in  their  hands.  Then  the  election  of  Minifters 
was  put  in  the  Church  fefFion  and  the  lay  eiders : 
So  that,  from  that  time  all  that  had  been  admitted 
to  Churches  came  in  without  prefentations.  One 
claufe  in  the  act  declared  all  thefe  incumbents  to 
be  unlawful  poflefibrs  :  Only  it  indemnified  them 
for  what  was  paft,  and  required  them  before  Mi 
chaelmas  to  take  prefentations  from  the  patrons, 
who  were  obliged  to  give  them  being  demanded, 
and  to  get  themfelvcs  to  be  inftituted  by  the  Bi- 
fhops  j  otherwife  their  Churches  were  declared  va 
cant  on  Michaelmas  day.  This  took  in  all  the 
young  and  hot  men :  So  the  I%efbyterians  had 
many  meetings  about  it,  in  which  they  all  refolved 
not  to  obey  the  act.  They  reckoned,  the  taking 
inflitution  from  a  Bifhop  was  fuch  an  owning  of 
his  authority,  that  it  was  a  renouncing  of  all  their 
former  principles  :  Whereas  fome  few  that  had  a 
mind  to  hold  their  benefices,  thought  that  was  on 
ly  a  fecular  law  that  gave  a  legal  right  to  their 
tithes  and  benefices,  and  had  no  relation  to  their 
fpiritual  concerns ;  and  therefore  they  thought 
they  might  fubmit  to  it,  efpecially  where  Biihops 
were  fo  moderate  as  to  impofe  no  fubfcription  up 
on  them,  as  the  greater  part  were.  But  the  relo- 
lution  taken  by  the  main  body  of  the  Prefbyterians 
was,  to  pay  no  obedience  to  any  of  the  acts  made 
in  this  fefiion,  and  to  look  on,  and  fee  what  the 
State  would  do.  The  Earl  of  Midletoun  was  na 
turally  fierce,  and  that  was  heightened  by  the  ill 
ftate  of  his  affairs  at  Court :  So  he  refolved  on  a 
punctual  execution  of  the  law.  He  and  all  about 
him  were  at  this  time  fo  conftantly  difordered,  by 
high  entertainments  and  other  excefles,  that,  even 
in  the  fhort  intervals  between  their  drunken  bouts, 
they  were  not  cool  nor  calm  enough  to  confider 
P  3  what 


2J4  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1662,    wha,t  they  were  doing.     He  had  alfo  fo  mean  an 
opinion  of  ihe  party,  that  he  believed  they  wouUi 
comply  with  any  thing  rather  than  lofe  their  be- 
ncficcs.    And  therefore  he  declared,  he  would  exe 
cute  the  law  in  its  utmoil  rigour.     On  the  other 
hand,    the  heads  of  the  Prelbyterjans  reckoned, 
that  if  great  numbers  were  turned  out  all  at  once, 
it  would  not  be  poOible  to  fill  their  places  on  the 
iudden  ;  and  that  the  government  would  be  forced 
to  take  them  in  again,  if  there  were  fuch  a  vacancy 
made,  that  a  great  part  of  the  nation  were  left  def- 
titute,    and  had  no  divine  iervice  among  them. 
For  that  which  all  the  wifer  of  the  party  appre 
hended  mod  was,  that  the  Bi Chops  would  go  on 
flowiy,  and  fmgle  exit  fome  that  were  more  facti 
ous  upon  particular  provocations,  and  turn  them 
out  by  degrees,  as  they  had  men  ready  to  put  in 
their  room  -,  which  would  have   been  more  infen- 
fible,  and  more  excufable,  if  indiicreet  zealots  had, 
as  it  were,  forced  cenfures  from  them.     The  ad 
vice  fent  over  all  the  country,  from  their  leaders 
•who  had  fettled  meafures  at  Edinburgh,  was,  that 
they  fhould  do  and  lay  nothing  that  might  give  a 
particular  dillafte,    but  fhould  look  on,    and  do 
their  duty  as  long  as  they  were  connived  at  •,  and 
that   if  any  proclamation   fhould  be   iflued  out, 
commanding  them  to  be  filent,    they  fhould  all 
obey  at  once.     In  thefe  meafures   both  fides  were 
deceived  in  their  expectations.     The  Bithops  went 
;o  their  feveral  diocefes  :    And  according  as  the 
people  ilood  affected  they  were  well  or  ill  received : 
And  they  held  their  fynods  every  where  in  Octo 
ber.     In  the  northern   parts  very  few  ftood  out: 
But  in  the  weftern  parts  fcarce  any  came  to  them. 
The  Earl  of  Midfetoun  went  to  Glafgow  before 
Michaelmas.      So  when  the  time  fixed  by  the  act 
was  pafs'd,  and  that  fcarce  any  one  in   all  thofe 
Counties  had  paid  any  regard  to  it,    he  called  a 
meeting  of   the  Privy  Council,  that  they  might 
confidcr  what  was  fit  to  be  done.     Duke  Hamilton 

told 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  215 

told  me,  they  were  all  fo  drunk  that  day,  that  if 
they  were  not  capable  of  considering  any  tlun;> 
that  was  laid  before  them,  and  would  hear  of  no 
thing  but  the  executing  the  law  without  any  re 
lenting  or  delay.  So  a  proclamation  war;  itfued 
out,  requiring  all  who  had  their  livings  without 
prefcntations,  snd  who  had  not  obeyed  the  late 
act,  to  give  over  all  farther  preaching,  or  ferving 
the  cure,  arid  to  withdraw  from  their  parifhes  im 
mediately  :  And  the  military  men  that  lay  in  the 
country  were  ordered  to  pull  them  out  of  thrir  pul 
pits,  if  they  fhould  prefumetogo  on  in  their  functi 
ons.  This  was  oppolcd  only  by  Duke  1  lamilton,  and 
Sir  James  Lockhart,  father  to  Sir  William  Lock- 
hart.  They  represented,  that  the  much  greater 
part  of  the  preachers  in  thefe  Counties  had  come 
into  their  Churches  fmce  the  year  1649  »  tnat  tn(:7 
were  very  popular  men,  both  efteemed  and  be 
loved  of  their  people:  It  would  be  a  great  fcan- 
dal,  if  they  fhould  be  turned  out,  and  none  be 
ready  to  be  put  in  their  places  :  And  it  would  not 
be  poflible  to  find  a  competent  number  of  well  qua 
lified  men,  to  fill  the  many  vacancies  that  this  pro 
clamation  would  make.  The  Earl  of  Midlctoun 
would  hear  of  nothing,  but  the  immediate  execu 
tion  of  the  lav/.  So  the  proclamation  was  iflued 
out :  And  upon  it  above  two  hundred  Churches 
were  fhut  up  in  one  day  :  And  above  one  hundred 
and  fifty  more  v/ere  to  be  turned  out  for  not  obey 
ing,  and  fubmitting  to  the  Bifhops  fummons  to 
their  fynods.  All  this  was  done  without  confider- 
ing  the  confcquence  of  it,  or  communicating  it  to 
the  other  Bifhops.  Sharp  faid  to  my  fdf,  that  he 
knew  nothing  of  it ;  nor  did  he  imagine,  that  fo 
ram  a  thing  could  have  been  done,  till  he  faw  it 
in  print.  He  was  glad  that  this  was  done  with 
out  his  having  any  mare  in  it :  For  by  it  he  was. 
iurnifhed  with  fomewhat,  in  which  he  was  no  way 
concerned,  upon  which  he  might  caft  all  the  blame 
of  all  that  followed.  Yet  this  was  fuitable  enough 


2  i  6  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1662.  to  a  maxim  that  he  and  all  that  fort  of  people  fet 
u^r*~>  up,  that  the  execution  of  laws  was  that  by  which 
all  governments  maintained  their  fcrerigth,  as  well 
as  their  honour.  The  Earl  of  Midletoun  was  fur- 
prized  at  this  extraordinary  fubmiffion  of  the  Pref- 
byterians.  He  had  fancied,  that  the  greateft  part 
would  have  complied,  and  that  fome  of  the  more 
intractable  would  have  done  fome  extraordinary 
thing,  to  have  juftified  the  feverities  he  would 
have  exercifed  in  that  cafe  -,  and  was  difappointed 
both  ways.  Yet  this  obedience  cf  a  party,  fo  little 
iccutiomed  to  it,  was  much  magnified  at  Court. 
It  was  faid,  that  all  plied  before  him  :  They  knew 
he  was  ileddy  :  So  they  faw  how  necenary  it  was 
not  to  change  the  management,  if  it  was  really  in 
tended  to  preferve  the  Church.  Lord  Tarbot  told 
rne,  that  die  King  had  exprefTed  to  himfelf  the 
eileem  he  had  for  Sheldon,  upon  the  account  of 
the  courage  that  he  fhewed  in  the  debate  concern 
ing  the  execution  of  the  aft  of  Uniformity  at  the 
day  prefixed,  which  was  St.  Bartholomew's  :  For 
fome  fuggeiled  the  danger  that  might  arife,  if  the 
a6t  were  vigorouily  executed.  From  thence  it 
feems  the  Earl  of  Midletoun  concluded,  the  zeal 
he  ihewed  now  would  be  fo  acceptable,  that  all 
former  errours  would  be  forgiven,  if  he  went 
through  with  it  -,  as  indeod  he  ftuck  at  nothing. 
Yet  the  clamour  of  putting  feveral  Counties,  as  it 
were,  under  an  interdict,  was  very  great.  So  all 
endeavours  were  ufecl  to  get  as  many  as  could  be 
had  to  fill  thofe  vacancies.  And  among  others  I 
was  much  prefTed,  both  by  the  Earl  of  Giencairn 
and  the  Lord  Tarbot,  to  go  into  any  of  the  va 
cant  Churches  that  I  liked.  I  was  then  but  nine 
teen  :  Yet  there  is  no  law  in  Scotland  limiting  the 
age  of  a  prieii.  And  it  was  upon  this  account 
that  I  was  let  fo  far  into  the  fecret  of  all  affairs  : 
For  they  had  fuch  an  imagination  of  fome  fervice 
I  might  do  them,  that  they  treated  me  with  a  very 
particular  freedom  and  confidence.  But  I  had 

imbibe^ 


of  King  CHARLES  IL 

imbibed  the  principles  of  moderation  fo  early, 
that,  tho'  I  was  entirely  Epifcopal,  yet  I  would 
not  engage  with  a  body  of  men,  that  feemed  to 
have  the  principles  and  tempers  of  Inquifitors  in 
them,  and  to  have  no  regard  to  religion  in  any  of 
their  proceedings.  So  I  flood  upon  my  youth, 
and  could  not  be  wrought  on  to  go  to  the  weft  ; 
tho?  the  Earl  of  Glencairn  offered  to  carry  me  with 
him  under  his  protection. 

There  was  a  fort  of  an  invitation  fent  over  the 
Kingdom,  like  a  hue  and  cry,  to  all  perfons  to 
accept  of  benefices  in  the  well.  The  livings  were 
generally  well  endowed,  and  the  parfonage  houfes 
were  well  built,  and  in  good  repair  :  And  this  drew 
many  very  worthlefs  perfons  thither,  who  had 
little  learning,  lefs  piety,  and  no  fort  of  difcretion. 
They  came  thither  with  great  prejudices  againft  A  general 
them,  and  had  many  difficulties  to  wreftle  with.  ci^ai'a^cr 
The  former  incumbents,  who  were  for  the  moil  of  :  tm* 
part  Proteflors,  were  a  grave  fort  of  people.  Their 
fpirits  were  eager,  and  their  tempers  four  :  But 
they  had  an  appearance  that  created  refpecl:.  They 
were  related  to  the  chief  families  in  the  country, 
either  by  blood  or  marriage  •,  and  had  lived  in  fo 
decent  a  manner,  that  the  Gentry  paid  great  ref 
pecl:  to  them.  They  ufed  to  vifit  their  parifhes 
much,  and  were  fo  full  of  the  fcriptures,  and  fo 
ready  at  extempore  prayer,  that  from  that  they 
grew  to  praclife  extempore  fermqns  :  For  the 
cuflom  in  Scotland  was  after  dinner  or  fupper  to 
read  a  chapter  in  the  fcripture :  And  where  they 
happened  to  come,  if  it  was  acceptable,  they  on 
the  fudden  expounded  the  chapter.  They  had 
brought  the  people  to  fuch  a  degree  of  knowledge, 
that  cottagers  and  fervants  would  have  prayed  ex 
tempore.  I  have  often  overheard  them  at  it : 
And,  tho'  there  was  a  large  mixture  of  odd  fluff, 
yet  I  have  been  afloniflied  to  hear  how  copious 
and  ready  they  were  in  it.  Their  Miniflers  gene 
rally  brought  them  at>QUt  them:  o.n  the  funday 

nights, 


?i 8  The.  II  i  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1662.  nights,  where  the  fermons  were  talked  over ;  and 
every  one,  women  as  v/ell  as  men,  were  defired  to 
fpeak  their  fenfe  and  their  experience  :  And  by 
thefe  means  they  had  a  compreheniion  of  matters 
of  religion,  greater  than  I  have  feen  among  people 
of  that  fort  any  where.  The  preachers  went  all  in 
one  trick,  of  raifing  obfervations  on  points  of 
doctrine  out  of  their  text,  and  proving  thefe  by 
reafons,  and  then  of  applying  thole,  and  ihewing 
the  ufe  that  was  to  be  made  of  fuch  a  point  of 
doclrine,  both  for  inftruction  and  terrour,  for  ex 
hortation  and  comfort,-  for  trial  of  themfeJves  up 
on  it,  and  for  furnilhing  them  with  proper  clirecli- 
o»s  and  helps  :  And  this  was  fo  methodical,  that 
the  people  grew  to  follow  a  fermon  quite  through 
every  branch  of  it.  To  this  fome  added,  the  re- 
folving  of  doubts  concerning  the  flate  they  were 
in,  or  their  progrefs  or  decay  in  it ;  which  they 
called  cafes  of  confcience :  And  thefe  were  taken 
from  what  their  people  faid  to  them  at  any  time., 
very  oft  being  under  fits  of  melancholy,  or  va 
pours,  or  obitrudions,  which,  tho'  they  flowed 
from  natural  caufes,  were  looked  on  as  the  work 
of  the  fpirit  of  God,  and  a  particular  exercife  to 
them  ;  and  they  fed  this  difeafe  of  weak  minds  too 
much.  Thus  they  had  laboured  very  diligently, 
tho'  with  a  wrong  method  and  wrong  notions.  But 
as  they  lived  in  great  familiarity  with  their  people, 
and  ufed  to  pray  and  to  talk  oft  with  them  in  pri 
vate,  fo  it  can  hardly  be  imagined  to  what  a  de 
gree  they  were  loved  and  reverenced  by  them. 
They  kept  fcandalous  perfons  under  a  fevere  diici- 
pline :  For  breach  of  fabbath,  for  an  oath,  or  the 
leaft  diforder  in  drunkennefs,  perfons  were  cited 
before  the  Church  fefllon,  that  confided  of  ten  or 
twelve  of  the  chief  of  the  parilh,  who  with  the 
Minifter  had  this  care  upon  them,  and  were  fo- 
lemnly  reproved  for  it :  For  fornication  they  were 
not  only  reproved  before  jtheie ;  but  there  was  a 
high  place  in  the  church  called  the  flpol  or  pillar 

of 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

cf  repentance,  where  they  fate  at  the  times  of  wor- 
ihip  for  three  Lords-days,  receiving  admonitions, 
and  making  profeffion  ot  repentance  on  all  thofe 
days  ;  which  fome  did  with  many  tears,  and  feri- 
ous  exhortations  to  all  the  reft,  to  take  warning 
by  their  fall :  For  adultery  they  were  to  fit  fix 
months  in  that  place,  covered  with  fackcloth. 
Thefe  things  had  a  grave  appearance.  Their 
faults  and  defects  were  not  fo  conipicuous.  They 
Jiad  a  very  fcanty  meafure  of  learning,  and  a  nar 
row  compafs  in  it.  They  were  little  men,  of  a 
very  indifferent  fize  of  capacity,  and  apt  to  fly  out 
into  great  excefs  of  paflion  and  indifcretion.  They 
were  fervile,  and  too  apt  to  fawn  upon,  and  flat 
ter  their  admirers.  They  were  affected  in  their 
deportment,  and  very  apt  to  cenfure  all  who  dif- 
taed  from  them,  and  to  believe  and  report  what- 
foever  they  heard  to  their  prejudice.  And  they 
were  fuperftitious  and  haughty.  In  their  fermons 
they  were  apt  to  enlarge  on  the  flate  of  the  prefenr. 
time,  and  to  preach  againfl  the  fins  of  Princes  and 
Courts  :  A  topick  that  naturally  makes  men  popu 
lar.  It  has  an  appearance  of  courage  :  And  the 
people  are  glad  to  hear  thofe  fins  infifted  on,  in 
which  they  perceive  they  have  no  mare,  and  to  be 
lieve  that  all  the  judgments  of  God  come  down 
by  the  means  and  procurement  of  other  mens  fins. 
But  their  opinions  about  the  independence  of  the 
Church  and  Clergy  on  the  Civil  power,  and  their 
readinefs  to  flir  up  the  people  to  tumults  and  wars, 
was  that  which  begot  fo  ill  an  opinion  of  them  at 
this  time  in  all  men,  that  very  few,  who  were  not 
deeply  engaged  with  them  in  thefe  conceits,  pitied 
them  much  under  all  the  ill  ufage  they  now  met 
with.  I  hope  this  is  no  impertinent  nor  ungrateful 
cUgrefiion.  It  is  a  juft  and  true  account  of  thefe 
men  and.  thofe  times,  from  which  a  judicious 
,,ier  will  make  good  inferences.  I  will  conclude 
this  with  a  'judicious  anfwer  that  one  of  the  wifeft 
and  beft  of  them,  Colvil,  who  fucceeded  Leigh- 


22O  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1662.  touo  in  the  Headfhip  of  the  College  of  Edinburgh, 
«-*v>w»  made  to  the  Earl  of  Midletoun,  when  he  prefs'd 
him  in  the  point  of  defenfive  arms  to  tell  plainly 
his  opinion,  whether  they  were  lawful  or  not.  He 
faid,  the  queftion  had  been  often  put  to  him,  and 
he  had  always  declined  to  anfwer  it :  But  to  him 
he  plainly  faid,  he  wifhed  that  Kings  and  their 
Minifters  would  believe  them  lawful,  and  fo  go 
vern  as  men  that  expe6l  to  be  refilled  ;  but  he 
wifhed,  that  all  their  fubje&s  would  believe  them 
to  be  unlawful,  and  fo  the  world  would  be  at 
quiet. 

Prejudices  I  do  now  return  to  end  the  account  of  the  ftate 
infufed  of  tjiat  eountrv  at  this  time.  The  people  were 
E?ifco-  mucn  troubled,  when  fo  many  of  their  Minifters 
pacy.  were  turned  out.  Their  Minifters  had,  for  fome 
months  before  they  were  thus  iilenced,  been  in- 
fufing  this  into  their  people,  both  in  publick  and 
private  •,  that  ail  that  was  defigned  in  this  change 
of  Church  government  was  to  deftroy  the  power 
of  godlineis,  and  to  give  an  impunity  to  vice  ; 
that  Prelacy  was  a  tyranny  in  the  Church,  fet  on 
by  ambitious  and  covetous  men,  who  aimed  at 
nothing  but  authority  and  wealth,  luxury  and  idle- 
nefs ;  and  that  they  intended  to  encourage  vice, 
that  they  might  procure  to  themfelves  a  great  party 
among  the  impious  and  immoral.  The  people, 
thus  prepoffeffed,  feeing  the  Earl  of  Midletoun, 
and  all  the  train  that  followed  him  thro'  thofe 
Counties,  running  into  excefTes  of  all  forts,  and 
railing  at  the  very  appearance  of  virtue  and  fobri- 
ety,  were  confirmed  in  the  belief  of  all  that  their 
Minifters  had  told  them.  What  they  had  heard 
concerning  Sharp's  betraying  thofe  that  had  em 
ployed  him,  and  the  other  Bilhops,  who  had  taken 
the  Covenant,  and  had  forced  it  on  others,  and 
now  preach'd  againft  it,  openly  owning  that  they 
had  in  fo  doing  gone  againft  the  exprefs  diclate  of 
their  own  confcience,  did  very  much  heighten  all 
their  pr-eiudices,  and  fixed  them  fo  in  them,  that 
•*•'....  it 


Of  King    C  H  A  R  L  £  S    II.  221 

it  was  fcarce  poffible  to  conquer  them  afterwards.  1662. 
All  this  was  out  of  meafure  increafed  by  the  new  <-*v^~> 
incumbents,  who  were  put  in  the  places  of  the 
ejected  preachers,  and  were  generally  very  mean 
and  defpicable  in  all  refpects.  They  were  the 
woril  preachers  I  ever  heard  :  They  were  ignorant 
to  a  reproach  :  And  many  of  them  were  openly 
vitious.  They  were  a  difgrace  to  their  orders, 
and  the  facred  functions  •,  and  were  indeed  the 
dreg  and  refufe  of  the  northern  parts.  Thofe  of 
them,  who  arofe  above  contempt  or  fcandal,  were 
men  of  fuch  violent  tempers,  that  they  were  as 
much  hated,  as  the  others  were  defpifed.  This 
was  the  fatal  beginning  of  reftoring  Epifcopacy  in 
Scotland,  of  which  few  of  the  Biihops  feemed  to 
have  any  fenfe.  Fairfoul,  the  moft  concerned, 
had  none  at  all :  For  he  fell  into  a  paralytick  date, 
in  which  he  languished  a  year  before  he  died.  I 
have  thus  opened  the  firft  fettlement  in  Scotland : 
Of  which  I  my  felf  obferved  what  was  vifible, 
and  underftood  the  more  fecret  tranfactions  from 
thofe,  who  had  fuch  a  mare  in  them,  that  it  was 
not  poffible  for  them,  to  mi  (lake  them  :  And  I 
had  no  reafon  to  think  they  intended  to  deceive, 
or  mifinform  me. 

I  will  in  the  next  place  change  the  climate,  1660. 
and  give  as  particular  an  account  as  I  can  of  the  * — v-^> 
fettlement  of  England  both  in  Church  and  State  :  Theaf: 
Which,  tho'  it  will  be  perhaps  imperfect,  and  will 
in  fome  parts  be  immethodical,  yet  I  am  well 
allured  it  will  be  found  true  ;  having  picked  it 
up  at  feveral  times,  from  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale, 
Sir  Robert  Murray,  the  Earl  of  Shaftfbury,  the 
Earl  of  Clarendon  the  fon  of  the  Lord  Chancel- 
lour,  the  Lord  Hollis,  and  Sir  Harbottle  Grim- 
flone,  who  was  the  Speaker  of  the  Houfe  of  Com 
mons,  under  whofe  protection  !  lived  nine  years 
when  I  was  preacher  at  the  Rolls,  he  being  then 
Matter  of  the  Rolls.  From  fuch  hands  I  could 

/:  not 


The  H  i  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 
not  be  mided,  when  I  laid  all  together,  and  con- 
fidered  what  reafon  I  had  to  make  allowances  for 
the  different  accounts  that  diverfity  of  parties  and 
interefts  may  lead  men  to  give,  they  too  eafily 
believing  ibme  things,  and  as  eafily  rejecting  others, 
as  they  itood  affected. 

After  the  King  came  over,  no  perfon  in  the 
Houle  of  Commons  had  the  courage  to  move 
the  offering  proportions,  for  any  limitation  of 
prerogative,  or  die  defining  of  any  doubtful  points. 
All  was  joy  and  rapture.  If  the  King  had  ap- 
plyed  himfelf  to  bufmefs,  and  had  purfued  thofe 
defigns  which  he  ftudied  to  retrieve  all  the  reft  of 
his  reign,  when  it  was  too  late,  he  had  probably 
in  thoie  firft  tranfports  carried  every  thing  that 
he  would  have  defired,  either  as  to  revenue  or 
power.  But  he  was  fo  given  up  to  pleafure,  that 
he  devolved  the  management  of  all  his  affairs  on 
the  Earl  of  Clarendon  ;  who,  as  he  had  his  breed 
ing  in  the  law,  fo  he  had  all  along  declared  him 
felf  for  the  ancient  liberties  of  England,  as  well  as 
for  the  rights  of  the  Crown.  A  domeftick  acci 
dent  had  happened  to  him,  which  heightened  his 
zeal  for  the  former.  He,  when  he  began  to  grow 
eminent  in  his  profeffion,  came  down  to  fee  his 
aged  father,  a  gentleman  of  Wiltfhire :  Who,  one 
day,  as  they  \vere  walking  in  the  field  together, 
told  him,  that  men  of  his  profeffion  did  often 
ftretch  law  and  prerogative,  to  the  prejudice  of 
the  liberty  of  the  fubject,  to  recommend  and  ad 
vance  themfelves :  So  he  charged  him,  if  ever  he 
grew  to  any  eminence  in  his  profeffion,  that  he 
ihould  never  facrifice  the  laws  and  liberties  of  his 
country  to  his  own  interefts,  or  to  the  will  of  a 
Prince.  He  repeated  this  twice  :  And  immediately 
he  fell  into  a  fit  of  an  apoplexy,  of  which  he  died 
in  a  few  hours.  This  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  told 
the  Lady  Ranelagh,  who  put  him  often  in  mind 
of  it :  And  from  her  I  had  it. 

He 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

He  refolved  not  to  ftretch  the  prerogative  be- 
yond  what  it  was  before  the  wars,  and  would  nei- 
ther&t  alide  the  Petition  of  Right,  nor  endeavour 
to  raife  the  Courts  of  the   Star   Chamber  or  the  a     mo- 
High  Commiffion  again,  which  could  have  been  derate  no- 
eafily  done,  if  he  had  fet   about  it :  Nor  did  he 
think  fie  to  move  for  the  repeal  of  the  act  for  tri 
ennial  Parliaments,    till  other  matters  were  well 
iettkd.     He   took   care    indeed   to  have   all  the 
things  that  were  extorted  by  the  long  Parliament 
from  King  Charles  I.  to  be  repealed.     And  fmce 
the  difpute  of  the  power   of  the  Militia  was  the 
moil  important,  and  the  moil  infilled  on,  he  was 
very  earneft  to  have  that  clearly  determined  for 
the  future.     But  as  to  all  the  acts  relating  to  pro 
perty,  or   the  jufb  limitation  of  the  prerogative, 
fuch  as  the  matter  of  the  mip-money,  the   ton 
nage  and   poundage,  and  the  Habeas  Corpus  act, 
be  did  not  touch  on  thefe.     And  as  for  the  Hand 
ing  revenue,   1200000!.  a  year  was  all  that   was 
afked  :  And,  thos  it  was  much  more  than  any  of 
our  Kings  had  formerly,  yet  it  was  readily  granted,. 
This  was  to  anfwer  all  the  ordinary  expence  of  the 
government.     It  was  believed,  that  if  two  millions 
had  been  afked,  he  could  have   carried  it.     But 
he  had  no  mind  to  put  the  King  out  of  the  ne- 
ceiTity  of  having  recourfe  to  his  Parliament.   The 
King   came  afterwards  to  believe,  that  he  could 
have  raifed  both  his  authority  and  revenue  much 
higher,  but  that  he  had  no  rnind  to  carry  it  far 
ther,  or  to  truil  him    too    much.     Whether  all 
thele  things  could  have  been  got  at  that  time,  or 
not,  is  above  my  conjecture.     But  this  I  know, 
that  all  the  Earl  of  Clarendon's  enemies  after  his 
fall  faid,  thefe  things  had  been  eafily  obtained,  if 
he  had  taken  any  pains  in  the  matter,  but  that  he 
himfelf  had  no  mind  to  it :  And  they  infufcd  this 
into  the  King,  fo  that  he  believed  it,    and  hated 
him  mortally  on  that  account.    And  in  his  difficul 
ties  afterwards  he  faid  often,  all  thole  things  might 


224  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1660.  have  been  prevented,  if  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  Had 
t-^-v^;    been  true  to  him. 

Vernier's       The  King  had  not  been  many  days  at  White- 
fury,        hall,  when  one  Venner,  a  violent  fifth-monarchy 
man,  who  thought  it  was  not  enough  to  believe 
that  Chrift  was  to  reign  on  earth,-  and  to  put  the 
faints  in  the  poffeffion  of  the  Kingdom,  (an  opi 
nion  that  they  were  all  unfpeakably   fond  of,)  but 
added    to  this,  that  the   faints  were  to  take  the 
Kingdom  themfelves.     He  gathered»  fome  of  the 
molt  furious  of  the  party  to  a  meeting  in  Cole- 
man  ftreet.     There  they  concerted  the  day  and  the 
manner  of  their  rifmg  to  fet  Chrift  on  his  Throne, 
as  they  called  it.     But  withal  they  meant  to  ma 
nage  the  government  in  his  name  ;  and  were  fo 
formal,  that  they  had  prepared  ftand&rds  and  co 
lours  with  their  devices  on  them,  and  furnifhed 
themfelves  with  very  good  arms.     But  when  the 
day  came,  there  was  but  a  fmall  appearance,  not 
exceeding  twenty.     However  they  refolved  to  ven 
ture  out  into  the  ftreets,  and  cry  out,  No  King 
but  Chrift.     Some  of  them  feemed  perfuaded  that 
Chrift  would  come  down,  and  head  them.     They 
fcoured  the  ftreets  before  them,  and  made  a  great 
progrefs.     Some  were  afraid,  and  all  were  amazed 
at  this  piece  of  extravagance.     They  killed  a  great 
many,  but   were   at   laft  maftered  by  numbers  : 
And  were  all  either  killed,  or  taken  and  executed. 
Upon  this  fome  troops  of  guards  were  raifed.  And 
there  was  a  great  talk  of  a  defign,  as  foon  as  the 
Army  was  dilbanded,  to  raile  a  force  that  fhould 
be  fo  chofen  and  modelled  that  the  King  might 
depend  upon  it ;  and  that  it  fhould  be  fo  confider- 
able,  that  there  might  be  no  reafon  to  apprehend 
new  tumults  any  more.     The  Earl  of  Southamp 
ton  looked  on  a  while  :  And,  when  he  faw  how 
this  defign  feemed  to  be  entertained  and  magni 
fied,  he  entered  into  a  very  free  expoftulation  with 
the   Earl  of  Clarendon  about  it.     He  faid,  they 
had  felt  the  effects  of  a  military  government,  tho5 

ibber 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

fober  and  religious,  in  Cromwell's  army  :  He  be- 
iieved  vitious  and  diilblute  troops  would  be  much 
worfe  :  The  King  would  grow  fond  of  them  :  And 
they  would  quickly  become  infolent  and  ungo 
vernable  :  And  thea  fuch  men  as  he  was  muft  be 
only  inftruments  to  ferve  their  ends.  He  faid, 
he  would  not  look  on,  and  fee  the  ruin  of  his 
country  begun,  and  be  filent :  A  white  ftaff 
mould  not  bribe  him.  The  Earl  of  Clarendon 
was  perfuaded  he  was  in  the  right,  and  promifed 
he  would  divert  the  King  from  any  other  force, 
than  what  might  be  decent  to  make  a  mew  with, 
and  what  might  ferve  to  difperfe  unruly  multi 
tudes.  The  Earl  of  Southampton  faid,  if  it  went 
no  farther  he  could  bear  it  •,  but  it  would  not  be 
eafy  to  fix  fuch  a  number,  as  would  pleafe  our 
Princes*  and  not  give  jealoufy.  The  Earl  of 
Clarendon  perfuaded  the  King,  that  it  was  necef- 
fary  for  him  to  carry  himfelf  with  great  caution, 
till  the  old  Army  mould  be  difbanded :  For,  if 
an  ill  humour  got  among  them,  they  knew  both 
their  courage  and  their  principles,  which  the  pre- 
fent  times  had  for  a  while  a  little  fupprerTed  :  Yet 
upon  any  juft  jealoufy  there  might  be  great  caufe 
to  fear  new  and  more  violent  diibrders.  By  thefe 
means  the  King  was  fo  wrought  on,  that  there 
was  no  great  occafion  given  for  jealoufy.  The 
Army  was  to  be  difbanded,  but  in  fuch  a  manner, 
with  fo  much  refpecl:,  and  fo  exacl  an  account  of 
arrears,  and  fuch  gratuities,  that  it  looked  rather 
to  be  the  difmifling  them  to  the  next  opportunity, 
and  a  referving  them  till  there  fhould  be  occafion 
for  their  fervice,  than  a  breaking  of  them.  They 
were  certainly  the  braveft,  the  bed  difciplined,  and 
the  fobereft  Army  that  had  been  known  in  thefe 
latter  ages  :  Every  foldier  was  able  to  do  the  func 
tions  ot  an  officer.  The  Court  was  in  great  quiet, 
when  they  got  rid  of  fuch  a  burden,  as  lay  on 
them  from  the  fear  of  fuch  a  body  of  men.  The 
guards,  and  the  new  troops  that  were  raifed,  were 
VOL.  I.  O  made 


226  The  .H.i  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1660.   made  up  of  fuch  of  the  Army  as  Monk  rccotn- 
***v*«»>  mended,   and  anfwered  for.     And  with  that  his 
great  intereft  at  Court  came  to  a  ftand.     He  was 
little  .confidered  afterwards. 

The  trial    '     k1  one  c^mg  tne  temPer  °f  the  nation  appeared 
andexe-    to  be  contrary  to  fevere  proceedings :  For,  tho* 
cudonof  the  Regicides  were  at  that  time  odious  beyond  all 
the  Regi-  exprefiion,  and  the  trials   and  executions   of  the 
firir.  that  fuftered  were  run  to  byvaft  crouds,  and 
.all  people  feemed  pleafed  with  the  fight,  yet  the 
odioufnefs  of  the  crime  grew  at  lad  to  be  fo  much 
fiatten'd  by  the  frequent  executions,  and  by  moft 
of  thofe  who  fuifered,  dying  with  much  firmnefs 
and  fhew  of  piety,  jullifying  all  they  had  done, 
not  without  a  Teeming  joy  .for  their  fullering  on 
that  account,  that   the   King   was  adviied  -not  to 
proceed  farther, .  at  lead  not  to  have  the  fcene  fo 
near  the   Court    as  Charing- crofs.     It  was  indeed 
jemarkable  that  Peters,  a  fort  of  an  enthufiaftical 
buffoon  preacher,  tho'  a  very  vitious  man,  who 
.had  been  of  great  ufe  to  Cromwell,  and  had  been 
outragious  in  preffing  the  King's  death  with  the 
cruelty  and   rudeneis    of  an   Inquifitor,  was  the 
man  of  them  all   that   was  the  moft  funk  in  his 
fpirit,  and  could  not  in  any  fort  bear  his  punifhment. 
He   had   neither  the   honefty  to  repent  of  it,:  nor 
the  ftrength  of  mind  to  fuffer  for  it  as  all  the  reft 
of  .them  did.     Me  was  obferved   all  the  while  to 
be  drinking  fome    cordial    liquors   to    keep  him 
from  fainting.     Harrilbn  was  the  firft  that  fuffer 
ed.     He  was  a  fierce  and  bloody  enthufiaft.      And 
it  was  believed,  that  while  the  army  was  in  doubt, 
whether  it  was  fitter  to  kill  the  King  privately,  or 
.to bring  him  to  an  open  trial,  that  he   offered,.  <if 
a  private  way  was  fettled  on,  to  be  the  man  that 
fhotild  do  it.     So  he  was  begun  with.     But,  how 
ever  reasonable  this  might  be  in   itfelf,  it  had  a 
very  ill  effect :  For  he  was  a  man  of  great  heat 
and  reiblution,  fixed  in  his  principles,  and  fo  per- 
.foaded  of  them,  that  he  never  looked  after  any 

interefts 


of  King  CHARLES  IL  22? 

interefts  of  his  own,  but  had  oppofed  Cromwell  1660* 
when  he  fet  up  for  himfelf.  He  went  thro'  all  the 
indignities  and  feverities  of  his  execution,  in  which 
the  letter  of  the  law  in  cafes  of  treafon  was  punc 
tually  obferved,  with  a  caimnefs,  or  rather  a  chear-  . 
fulnefs,  that  aftonifhed  the  fpeftators.  He  fpoke 
very  pofitively,  that  what  they  had  done  was  the^ 
caufe  and  work  of  God,  which  he  was  confident 
God  would  own  and  raife  up  again,  how  much 
foever  it  fuffered  at  that  time.  Upon  this  a  re 
port  was  Jpread,  and  generally  believed,  that  he 
faid,  he  himfelf  mould  rife  again  :  Tho*  the  party 
denied  that,  and  reported  the  words  as  I  have  fet 
them  down.  One  perfon  efcaped,  as  was  reported, 
merely  by  his  vices :  Henry  Martin,  who.  Had  been 
a  moll  violent  enemy  to  Monarchy.  But  all  that 
het  moved  for,  was  upon  Roman  or  Greek  prin 
ciples.  .  He  never  entered  into  matters  ofReligion, 
but  on  defign  to  laugh  both  at  them  and  all  mo 
rality  ;  for  he  was  both-  an  impious  and  vitious 
man.,  And  now  in  his  irnprifonment  he  deliver'd 
himfelf  up  to  vice  and  blafphemy.  It  was  faid, 
that  this  helped  him  to  To  many  friends, -that  upon 
that  very  account  he  was  fpared.  John  Goodwin 
and  Milton  did  alfo  efcape  all  cenfure,  to  the  fur- 
prize  of  all  people.  Goodwin  had  fb  often  not 
onlyjuftified,  but  magnified  the  putting,  trie  King 
to  death,  both  in  his  fermons  and  books,  that  few- 
thought  he  could  have,  been  either  forgot  or  ex- 
cufcd  i  for  Peters  and  he  were  the  only  preachers 
that  fpoke  of  it  in  that  drain.  .  But  Goodwin  had 
been  fo  zealous  an  Arminian,  and  had  fown  fuch 
divifion  among  all  the  fectaries  upon  thefe  heads, 
that  it  was  faid  this  procured  him  friends.  Upon 
what  account  foever  it  was,  he  was  notcenfured. 
Milton  had  appeared  fo  boldly,  thp.  with  much, 
wit  and  great  purity  and  elegancy  of  ftyle,  againft 
Salmafius  and  others,  upon  that  argument  of  put 
ting  the  King  to  death,  and  had  difccvered  fuck 
violence'  againft"  thelaie  "King  and  "all*  tne  Royal 
fa'mlly,  and  againft  Monarchy,  that  it  was  thought 
Q^  2  a  ftrange 


?.8  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reigri 

660.  a  flrange  omiffion  if  he  was  forgot,  and  an  odd 
*r*s  ftrain  of  clemency,  if  it  was  intended  he  fhould 
be  forgiven.  He  was  not  excepted  out  of  the  acl: 
of  indemnity.  And  afterwards  he  came  out  of 
his  concealment,  and  lived  many  years  much  vifited 
by  all  ftrangers,  and  much  admired  by  all  at  home 
for  the  poems  he  writ,  tho'  he  was  then  blind  5 
chiefly  that  of  Paradife  Loft,  in  which  there  is 
a  noblenefs  bo.th  of  contrivance  and  execution, 
that,  tho'  he  afFe&ed  to  write  in  blank  verfe  with 
out  rhime,  and  made  many  new  and  rough  words, 
yet  it  was  efteemed  the  beautifullefl  and  perfected 
poem  that  ever  was  writ,  at  leaft  in  our  language. 

But  as  the  fparing  thefe  perfons  was  much  cen- 
fured,  fo  on  the  other  hand  the  putting  Sir  Henry 
Vane  to  death  was  as  much  blamed  :  For  the  de- 
claration  from  Breda  being  full  for  an  indemnity  to 
all,  except  the  Regicides,  he  was  comprehended 
in  that ;  fince,  tho'  he  was  for  changing  the  go 
vernment,  and  depofing  the  King,  yet  he  did  not 
approve  of  the  putting  him  to  death,  nor  of  the 
force  put  on  the  Parliament,  but  did  for  fome 
time,  while  thefe  things  were  acted,  withdraw 
from  the  fcene.  This  was  fo  reprefented  by  his 
friends,  that  an  addrefs  was  made  by  both  Houfes 
on  his  behalf,  to  which  the  King  gave  a  favoura 
ble  anfwer,  tho'  in  general  words.  So  he  reckoned 
that  he  was  fafe,  that  being  equivalent  to  an  acl:  of 
Parliament,  tho'  it  wanted  the  neceflary  forms. 
Yet  the  great  ihare  he  had  in  the  attainder  of  the 
Earl  of  StrafFord,  and  in  the  whole  turn  of  af 
fairs  to  the  total  change  of  government,  but  above 
all  the  great  opinion  that  was  had  of  his  parts  and 
capacity  to  embroil  matters  again,  made  the  Court 
think  it  neceflary  to  put  him  out  of  the  way.  He 
was  naturally  a  very  fearful  man  :  This  one  who 
knew  him  well  told  me,  and  gave  me  eminent  in- 
Hance«  of  it.  He  had  a  head  as  darkened  in  his 
notions  of  religion,  as  his  mind  was  clouded  with 

fear; 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  229 

Fear  :  For  tho'  he  fet  up  a  form  of  religion  in  a  way  1661. 
of  his  own,  yet  it  confided  rather  in  a  withdraw-  « — >r— - 
ing  from  all  other  forms,  than  in  any  new  or  par 
ticular  opinions  or  forms ;  from  which  he  and  his 
party  were  called  Seekers,  and  feemed  to  wait  for 
fome  new  and  clearer  manifeftations.  In  thefe 
meetings  he  preached  and  prayed  often  himfelf, 
but  with  fo  peculiar  a  darknefs,  that  tho'  I  have 
fometirnes  taken  pains  to  fee  if  I  could  find  out 
his  meaning  in  his  works,  yet  I  could  never  reach 
it.  And  lince  many  others  have  faid  the  fame,  it 
piay  be  reafonable  to  believe  he  hid  fomewbat  that 
was  a  necelfary  key  to  the  reft.  His  friends  told 
pie,  he  leaned  to  Origen's  notion  of  an  univerfai 
ialvation  of  all,  both  of  devils  and  the  damned, 
and  to  the  doctrine  of  pre-exiftence.  When  he 
law  his  death  was  defigned,  hecompofed  himfelf  tq 
it,  with  a  refolution  that  iurprifed  all  who  knew 
how  little  of  that  was  natural  to  him.  Some  in- 
fiances  of  this  were  very  extraordinary,  tho'  they 
cannot  be  mentioned  with  decency.  He  was  be-  And  exe- 
headed  on  Tower-Hill,  where  a  new  and  very  in>  cutlon- 
decent  practice  was  begun.  It  was  obferved,  that 
the  dying  fpeeches  of  the  Regicides  had  left  im- 
preflions  on  the  hearers,  that  were  not  at  all  to  the 
advantage  of  the  government.  So  {trains  of  a  pe 
culiar  nature  being  expected  from  him,  to  prevent 
{hat,  drummers  were  placed  under  the  fcaffold, 
who  as  foon  as  he  began  to  fpeakof  the  publick, 
upon  a  fign  given,  (truck  up  with  their  drums. 
This  put  him  in  no  diforder.  He  defired  they 
might  be  ftopped,  for  he  underftood  what  was 
meant  by  it.  Then  he  went  thro'  hrs  devotions. 
And,  as  he  was  taking  leave  of  thofe  about  him, 
he  happening  to  fay  fomewhat  with  relation  to 
the  times,  the  drums  ftruck  up  a  fecond  time  : 
So  he  gave  over,  and  died  with  fb  much  compofed- 
nefs,  that  it  was  generally  thought,  the  govern 
ment  had  loft  more  than  it  had  gained  by  his 
death. 

The 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

The  act  of  indemnity  pafs'd  with  very  few.  e»- 
— TT—  ceptions ;  at  which  the  Cavaliers  were  highly  dif- 
The  King  fatisfied,  and  made   great   complaints  of  it.     In 
feif^p1^  tne  difpofal  of  offices  and  places,  as  it  was  not  pof- 
his  plea-    fible  to  gratify  all,  fo  there  was  little  regard  had 
fares.        to  mens  merits  or  fervices.     The  King  was  deter 
mined  to  moil  of  thefe  by  the  cabal   that  met  at 
Miftrefs  Palmer's  lodgings.     And  tho*  the   Earl 
of  Clarendon  did  often  prevail  with  the  King  to 
alter  the  refolutions  taken  there,  yet  he  was  forced 
to  let  a  great  deal  go  that  he  did  not  like.     He 
would  never  make  applications  to  Miftrefs  Palmer, 
nor  let  any  thing  pafs  the  feal   in  which  me  was 
named,  as  the  Earl  of  Southampton  would  never 
fuffer  her  name  to  be  in  the  treafury  books.    Thofe 
virtuous  Minifters  thought  it  became  them,  to  let 
the  world  fee  that  they  did  not  comply  with  the 
King  in  his  vices.     But  whether  the  Earl  of  Cla 
rendon  fpoke  fo  freely  to  the  King  about  his  courfe 
of  life,  as  was  given  out,  I  cannot  tell.     When 
the  Cavaliers  faw,  they  had  not  that  fhare  in  places 
that  they  expected,  they  complained  of  it  fo  highly, 
that  the  Earl  of  Clarendon,   to  excufe  the  King's 
pafling  them  by,  was  apt  to  beat  down  the  value 
.  they  let  on  their  fervices.     This  laid  the  founda 
tion  of  an  implacable  hatred  in  many  of  them, 
that  was   compleated  by  the  extent  and  compre- 
Theaftof  hen  five  nefs  of  the  ad  of  indemnity,  which  cut  off 
indemnity  their  hopes  of  being  re-imburfed  out  of  the  fines, 
maintain    jf  not  ^  connTcations  of  thole,  who  had  during 
the  courfe  of  the  wars  been  on  the  Parliament's 
fide.     It  is  true,   the  firft.  Parliament,  called,    by 
way  of  derogation,  the  Convention,  had  been  too 
'  much  on  that  fide  not  to  fecure  themfelves   and 
their  friends.     So  they  took  care  to  have  the  moft 
comprehenfive   words   put  in    it,  that   could    be 
thought  of,     But  when  the  new  Parliament  was 
called  a  year  after,  in  which  there  was  a  defign  to 
fet  afide  the  a<5t  of  indemnity,  and  to  h^ve;brought 
in  a  new  one,  the  King  did  To  pofitively  infift  on 

his 

•HA.'  f  JX 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  £31 

Kis  adhering  to  the  aft  of  indemnity,  that  the  de-  1661, 
fign  of  breaking  into  it  was  laid  afide.  The  Earl  v^-y-w 
of  Clarendon  owned  it  was  his  counfel.  Afts  or 
promifes  of  indemnity,  he  thought,  ought  to  be 
held  facred  :  A  fidelity  in  the  obfervation  of  them 
was  the  only  foundation,  upon  which  any  govern 
ment  could  hope  to  quiet  ieditions  or  civil  wars  : 
And  if  people  once  thought,  that  thole  promifes 
were  only  made  to  deceive  them,  without  an  in 
tention  to  obferve  them  religioufly,  they  would 
never  for  the  future  hearken  to  any  treaty.  He 
often  faid,  it  was  the  making  thofe  promifes  had 
brought  the  King  home,  and  it  was  the  keeping 
them  mufl  keep  him  at  home.  So  that  whote 
work  from  beginning  to  the  end  was  entirely  his. 
The  angry  men,  that  were  thus  difappointed  ot  all 
their  hopes,  made  a  jeft  of  the  title  of  it,  "  An 
"  ad:  of  oblivion  and  of  indemnity  •,"  and  faid,  the 
King  had  pafs'd  an  aft  of  oblivion  for  his  friends, 
and  of  indemnity  for  his  enemies.  To  load  the 
Earl  of  Clarendon  the  more,  it  was  given  out 
that  he  advifed  the  King  to  gain  his  enemies,  fmce 
he  was  fure  of  his  friends  by  their  principles* 
With  this  he  was  often  charged,  thos  he  always  de 
nied  it.  Whether  the  King  fattened  it  upon  him 
after  he  had  difgraced  him,  to  make  him  the 
more  odious,  I  cannot  tell.  It  is  certain,  the 
King  faid  many  very  hard  things  of  him,  for 
which  he  was  much  blamed  :  And  in  moil  of 
them  he  was  but  little  believed. 

It  was  natural  for  the  King  upon  his  Reftora- 
tion  to  look  out  for  a  proper  marriage.  And  it  was,^ 
foon  obferved,  that  he  was  refolved  not  to' marry —n^s 
a  Protettant.  He  pretended  a  contempt  of  the  marriage. 
Germans,  and  of  the  northern  Crowns.  France 
had  no  filler.  He  had'feen  the  Duke  of  Orleans's 
daughters,  and  liked  none  of  them.  Spain  had 
only  two  Infantas  :  And  as  the  eldeft  was  married 
to  the  King  of  France,  the  fecond  was  to  go  to 

Vienna. 


232  The'  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1662.   Vienna.     So  the  houie  of  Portugal  only  remained* 
to    furnifh    him    a    wife,     among    the   crowned 
heads.     Monk  began  to  hearken  to  a  motion  made 
him  for  this  by  a  Jew,  that  managed  the  concerns 
of  Portugal,  which  were  now  given  for  lo.il,  fmce 
they  were  abandoned  by  France  by  t>  e  treaty  of 
the  Pyrenees  ;  in  which  it  appears   by  Cardinal 
JVIazarin's  letters,  that  he  did  entirely  deliver  up 
their  concerns  •,  which  was  imputed    to  his  defire 
to  pleafe  the  Queen-rnother  of  France,  who,  be 
ing  a  daughter  of  Spain,  owned  herlelf  ilili  to  be 
in  the  intereils  of  Spain  in  every  thing  in  which 
France  was  not  concerned,  for  in  that   cafe  me 
pretended  me  was  true   to  the  Crown  of  France. 
And  this  was  the  true  fecret  of  Cardinal  Maza- 
rin's  carrying  on  that  war  fo   feebly  as  he  did,  to 
gratify  the  Queen- mother  on  the  one   hand,  and 
his  own  covetoufnefs  on  the  other  :  For  the  lefs 
publick  expence  was  made,  he  had  the  greater  oc- 
cafions   of  enriching   himfelf,  which   was    all   he 
thought  on.     The  Portugueze  being  thus,  as  they 
thought,  call  off  by  France,  were  very  apprehen- 
five  of  falling   under   the    Caftillians,  who,  how 
weak  foever  they  were  in  oppofition  to  France,  yet 
were  like  to  be  too  hard  for  them,  when  they  had 
nothing  elfe  on  their  hands.     So,  vail  offers  were 
made,    if  the  King  would   marry  their   Infanta, 
and  take  them  under  his  protection.     Monk  was 
the  more  encouraged  to  entertain  the  propofition, 
Becaufe  fome  pretended,  that,  in  the  beginning  of 
the  war  of  Portugal,  King  Charles  had  entred  in 
to  a  negotiation  for  a  marriage  between  his  fon 
and  this  infanta.     And   the  veneration  paid    his 
memory   was  then   fo   high,  that  .every  thing  he 
had   projected  was  efteemed  facred.     Monk  pro- 
mifed  to  ferve  the  interefts  of  Portugal :  And  that 
was,  as  Sir  Robert  Southwell  told  me,  the  firft 
ftep  made  in  that  matter.     Soon  after  the  King 
came  into  England,  an  embaffy  of  congratulation 
came  from  thence,  with  orders  to  negotiate  that 

bufinefs. 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

bufmefs.  The  Spanifh  Embaffador,  who  had  a 
preteniion  of  merit  from  the  King  in  behalf  of  that 
Crown,  fince  they  had  received  and  entertained 
him  at  Bruffels,  when  France  had  thrown  him  o{F, 
let  himfelf  much  againft  this  match  :  And  among 
other  things  affirmed,  that  the  Infanta  was  inca 
pable  of  having  children.  But  this  was  little  con- 
fidered.  The  Spaniards  are  not  very  fcrupulous 
in  affirming  any  thing  that  ferves  their  ends  :  And 
this  marriage  was  like  to  fecure  the  Kingdom  of 
Portugal.  So  it  was  no  wonder  that  he  oppofed 
it :  And  littk  regard  was  had  to  all  that  he  faid  to 
break  it. 

At  this  time  Monfieur  Fouquet  was  gaining  an  af-  An  alli- 
cendant  in  the  counfels  of  France,  Cardinal  Mazarin  ance  pro- 
falling  then  into  a  languifhing,  of  which  he  died  a  Pof~ec 
year  after.     He  fent  one  over  to  the  King  with  a  prance 
project  of  an  alliance  between  France  and  England. 
He  was  addrefTed  firft  to  the  Earl  of  Clarendon, 
to  whom  he  enlarged  on  all  thehea:ds  of  the  fcherne 
he  had  brought,  of  which  the  match  with  Portu 
gal  was  a  marn  article.    And,  to  make  all  go  down 
the  better,  Fouquet  defired  to  enter  into  a  parti 
cular  rriendmip  with  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  ;  and 
fent  him  the  offer  of  10000  I,  and  allured  him  of 
the  renewing  the  fame  prefent1  every  year.     The 
Lord  Clarendon  told  him,  he  would  lay  all  that 
related  to  the  King  faithfully  before  him,  and  give 
him  his   anfwer  in  a  little  time  :  But  for  what  re 
lated  to  himfelf,  he  faid,  he  ferved  a  great  and  boun 
tiful  mailer,  who  knew   well  how  to  fupport  and 
reward  his  iervants  :  He  would  ever  ferve  him  faith 
fully  ;  and,  becaufe  he  knew  he  muft  ferve  thofefrom 
whom  he  accepted  the  hire,  therefore  he  rejected  the 
offer  with  great  indignation.  He  laid  before  the  King 
the  heads  of  the  propoled  alliance,  which  required 
much  confutation.     But  in  the  next  place  he  told 
both  the  King  and  his  brother  what  had  been  offer* 
cd  to  himfelf.     They  both  advifed  him  to  accept 
of  it.     Why,    faid  he,  have  you  a  mind  that  I 
betray  you  ?  The  tiipg  anfwejrcd,  he  knew 

nothing 


234  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1662.  nothing  could  corrupt  him.     Then,  faid  he,  you 
«— -v— --'  know  me  better  than  I  do  my  felf :  For  if  I  take 
the  money  I  mail  find  the  fweet   of  it,    and  ftudy 
to  have  it  continued  to  me  by  deferving  it.     He 
told  them,  how  he  had  rejected  the  offer  ;  and  ve 
ry  ferioufly  warned  the  King  of  the  danger  he  faw 
he  might  fall  into,  if  he  fuifered  any  of  thofe,  who 
ferved  him,  to  be  onc£  penfioners  to  other  Princes  : 
Thofe  prefents  were  made  only  to  biafs  them  in 
their   counfels,    and  to   difcover  fecrets   by  their 
means  :  And  if  the  King  gave  way  to  it,  the  taking 
money  would  foon  grow  to  a  habit,    and  fpread 
like  an%  infection  thro'  the  whole  Court. 
TheDuke      As  the  motion  for  the  match  with  Portugal  was 
marriage*  carr^ec^  on'  an  incident  of  an  extraordinary  nature 
happened  in  the  Court.     The  Earl  of  Clarendon's 
daughter,  being  with  child,    and    near  her  time, 
called  upon  the  Duke  of  York  to  own  his  marriage 
with  her.     She  had  been  maid  of  honour  to  the 
Princefs  Royal :  And  the  Duke,  who  was  even  to 
his  old  age  of  an  amorous  difpofition,  tried  to  gain 
her  to  comply  with  his  defires.     She  managed  the 
matter  with  fo  much  addrefs,  that  in  conclufion  he 
married  her.     Her  father  did  very  folemnly  pro- 
tell,  that  he  knew  nothing  of  the  matter,  till  now 
that  it  broke  out.     The  Duke  thought  to  have 
Shaken  her  from  claiming  it  by  great  promifes,  and 
as  great  threatnings.     But  me  was  a  woman  of  a 
great  fpirit.     She  faid,  Ihe  was  his  wife,  and  would 
have  it  known  that  Ihe  was  fo,  let  him  ufe.her  af 
terwards  as  he  pleafed.     Many  difcourfes  were  fet 
about  upon  this  occafion.     But  the  King  ordered 
fome  Bifhops  and  Judges  to  perufe  the  proofs  Ihe 
had  to  produce  :  And  they  reported  that,  accord 
ing  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Gofpel,  and  the  law  of 
England,  it  was  a  good  marriage.     So  it  was  not 
poflible  to  break  it,  but  by  trying  how  far  the  mat 
ter  could  be  carried  againft  her,   for  marrying  a 
.perfon  fo  near  the  King  without  his  leave.     The 
King  would  not  break  with  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  : 
.And  fo  he  told  his  brother,  he  muft  drink  as  he 

t>reweda 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  235 

brewed,  and  live  with  her  whom  he  had  made  his  1662. 
wife.  All  the  Earl  of  Clarendon's  enemies  re- 
joyced  at  this :  For  they  reckoned,  how  much 
foever  it  feemed  to  raife  him  at  prefent,  yet  it 
would  raife  envy  fo  high  againft  him,  and  make 
the  King  fo  jealous  of  him,  as  being  more  in  his 
brother's  interefts  than  in  his  own,  that  they  look 
ed  on  it  as  that  which  would  end  in  his  :ruin. 
And  he  himfelf  thought  fo,  as  his  fon  told  me : 
For,  as  foon  as  he  knew  of  it,  and  when  he  faw 
his  fon  lifted  up  with  it,  he  protefted  to  him,  that 
he  knew  nothing  of  the  matter,  till  it  broke  out,; 
but  added,  that  he  looked  on  it,  as  that-which 
muft  be  all  their  ruin  fooner  or  later. 

Upon  this  I  will  digrefs  a  little  to  give  an  ac-  The 
count  of  the  Duke's  character,  whom  I  knew  for 
fome  years  fo  particularly,  that  I  can  fay  much 
upon  my  own  knowledge.  He  was  very  brave  in 
his  youth,  and  fo  much  magnified  by  Monfieur 
Turenne,  that,  till  his  marriage  leflened  him,  he 
really  clouded  the  King,  and  pafs'd  for  the  fuperi- 
or  genius.  He  was  naturally  candid  and  fmcere, 
.and  a  firm  friend,  till  affairs  and  his  religion  wore 
out  all  his  firft  principles  and  inclinations.  He 
had  a  great  defire  to  underfland  affairs  :  And  in 
order  to  that  he  kept  a  conftant  journal  of  all  that 
pafs'd,  of  which  he  ihewed  me  a  great  deal.  The 
Duke  of  Buckingham  gave  me  once  a  fhort  but 
fevere  character  of  the  two  brothers.  It  was  the 
more  fevere,  becaufe  it  was  true :  The  King  (he 
faid)  could  fee  things  if  he  would,  and  the  Duke 
would  fee  things  if  he  could.  He  had  no  true 
judgment,  and  was  foon  determined  by  thofe  whom 
he  trufted  :  But  he  was  obftinate  againft  all  other 
advices.  He  was  bred  with  high  notions  of  the 
.Kingly  authority,  and  laid  it  down  for  a  maxim, 
,  that  all  who  oppofed  the  King  were  rebels  in  their 
hearts.  He  was  perpetually  in  one^amour  or  other, 
,  without  being  very  nice  in  his  choice :  Upon  which 
the  King  faid  once,  he  believed  his  brother  had  his 
.  miftrefles  given  him  by  his  Priefts  for  penance. 

He 


236  The  H  i  s  T  6  R-Y  of  the  Reign 

1660.  He  gave  me  this  account  of  his  changing  his  reli- 
M^VW  gion :  When  he  efcaped  out  of  the  hands  of  the 
Earl  of  Northumberland,  whp  had  the  charge  of 
his  education,  trufted  to  him  by  the  Parliament, 
,  and  had  vtfeci  him  with  great  refpect,  all  due  care 
was  taken,  as  foon  as  he  got  beyond  fea,  to  form, 
him  to  a  Uriel:  adherence  to  the  Church  of  Eng 
land  :  Among  other  things  much  was  faid  of  the 
authority  of  the  Church,  and  of  the  tradition 
from  the  Apoftles  in  fupport  of  Epifcopacy  :  So 
that,  when  he  came  to  obferve  that  there  wa$  more 
reafon  to  fubmit  to  the  Catholick  Church  than  to 
owe  particular  Church,  and  that  other  traditions 
might  be  taken  on  her  ward,  as  well  as  Epifcppa- 
f  y  was  received  among  us,  he  thought  the  ftep 
was  not  great,  but  that  it  was  very  reafonable  to, 

§o  over  to  the  Church  of  Rome  :  And  Doftor 
teward  having  taught  him  to  believe  a  real  but 
inconceivable  prefence  of  Chrift  in  the  Sacrament, 
he  thought  this  v/ent  more  than  half  way  to  tran- 
fubftantiation.  He  faid,  that  a  Nun's  advice  to 
him  to  pray  every  day,  that,,  if  he  was  not  in  the 
right  way,  God  would  fet  him  right,  $id  make  a 
great  impfeiTiori  on  him.  But  he  never  told  me 
when  or  where  he  was  reconciled.  He  fuffered  me 
to  fay  a,  great  deal  to  him  on  all  thefe  heads.  I 
fhewed  the  difference  between  fubmiflion  and  obe 
dience  in  matters  of  order  and  indifferent  things, 
and  an  implicite  fubmiflion  from  the  belief  of  in 
fallibility.  I  alfo  fhewed  ^lim  the  difference  be 
tween  a  fpeculation  of  a  mode  of  Chrifl's  prefence, 
when  it  refled  in  an  opinion,  and  an  adoration 
founded  on  it :  Tho*  the  opinion  of  fuch  a  pre 
fence  was  wrong,  there  was  no  great  harm  in  that 
alone :  But  the  adoration  of  an  undue  object  was 
idolatry.  He  fuffered  me  to  talk  much  and  often 
to  him  on  thefe  heads.  But  I  plainly  faw,  it  made 
no  impreflion  :  And  all  that  he  feemed  to  intend 
by  it  was,  to  make  ufe  of  me  as  an  inftrument  to 
foften  the  averfion,  that  people  began  to  be  pof- 

fefiW 


of  King  CHARLES  M.  237 

fcfTed  with  to  him.     He  was  naturally  eager  and     1660. 
revengeful ;    And  was  againft  the  taking  off  any,     ^v-^ 
that  let  up  in  an  oppofition  to  the  meafures  of  the 
Court,  and  who  by  that  means  grew  popular  in  the 
Houfe  of  Commons.    He  was  for  rougher  methods. 
He  continued  for  many  years  diiTembling  his  reli 
gion,  and  feemed  zealous  for  the  Church  of  Eng 
land  :  But  it  was  chiefly  on  delign  to  hinder  all  pro- 
pofitions,  that  tended  to  unite  us  among  our  felves, 
He  was  a  frugal  Prince,  and  brought  his  Court 
into    method    and    magnificence:    For   he   had 
locoool.    a  year  allowed   him.     Fie  was  made 
High  Admiral :  And  he  came  to  underftand  all 
the  concerns  of  the  fea  very  particularly.     He  had 
a  very  able  Secretary  about  him,  Sir  William  Co 
ventry  ;  a  man  of  great  notions  and  eminent  vir« 
tues,  the  bell  Speaker  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons, 
and  capable  of  bearing  the  chief  miniftry,  as  it  was 
once  thought  he   was  very  near  it.     The   Duke 
found  all   the  great  feamen  had  a  deep  tinclture 
from  their  education  :    They  both  hated  Popery, 
and  loved  liberty  :  They  were  men  of  fevere  tern* 
pers,  and  kept  good  difcipline.     But  in  order  to 
the  putting  the  fleet  into  more  confident  hands, 
the  Duke  began  a  method  offending  pages  of  ho 
nour,  and  other  young  perfons  of  quality,  to  be 
bred  to  the  fea.     And  thefe  were  put  in  command, 
as  foon  as  they  were  capable  of  it,  if  not  fooner. 
This  difcouraged  many  of  the  old  feamen,  when 
they  faw  in  what  a  channel  advancement  was  like 
to  go  i  who  upon  that  left  the  fervice,    and  went 
and  commanded   merchantmen.     By  this  means 
the  virtue  and  difcipline  of  the  navy  is  much  loft. 
It  is  true,  we  have  a  breed  of  many  gallant  men, 
who  do  diftinguifti  themfelves  in  action.     But  it  is 
thought,  the  Nation  has  fuffered  much  by  the  vices 
and  diforders  of  thole  Captains,  who  have  rifen  by 
their  quality,  more  than  by  merit  or  fervice. 

The  Duchefs  of  York  was  a  very  extraordinary  The 
woman.     She  had  great  knowledge,  and  a  lively  Duchefs's 

fenfe  character. 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

fenfe  of  things.  She  foon  underftood  what  be 
longed  to  a  Princefs  ^  and  took  ftate  on  her  rather 
too  much.  She  writ  well  -,  and  had  begun  the 
Duke's  life,  of  which  fhe  Ihewed  me  a  volume. 
It  was  all  drawn  from  his  journal  :  And  he  intend 
ed  to  have  employed  me  in  carrying  it  on.  She 
was  bred  to  great  ftrictnefs  in  religion,,  and  prac-: 
tifed  fecret  confeflion.  Morley  told  me,  he'  was 
her  confeflbr.  She  began  at  twelve  years  old,  and 
continued  under  his  direction,' till,  upon  her  fa 
ther's  difgrace,  he  was  put  from  the  Court.  She 
was  generous  and  friendly  ^  but' was  too  fevere 
an  enemy. 

The  King's  third  brother,  the  Duke  of  Glo- 
cefter,  was  of1  a  temper  different  from  his  two  bro 
thers.  He  was  active,  and  loved "bufmefs,  was 
apt  to  have  particular  friendlhips  ;-,and  had  an  in-, 
fmuating  temper,  which  was  generally  very  ac 
ceptable.  The' King  loved  him  much  better  than 
the  Duke  of  York.  But  he  was.  uneafy,  when  he 
faw  there  was  no  poft  left  for  him,  fince  Monk 
\vas  General.  So  he  fpoke  to  the  Earl  of  Claren 
don,  that  he  might  be  made  Lord  Treafurer. 
But  he  told  him,  it  was  a  poft  below  his  dignity. 
He  would  not  be  put  off  with  that :  For  he  could 
not  bear  an  idle  life,  nor  to  fee  his  brother  at.  the 
head  of  the  Fleet,  when  he  himfelf  had  neither  bu- 
finefs  nor  dependence.  But  the  mirth  and  enter 
tainments  of  that  time  raifed  his  blood  fo  high, 
that  he  took  the  {mall  pox ;  of  which  he  died,1 
much  lamented  by  all,  but  moft  particularly  by 
the  King*,  who  was  never  in  his  whole  life  feen  fo 
much  troubled,  as  he  was  On  that  occafion. 
Thofe,  who  would  not  believe  he  had  much  ten- 
dernefs  in  his  nature,  imputed  this  rather  to  his 
jealoufy  of  the  brother  that  furvived,  fince  he  had 
now  loft  the  only  perfon  that  could  ballance  him. 
Not  long  after  him  the  PrinceTs  Royal  died  like- 
wife  of  the  fmall  pox  j  but  was  hot  much  lament 
ed! 


of  King  C'H  AR  L  E  s  II. 

ed.  She  had  lived  in  her  widowhood  for  fome 
years  with  great  reputation,  kept  a  decent  Court, 
and  fupportcd  her  brothers  very  liberally  •,  and 
lived  within  bounds.  But  her  mother,  who  had 
the  art  of  making  herfelf  believe  any  thing  fhe  had 
a  mind  to,  upon  a  converfation  with  the  Queen 
Mother  of  France,  fancied  the  King  of  France 
might  be  inclined  to  marry  her.  So  fhe  writ  to 
her  to  come  to  Paris.  In  order  to  that,  fhe  made 
an  equipage  far  above  what  fhe  could  fupport.  So 
me  ran  herfelf  into  debt,  fold  all  her  jewels,  and 
fome  eftates  that  were  in  her  power  as  her  fon's 
guardian  ;  and  was  not  only  difappointed  of  that 
vain  expectation,  but  fell  into  fome  misfortunes, 
that  lefiened  the  reputation  fhe  had  formerly  lived 
in.  Upon  her  death  it  might  have  been  expected, 
both  in  juftice  and  gratitude,  that  the  King  would 
in  a  mod  particular  manner  have  taken  her  fon, 
the  young  Prince  of  Orange,  into  his  protection. 
But  he  fell  into  better  hands:  For  his  grandmo 
ther  became  his  guardian,  and  took  care  both  of 
his  eftate  and  his  education. 

Thus  two  of  the  branches  of  the  Royal  family  The  prof- 
were  cut  off  foon  after  the  Reftoration.     And  fo  Peftoft^ 
little  do 'the  events  of  things  anfwer  the  firft  ap-  ^ya  ia~ 
pearances,  that  a  Royal  family  of  three  Princes  much 
and  two  PrincefTes,    all  young  and  graceful  per-  changed. 
fons,  that  promiled  a  numerous  i/Tue,  did  moul 
der  away  fo  fail,    that  now,    while  I  am  writing, 
all  is  reduced  to  the  perfon  of  the  Queen,  and  the 
Duchefs  of  Savoy.     The  King  had  a  very  nume 
rous  ifTue,  tho'  none  by  his  Queen,     The  Duke 
had  by  both  his  wives,  and  fome  irregular  amours, 
a  very  numerous  ifTue.     And  the  prefent  Queen 
has  had  a  moil  fruitful  marriage  as  to  iflue,  tho* 
none  of  them  furvive.     The  Princefs  Henriette 
was  fo  pieafed  with  the  diverfion  of  the  French 
Court,  that  fhe  was  glad  to  go  thither  again  to  be 
married  to  that  King's  Brother. 

As 


£4°  ,       The  HISTORY  «f  the  Reign 

1660.       As  the  treaty  with   Portugal  went  on,  France 
^~v-o  did  engage  in  the  concerns  of  that  Crown,    tho' 
Schom-     i^y  haci  by  treaty  promifed  the  contrary  to  the 

bercr  went  c     J  .       ,        £«  .  r     L  r  j       ^  o   i 

throEng-  Spaniards.  Tb  excule  their  perfidy,  Count  Schom- 
land  to  berg,  a  German  by  birth,  and  a  Calvinift  by  his 
Portugal,  religion,  was  ordered  to  go  thither,  as  one  pre 
vailed  with  by  the  Portugal  AmbafTador,  and  not 
as  fent  over  by  the  orders  of  the  Court  of  France. 
He  pafs'd  thro'  England  to  concert  with  the  King 
the  matters  of  Portugal,  and  the  fupply  that  was 
to  be  fent  thither  from  England.  He  told  me; 
the  King  had  admitted  him  into  great  familiarities 
with  him  at  Paris.  He  had  known  kim  firft  at  the 
Hague  :  For  he  was  the  Prince  of  Orange's  parti 
cular  favourite  ;  but  had  fo  great  a  mare  in  the  laft 
violent  actions  of  his  Iife5  feizing  the  States,  and 
in  the  attempt  upon  Amfterdam,  that  he  left  the 
fervlce  upon  his  death  ;  and  gained  fo  great  a  re 
putation  ia  France,  that,  after  the  Prince  of  Conde 
and  Turenne,  he  was  thought  the  beft  General 
they  had.  He  had  much  free  difcourfe  with  the 
King,  tho'  he  found  his  mind  was  fo  turned  to 
mirth  and  pleafure,  that  he  feemed  fcarce  capable 
of  laying  any  thing  to  heart.  He  advifed  him  to 
let  up  for  the  head  of  the  Proteftant  religion  : 
For  tho'i  he  faid  to  him,  he  knew  he  had  not 
much  religion,  yet  his  interefts  led  him  to  that. 
It  would  keep  the  Princes  of  Germany  in  a  great 
dependence  on  him,  and  make  him  the  umpire  of 
all  their  affairs ;  and  would  procure  him  great  cre 
dit  with  the  Huguenots  of  France,  and  keep  that 
Crown  in  perpetual  fear  of  him.  He  advifed  the 
King  to  employ  the  military  men  that  had  ferved 
under  Cromwell,  whom  he  thought  the  beft  offi 
cers  he  had  ever  feen  :  And  he  was  forry  to  fee, 
they  were  difmifs'd,  and  that  a  company  of  wild 
young  men  were  thofe  the  King  relied  on.  But 
what  he  prefs'd  moil  on  the  King,  as  the  bufinefs 
Dankuk  then  in  agitation,  was  concerning  the  fale  of  Dun - 
The  Spaniards  pretended  it  ought  to  be 
5  reftored 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  241 

reftored  to  them,  fince  it  was  taken  from  them  by    1661.. 
Cromwell,  when  they  had  the  King  and   his  bro-     w-yw 
thers  in  their  armies  :  But  that  was  not   much  re 
garded.      The  trench  pretended,  that,  by   their 
agreement  with* Cromwell,  he  was  only  to  hold  it, 
till  they  had  repayed  the  charge  of  the  war :  There 
fore  they,    offering  to  lay  that  down,    ought  to 
have  the  place  delivered  to  them.     The  King  was 
in  no  fort  bound  by  this.     So  the  matter  under  de 
bate  was,    whether  it  ought  to  be  kept  or  fold  ? 
The  military  men,    who  were  believed  to  be  cor 
rupted  by  France,  faid,  the  place  was  not  tenable  i 
that  in  time  of  peace  it  would  put  the  King  to  a 
great  charge,  and  in  time  of  war  it  would  not  quit 
the  cod  of  keeping  it.     The  Earl  of  Clarendon 
faid,  he  underftood  not  thofe   matters  •,    but  ap 
pealed  to  Monk's  judgment,  who  did  pofitively 
advife  the  letting   it  go  for  the  fum  that  France 
offered.     To  make  the  bulinefs  go  the  eafier,  the 
King  promiied,  that  he  would  lay  up  all  the  mo 
ney  in  the  Tower  -9  and  that  it  mould  not  be  touch 
ed,    but   upon  extraordinary  occafions.     Schom- 
berg  advifed,  in  oppoiltion  to  all  this,    that  the 
King  fhouid  keep  it ;    for,  confidering  the  naval 
power  of  England,    it  could  not  be  taken.     He 
knew,    that,  tho'  France  fpoke  big,    as  if  they 
would  break  with  England  unlefs  that  was  deli 
vered  up,  yet  they  were  far  from  the  thoughts  of 
it.     He  had  confidered  the  place  well ;  and  he  was 
fure  it  could  never  be  taken,  as  long  as  England 
was  mafter  of  the  fea.     The  holding  it  would  keep 
both  France  and  Spain  in  a  dependence  upon  the 
King.     But  he  was  fingular  in  that  opinion.     So 
it  was  fold :  And  all  the  money,  that  was  paid  for 
it,    was  immediately  fquaadred  away  among  the 
miirrefs's  creatures. 

By  this  the  King   loft  his  reputation  abroad.  Tangier  a 
The  Court  was  believed  venal.     And  becaufe  the  panouhc 
Earl  of  Clarendon  was  in  greateil  credit,  the  blame    Q^.^* 
was  caft  chiefly  on  him  •,  tho'  his  fon  allured  me, 

VOL.  I.  R  he 


42  The  tt  i  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

66i.  he  kept  himfelf  oift  of  that  affair  entirely  *.  The 
v^o  coft  beftowed  on  that  place  fince  that  time,  and 
the  great  prejudice  we  have  fuffered  by  it,  has 
made  that  fale  to  be  often  reflected  on  very  fevere- 
ly.  But  it  was  pretended,  that  Tangier,  which 
was  offered  as  a  part  of  the  portion  that  the  Infanta 
of  Portugal  was  to  bring  with  her,  was  a  place  of 
much  greater  confequence.  Its  fituation  in  the 
map  is  indeed  very  eminent.  And  if  Spain  had 
been  then  in  a  condition  to  put  any  reitraint  on 
our  trade,  it  had  been  of  great  ufe  to  us ;  efpeci- 
ally,  if  the  making  a  mole  there  had  been  more 
practicable,  than  it  proved  to  be.  It  was  then 
ipoken  of  in  the  Court  in  the  higheft  flrains  of  flat 
tery.  It  was  faid,  this  would  not  only  give  us  the 
entire  command  of  the  Mediterranean  trade,  but 
it  would  be  a  place  of  fafety  for  a  fquadron  to  be 
always  kept  there,  for  fecuring  our  Weft  and  Eaft 
India  trade.  And  fuch  mighty  things  were  faid 
of  it,  as  if  it  had  been  relerved  for  the  King's 
feign,  to  make  England  as  glorious  abroad,  as  it 
was  happy  at  home  :  Tho}  fince  that  time  we  have 
never  been  able,  neither  by  force  nor  treaty,  to 
get  ground  enough  round  the  town  from  the  Moors, 
to  maintain  the  garrifon.  But  every  man  that  was 
employed  there  ftudied  only  his  own  intereft,  and 
how  to  rob  the  King.  If  the  money,  that  was 
laid  out  in  the  mole  at  different  times,  had  been 
raifed  fucceffively,  as  faft  as  the  work  could  be 
carried  on,  it  might  have  been  made  a  very  valu 
able  place.  But  there  were  fo  many  difcontinu- 
ings,  and  fo  many  new  undertakings,  that  after  an 
immenfe  charge  the  Court  grew  weary  of  it :  And 
in  the  year  1638  they  fent  a  fquadron  of  fhips  to 
-bring  away  the  garrifon,  and  to  deftroy  all  the 
works. 

*  By  Mortfieur  B*Eftrade's  Letters,  publifli'd  fome  years  af* 
ter  the  Author's  death,  it  {hould  feern,  that  the  Earl  of  Claren 
don  had  a  confiderabJe  fhare  in  thai  negotiation, 

6  This 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  243 

This  matter  of  the  King's  marriage  with  the.  In-  1661. 
fanta  of  Portugal  was  at  lafl  concluded.  The  <-»v**' 
Earl  of  Sandwich  went  for  her,  and  was  the  King's 
proxy  in  the  nuptial  ceremony.  The  King  com 
municated  the  matter  both  to  the  Parliament  of 
England,  and  Scotland.  And  fo  flrangely  were 
people  changed,  that  tho'  they  all  had  feen  the 
mifchievous  effects  of  a  Popifh  Queen  in  the  for 
mer  reign,  yet  not  one  perfon  moved  againfl  it  in 
either  Parliament,  except  the  Earl  of  Caffilis  in 
Scotland  ;  who  moved  for  an  addrefs  to  the  King 
to  marry  a  Proteflant.  He  had  but  one  to  fecond 
him  :  So  entirely  were  men  run  from  one  extreme 
to  another. 

When  the  Queen  was  brought  over,  the  King  1662.' 
met  her  at  Winchefter  in  fummer  1662.  The  u — *— * 
Archbifhop  of  Canterbury  came  to  perform  the  ce-  Ihe™an- 

,\         L  '    A  1-1  r     i         ner  of  the 

remony :  But  the  Queen  was  bigotted  to  fuch  a  King's 
degree,  that  [he  would  not  fay  the  words  of  matri-  marriage, 
mony,  nor  bear  the  fight  of  the  Archbifhop.  The 
King  faid  the  words  haftiiy  :  And  the  Archbifhop 
pronounced  them  married  perfons.  Upon  this 
fome  thought  afterwards  to  have  difiblved  the  mar 
riage,  as  a  marriage  only  de  facto,  in  which  no 
conient  had  been  given.  But  the  Duke  of  York 
told  nae,  they  were  married  by  the  Lord  Aubigny 
according  to  the  Roman  ritual,  and  that  he  him- 
felf  was  one  of  the  witnefles  :  And  he  added,  that, 
a  few  days  before  he  told  me  this,  the  Queen  had 
faid  to  him,  that  me  heard  fome  intended  to  call 
her  marriage  in  queftion  •,  and  that,  if  that  was 
done,  fhe  muil  call  on  him  as  one  of  her  witnefTes 
to  prove  it.  I  faw  the  letter  that  the  King  writ  to 
the  Ear]  of  Clarendon  the  day  after  their  marriage, 
by  which  it  appeared  very  plainly  that  the  marriage 
was  confummated,  and  that  the  King  was  well 
pleafed  with  her.  The  King  himfelf  told  me,  fhe 
had  been  with  child  :  And  Willis  the  great  Phyfi- 
cian  told  Doctor  Lloyd,  from  whom  I  had  it,  that 
R  i  flic 


244  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1662.   fhe  had  once  mifcarried  of  a  child,  which  was  fo 
*--Y^  far  advanced,  that,  if  it  had  been  carefully  look'd 
to,    the  fex  might  have  been  diftinguifhed.     But 
fhe  proved  a  barren  wife,  and  was  a  woman  of  a 
.mean  appearance,    and  of  no  agreeable  temper  : 
So  that  the   King   never   confidered   her   much. 
And  fhe  made  ever  alter  but  a  very  mean  figure. 
The  King  For  fome  time  the  King  carried  things  decently, 
^vedi^     and  did  not  vifit  his  miftreis  openly.     But  he  grew 
courfe  of  Wear7  °*  tnat  reftraint  *,  and  fliook  it  off  fo  en- 
Icudnefs,    tirely,  that  he  had  ever  after  that  miitrefTes  to  the 
end  of  his  life,  to  the  great  fcandal  of  the  world, 
and  to  the  particular   reproach   of  all  that  ferved 
about  him  in  the  Church.     He  ufually  came  from 
his  miflrefTcs  lodgings  to  Church,  even  on  Sacra 
ment  days.     He  held  as  it  were  a  Court  in  them  : 
And  all  his  Miniilers  made  applications  to  them. 
Only  the  Earls    of  Clarendon  and  Southampton 
would  never  fo  much  as  make  a  vtfit  to  any  of 
them,    which   was  maintaining  the   decencies  of 
virtue  in  a  very  folemn  manner.     The  Lord  Cla 
rendon  put  the  juftice  of  the  Nation  in  very  good 
hands  \  and  employed  fome  who  had  been  on  the 
bench  in  Cromwell's   time,    the  famous   Sir  Mat 
thew  Hale  in  particular. 

1660.        The  bufinefs  of  Ireland  was  a  harder  province. 

*— ^-y— ~ '  The  Irifh  that  had  been  in  the  rebellion  had  made 
:"  a  treaty  with  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  then  acting  in 

Ireland*  °  r^e  King's  name,  tho'  he  had  no  legal  power  un 
der  the  Great  Seal,  the  King  being  then  a  prifoner. 
But  the  Queen-mother  got,  as  they  gave  out,  the 
Crown  of  France  to  become  the  guarantee  for  the 
performance.  By  the  treaty  they  were  to  furnifh 
him  with  an  army,  to  adhere  to  the  King's  inter- 
efts,  and  ferve  under  the  Duke  of  Ormond  :  And 
for  this  they  were  to  be  pardoned  all  that  was 
pafs'cl,  to  have  the  open  -exercife  of  their  religion, 
and  a  free  admittance  into  all  employments,  and 
to  have  a  free  Parliament  without  Che  curb  -of 
5  Poyning's 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

Poyning's  law.     Bat  after  the  misfortune  at  Dub 
lin,  they  let  up  a  fnpreme  council  again,    and  re- 
fufed  to  obey  the  Duke  of  Ormond  •,  in  which  the 
Pope's  Nuncio  conducted  them.     After  fome  dif- 
putes,  and  that  the  Duke  of  Ormond  faw  he  could 
not  prevail  with  them   to  be  commanded  by  him 
any  more,    he  left  Ireland.     And  Cromwell  came 
over,  and  reduced  the  whole  country,  and  made 
a  fettlement  of  the  confifcated  eftates,  for  the  pay 
of  the  undertakers  for  the  Irifh   war,    and  of  the 
officers  that  had  ferved  in  it.     The  King   had  in 
his  Declaration  from   Breda   promifed  to  confirm 
the  fettlement  of  Ireland.     So  now  a  great  debate 
arofe  between  the  native   Irifli  and   the  Englifh. 
fettled  in  Ireland.     The  former  claimed  the  articles 
that  the  Duke  of  Ormond  had  granted  them.    He 
in  anfwer  to  this  faid,  they  had  broken  them  firit 
on  their  part,  and  fo  had  forfeited  their  claim  to. 
them,.     They  feemed  to  rely  much  on  the  Court 
of  France,  and  on  the  whole  Popifh  party  abroad, 
as  they  were  the  moil  considerable  branch  of  it 
here  at  home.     But  England  did  naturally  incline 
to  fupport  the  Englifh  Interefts.     And,  as  that  in- 
tereft  in  Ireland  had  gone  in  very  unanimouQy,  to 
the  defign  of  the  King's  Reiteration,  and  had  me 
rited  much  on  that  account,  fo  they  drew  over  the 
Duke  of  Ormond  to  join  with  them,  in  order  to 
<in  ac~t  confirming  Cromwell's  fettlement.     Only  a 
Court  of  claims  was  fet  up,  to  examine  the  pre- 
tenfions  of  fome  of  the  Irim,  who  had  fpecial  ex- 
cufes  for  themfelves,  why  they  mould  not  be  in 
cluded  in  the  general  forfeiture  of  the  Nation. 
Some  were  under  age  :  Others  were  travelling,  or 
ferving    abroad  :    And    many    had    diflinguim'd 
themfelves  in  the  King's  fervice,  when  he  was  in 
Flanders  ;  chiefly  under  the  Duke  of  York,  who 
pleaded  much  for  them,  and  was  always  depended 
on  by  them,  as  their  chief  patron.     It  was  thought 
rnoft  equitable,  to  fend  over  men  from  England, 

R  3  who 


246  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1660.  who  were  not  concerned  in  the  interefls  or  pafTions 
of  the  parties  of  that  Kingdom,  to  try  thofe  claims. 
Their  proceedings  were  much  cried  out  on  :  For 
it  was  faid,  that  every  man's  claim,    who  could 
iupport  it  with  a  good  prefent,  was  found  good, 
and  that  all  the  members  of  that  Court  came  back 
very  rich.     So  that,  tho'  the  Irifh  thought  they 
had  not  juilice  enough  done  them,    the  Engliih. 
faid  they  had  too  much.     When  any  thing  was  to 
be  proved  by  witneffes,  fets  of  them  were  hired, 
to  depofe  according  to  the  inilruclions  given  them. 
This  was  then  cried  out  on,    as  a  new  fcene  of 
wickednefs,    that  was  then   opened,    and   which 
muft  in  the  end  fubvert  all  juilice  and  good  go 
vernment.     The  infection   has   fpread   fince  that 
time,  and  crofled  the  fea.     And  the  danger  of  be 
ing  ruined  by  falfe  witneffes  has  become  fo  terrible, 
that  there  is  no  fecurity  againft   it,  but  from  the 
fincerity  of  juries.     And  if  thefe  come  to  be  packt,- 
then  all  men  may  be  foon  at  mercy,    if  a  wicked 
government  mould  fet  on  a  violent  profecution,  as 
has  happened  oftner  than  once.     I  am  not  inftru6t- 
ed  enough  in   the  affairs  of  Ireland,  to  carry  this 
matter  into  farther  particulars.     The  Englifh  in- 
tereit  was  managed  chiefly  by  two  men  of  a  very 
indifferent   reputation  :    The  Earls  of  Anglefey, 
and  Orrery.     The  chief  manager  of  the  Irifh  in- 
tereft  was  Richard  Talbot,  one  of  the  Duke's  bed 
chamber  men,  who  had  much  cunning,  and  had 
the  fecret  both  of  his  mafter's  pleafures,  and  of  his 
religion,  for  fome  years,  and  was  afterwards  raifed 
by  him  to  be  Earl  and  Duke  of  Tirconnel.     Thus 
I  have  gone  over  the  feveral  branches  of  the  fettle- 
ment  of  matters  after  the  Reftoration.     I  have  re- 
ferved  the  affairs  of  the  Church  laft,  as  thofe  about 
which  I  have  taken  the  moft  pains  to  be  well  in 
formed  •,    and  which  I  do   therefore  offer   to   the 
reader  with  fome  affurance,  and  on  which  I  hope 
due  reflection  will  be  made. 

At 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  247 

At  the  Reiteration,  Juxon,  the  ancienteft  and  1660. 
mofl  eminent  of  the  former  Bifhops,  who  had  af-  ^-v^-» 
lifted  the  late  King  in  his  lail  hours,  was  pro-  The  Bi; 
moted  to  Canterbury,  more  out  of  decency,  than  ^3*!^° 
that  he  was  then  capable  to  fill  that  poll ;  for  as  the  great- 
he  was  never  a  great  divine,  ib  he  was  now  fuper-  eft  credit, 
annuated.  Tho*  others  have  allured  me,  that  af 
ter  fome  difcourfes  with  the  King  he  was  fo  much 
ftruck  with  what  he  obferved  in  him,  that  upon 
that  he  loft  both  heart  and  hope.  The  King 
treated  him  with  outward  refpedt,  but  had  no 
great  regard  to  him.  Sheldon  and  Morley  were 
the  men  that  had  the  greateft  credit.  Sheldon 
was  efteemed  a  learned  man  before  the  wars  :  But 
he  was  now  engaged  fo  deep  in  politicks,  that 
fcarce  any  prints  of  what  he  had  been  remained. 
He  was  a  very  dextrous  man  in  bufmefs,  had  a 
great  quickneis  of  apprehenfion,  and  a  very  true 
judgment.  He  was  a  generous  and  charitable 
man.  He  had  a  great  pleafantnefs  of  converfa- 
tion,  perhaps  too  great.  He  had  an  art,  that 
was  peculiar  to  him,  of  treating  all  that  came  to 
him  in  a  rnofl  obliging  manner :  But  few  de 
pended  much  on  his  profeffions  of  friendmip.  He 
feemed  not  to  have  a  deep  fenfe  of  religion,  if 
any  at  all :  And  fpoke  of  it  moil  commonly  as  of 
an  engine  of  government,  and  a  matter  of  po 
licy.  By  this  means  the  King  came  to  look  on 
him  as  a  wife  and  honed  Clergyman.  Sheldon  was 
at  firft  made  Bifhop  of  London,  and  was  upon 
Juxon's  death  promoted  to  Canterbury.  Morley 
had  been  Erfl  known  to  the  world  as  a  friend  of 
the  Lord  Falkland's  :  And  that  was  enough  to 
raife  a  man's  character.  He  had  continued  for 
many  years  in  the  Lord  Clarendon's  family,  and 
was  his  particular  friend.  He  was  aCalviniftwith 
relation  to  the  Arminian  points,  and  was  thought 
a  friend  to  the  Puritans  before  the  wars  :  But  he 
took  care  after  his  promotion  to  free  himfelf  from 
all  fufpicions  of  that  kind.  He  was  a  pious  and 
R  4.  charitable 


248  The'  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1660.  charitable  man,  of  a  very  exemplary  life,  but  ex» 
tream  paffionate,  and  very  obftinate.  He  was  firft 
made  Bifhop  of  Worcefter.  Doctor  Hammond, 
for  whom  that  See  was  defigned,  died  a  little  be 
fore  the  Reftoration,  which  was  an  unfpeakable 
lofs  to  the  Church  :  For,  as  he  was  a  man  of  great 
learning,  and  of  moft  eminent  merit,  he  having 
been  the  perfon,  that  during  the  bad  times,  had 
maintained  the  caiife  of  the  Church  in  a  very  fin- 
gular  manner,  fo  he  was  a  very  moderate  man  in 
his  temper,  tho'  with  a  high  principle ;  and  pro 
bably  he  would  have  fallen  into  healing  couniels. 
He  was  alfo  much  fet  on  reforming  abufes,  and 
for  raifing  in  the  Clergy  a  due  fenfe  of  the  obliga 
tions  they  lay  under.  But  by  his  death  Morley 
was  advanced  to  Worcefter :  And  not  long  after 
he  was  removed  to  Winchefter,  void  by  Duppa's 
death,  who  had  been  the  King's  tutor,  tho'  np 
way  fit  for  that  poft ;  but  he  was  a  meek  and 
humble  man,  and  much  loved  for  the  fweetnefs  of 
his  temper  ;  and  would  have  been  more  efteemed, 
if  he  had  died  before  the  Reftoration  ;  for  he 
made  not  that  ufe,  of  the  great  wealth  that  flowed 
in  upon  him,  that  was  expected.  Morley  was 
thought  always  the  honefter  man  of  the  two,  as 
Sheldon  was  certainly  the  abler  man. 

The  firft  point  in  debate  was,  whether  concef- 

ing^the1     *"lons  ^ou^  ^e  made,  and  pains  taken  to  gain  the 

uniting     Difienters,   or  not  •,  efpecially   the    Prefbyterians. 

wi'h  the    The  Earl  of  Clarendon  was  much  for  it ;  and  got 

rreibyte-  fac  j^mg  to  publifli  a  declaration  foon  after  his 

Reftoration   concerning   Ecclefiaftical   affairs,    to 

which  if  he  had  ftood,  very  probably  the  greateft 

part  of  them  might  have  been  gained.     But  the 

Bifhops  did   not  approve  of  this  :  And  after  the 

fervice  they  did  that  Lord,  in  the  Duke  of  York's 

marriage,  he  would  not  put  any  hardfhip  on  thofe 

who  had  fo  fignally  obliged  him.     This  difgufted 

the  Lord  Southampton,  who  was  for  carrying  on 

the  defign,  that  had  been  much  talked  of  during 

the 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  249 

the  wars,  of  moderating  matters  both  with  rcla-  1660. 
tion  to  the  government  of  the  Church,  and  the 
worlhip  and  ceremonies :  Which  created  fome 
coldnefs  between  him  and  the  Earl  of  Clarendon, 
when  the  Lord  Chancellour  went  off  from  thofe 
defigns.  The  consideration  that  thole  Bifhops  and 
their  party  had  in  the  matter  was  this  :  The  Pref- 
byterians  were  porTefTed  of  moft  of  the  great  be 
nefices  in  the  Church,  chiefly  in  the  City  of  Lon 
don,  and  in  the  two  Univerfities.  It  is  true,  all 
that  had  come  into  the  room  of  thofe  who  were 
turned  out  by  the  Parliament,  or  by  the  vifitors 
fent  by  them,  were  removed  by  the  courfe  of  law, 
as  men  that  were  illegally  poflefled  of  other  mens 
rights :  And  that  even  where  the  former  incum 
bents  were  dead,  becaufe  a  title  originally  wrong 
was  ftill  wrong  in  law.  But  there  were  a  great 
many  of  them  in  very  eminent  pods,  who  were 
legally  poflferTed  of  them.  Many  of  thefe,  chiefly 
in  the  city  of  London,  h^d  gone  into  the  defign 
of  the  Refloration  in  fo  fignal  a  manner,  and  with 
fuch  fuccefs,  that  they  had  great  merit,  and  a  juil 
title  to  very  high  preferment.  Now,  as  there 
remained  a  great  deal  of  the  old  animofity  againft 
them,  for  what  they  had  done  during  the  wars, 
fo  it  was  faid,  it  was  better  to  have  a  fchifm  out 
of  the  Church  than  within  it  •,  and  that  the  half 
conformity  of  the  Puritans  before  the  war,  had 
fet  up  a  faction  in  every  city  and  town  between 
the  lecturers  and  the  incumbents,  that  the  former 
took  all  methods  to  render  themfelves  popular, 
and  to  raife  the  benevolence  of  their  people,  which 
was  their  chief  fubfiftence,  by  difparaging  the  go 
vernment  both  in  Church  and  State.  They  had 
alfo  many  Itories  among  them,  of  the  credit  they 
had  in  the  elections  of  Parliament  men,  which 
they  infufed  in  the  King,  to  poflefs  him  with  the 
neceflity  of  having  none  to  ferve  in  the  Church, 
but  perfons  that  Ihould  be  firmly  tied  to  his  in- 
fcereft,  both  by  principle,  and  by  fubfcriptions  and 

oaths. 


250  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1660.  oaths.     It  is  true,  the  joy  then  fpread  thro'  the 
Nation  had  got  at  this  time  a  new  Parliament  to 
be  elected,  of  men  fo  high  and  fo  hot,  that  unlefs 
the  Court  had  reftrained  them,  they  would  have 
carried  things  much  farther  than  they  did,  againft 
all  that  had  been  concerned  in  the  late  wars  :  But 
they  were  not  to  expert  fuch  fuccefs  at  all  times  : 
Therefore  they  thought  it  was  neceffary  to  make 
fure  work  at  this  time  :  And,  inftead  of  uiing  me 
thods  to  bring  in  the  fe&aries,  they  refolved  ra 
ther  to  feek  the  moft  effectual  ones  for  calling 
them  out,  and  bringing  a  new  fet'of  men  into  the 
Church.     This  took  with  the  King,  at   lead  it 
feemed  to  do  fo.     But,  tho*  he  put  on  an  outward 
appearance  of  moderation,  yet  he  was  in  another 
and  deeper  laid  defign,  to  which  the  heat  of  thefe 
men  proved  fubfervient,  for  bringing  in  of  Popery. 
A  Popifh  Queen  was   a  great  ftep  to  keep  it  in 
countenance  at  Court,  and  to  have  a1  great  many 
Frieils  going  about  the  Court  making  converts. 
It  was  thought,  a  toleration  was  the  only  method 
for  fetting  it  a  going  all  the  Nation  over.     And 
nothing  could  make  a  toleration  for  Popery  pals, 
but  the  having  great  bodies  of  men  put  out  of  the 
Church,  and  put  under  fevere  laws,'  which  ihould 
force  them  to  move  for  a  toleration,  and  fhouid 
make  it  reafonable  to  grant  it  to  them.     And  it 
was  refoived,  that  whatever  mould  be  granted  of 
that  fort  mould   go  in   fo  large  a  manner,  that 
Papifts  mould   be  comprehended  within   it.     So 
the  Papifts  had  this  generally  fpread  among  them, 
that  they  mould  oppofe  all  propofitions  for  com- 
prehenfion,  and  Ihould  animate  the  Church  party 
to  maintain  their  ground  againft  all  the  fe&aries. 
And   in  that  point  they  feemed  zealous  for  the 
Church.     But  at  the  fame  time  they  fpoke  of  tole 
ration,  as  neceflary  both  for  the  peace  and  quiet 
of  the  Nation,  and  for  the  encouragement  of  trade. 
And  with  this. the  Duke  was  fo  poflelTed,  that  he 
declared  himlelf  a  moft  violent  enemy  to  compre- 

henfion, 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

henfion,  and  as  zealous  for  toleration.  The  King 
being  thus  reiblved  on  fixing  the  terms  of  con 
formity  to  what  they  had  been  before  the  war, 
without  making  the  leaft  abatement  or  alteration, 
they  carried  on  ilill  an  appearance  of  moderation, 
till  the  ftrength  of  the  parties  mould  appear  in  the 
new  Parliament. 

So,  after  the  declaration  was  fet  out,  a  commif-  A  treaty 
fion  was  granted  to  twelve  of  a  fide,  with  nine  m  tne 
affiitants  to  each  fide,  who  were  appointed  to  meet 
at  the  Savoy,  and  to  conGder  on  the  ways  of 
uniting  both  fides.  At  their  firft  meeting,  Shel 
don  told  them,  that  thofe  of  the  Church  had  not 
defired  this  meeting,  as  being  fatisfied  with  the 
legal  eflablifhment  •,  and  therefore  they  had  nothing 
to  offer ;  but  it  belonged  to  the  other  fide,  who 
moved  for  alterations,  to  offer  both  their  excep 
tions  to  the  laws  in  being,  and  the  alterations  that 
they  propofed.  He  told  them,  they  were  to  lay 
all  they  had  to  offer  before  them  at  once ;  for 
they  would  not  engage  to  treat  about  any  one 
particular,  till  they  faw  how  far  their  demands 
went :  And  he  faid,  that  all  was  to  be  tranfacled 
in  writing,  tho'  the  others  infifled  on  an  amicable 
conference ;  which  was  at  firft  denied  :  Yet  fome 
hopes  were  given  of  allowing  it  at  laft.  Papers  were 
upon  this  given  in.  The  Prefbyterians  moved, 
that  Bifhop  Ufher's  Reduction  mould  be  laid  down 
as  a  ground-work  to  treat  on  ;  that  Bifhops  mould 
not  govern  their  diocefe  by  their  fingle  authority, 
nor  depute  it  to  Lay  officers  in  their  Courts,  but 
mould  in  matters  of  ordination  and  jurifdiction 
take  along  with  them  the  counfel  and  concurrence 
of  the  Prefbyters.  They  did  offer  feveral  excep 
tions  to  the  Liturgy,  againft  the  many  refponfes 
by  the  people  •,  and  they  defired,  all  might  be 
made  one  continued  prayer.  They  defired  that 
no  kffons  mould  be  taken  out  of  the  Apocryphal 
books  •,  that  the  Pfalms  ufed  in  the  daily  fervice 
Iheuld  be  according  to  the  new  tranflation.  They 

excepted 


2  5  2  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1660.  cxcepted  to  many  parts  of  the  office  of  baptifm,, 
V<*-Y-O  that   import  the    inward  regeneration  of  all  that 
were  baptized.     But  as  they  propofed  thefe  amend 
ments,  fo  they  did  alfo  offer  a  Liturgy  new  drawn 
by   Mr.    Baxter.      They   infilled  mainly   againft 
kneeling  at  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper, 
chiefly   againft  the'  impofmg  it ;  and  moved  that 
the  pofture  might  be  left  free,  and  that  the  ufe  of 
the  furplice,  of  the  crofs  in  baptifm,  of  God- fathers 
being  the   fponfors   in  baptifm,  and  of  the  holy 
days,  might  be  abolifhed.     Sheldon  faw  well  what 
the  effect  would  be  of  putting  them  to  make  all 
their  demands   at   once.     The   number  of  them 
raifed  a  mighty  outcry  a,gainft  them,  as  people 
that  could  never  be  fatisfied.     But  nothing  gave 
fo  great  an  advantage  againft  them,  as  their  offering 
a  new  Liturgy.     In  this  they  were  divided  among 
themfelves.     Some  were  for  infilling  only  on  a  few 
important  things,  reckoning  that,   if  they  were 
gained,  and  a  union  followed  upon  that,  it  would 
be  eafier  to  gain  other  things  afterwards.     But  ail 
this  was  overthrown  by  Mr.  Baxter,  who  was  a  man 
of  great  piety;  and,  if  he  had  not  meddled  in  too 
many  things,  would  have  been  efteemed  one  of 
the  learned   men  of  the  age  :  He  writ  near  two 
hundred  books :  Of  thefe,  three  are  large  folios  : 
He   had  a  very   moving  and  pathetical  way   of 
writing,  and  was   his  whole  life  long  a  man  of 
great  zeal  and   much  fimplicity  ;  but  was  moft 
unhappily  fubtle  and  metaphyfical  in  every  thing. 
There  was  a  great  fubmiflion  paid  to  him  by  the 
whole  party.     So  he  perfuaded   them,  that   from 
the  words  of  the  com  million  they  were  bound  to 
offer  every  thing,  that  they  thought  might  con 
duce  to  the  good  or  peace  of  the  Church,  without 
confidering  what  was  like  to  be  obtained,  or  what 
effect  their  demanding  fo  much  might  have,  in 
irritating  the  minds  of  thofe  who  were  then  the 
fuperior  body  in  ftrength  and  number.     All  the 
whole  matter  was  at  laft  reduced  to  one  Tingle 

point, 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

point,  whether  it  was  lawful  to  determine  the  cer 
tain  Life  of  things  indifferent  in   the   worihip  of 
God  ?  The  Bifhops  held  them  to  that  point,  and 
prefTed  them  to  mew  that  any  of  the  things  im- 
pofed  were  of  themfelves  unlawful.     The  Prefby- 
terians  declined  this  ;  but  affirmed,  that  other  cir- 
cumftances  might   make  it    become  unlawful  to 
fettle   a  peremptory  law  about  things  indifferent  -, 
which  they  applied  chiefly  to  kneeling  in  the  Sa 
crament,  and  (tood  upon  it  that  a  law,  which  ex 
cluded  all  that  did  not  kneel  from  the  Sacrament, 
.was  unlawful,  as  a  limitation  in  the  point  of  com 
munion  put  on  the  laws  of  Chrift,  which  ought 
to  be  the  only  condition  of  thofe  who  had  a  right 
to  it.     Upon  this  point  there   was  a  free  confe 
rence  that  lafled  fome  days.     The  two  men,  that 
had    the  chief  management   of  the  debate,  were 
the  moft  unfit  to  heal  matters,  and  the  fitteft  to 
widen   them,  that   could   have   been   found   out. 
Baxter  was  the  opponent,  and  Gunning  was  the 
refpondent ;  who  was  afterwards  advanced,  firft  to 
Chichefter,  and  then   to  Ely  :  He  was  a  man  of 
great  reading,  and  noted  for  a  fpecial  fubtiity  of 
arguing  :  All  the  arts  of  fophiflry  were  made  ufc 
of  by  him  on  all  occafions,  in  as  confident  a  man 
ner,  as   if  they  had  been  found  reafoning :    He 
was  a  man  of  an  innocent  life,  unweariedly  active 
to  very  little  purpofe  :  He  was  much  fet  on  the 
reconciling  us  with  Popery  in  fome  points  :  And, 
becaufe  the  charge  of  idolatry  feemed  a  bar  to  all 
thoughts  of  reconciliation  with  them,  he  let  him- 
felf  with  very  great  zeal  to  clear  the  Church  of 
Rome  of  idolatry  :  This  made  maijiy  fufpect  him 
as  inclining  to  go  over  to  them  :  But  he  was  far 
from  it  j  and  was  a  very  honelt,  fmcere  man,  but 
of  no  found  judgment,  and  of  no  prudence  in 
affairs:  He  was  for  our  conforming  in  all  things 
to  the  rules  of  the  Primitive  Church,  particularly 
in  praying  for  the  dead,  in  the   ufe  of  oil,  with 
many  other  rituals :  He  formed  many  in  Cam 
bridge 


254  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1660.  bridge  upon   his  own  notions,  who  have  carried 
«— - v-**-1  them  perhaps  farther  than  he   intended.     Baxter 

and  he  fpent  fome  days  in  much  logical  arguing, 
to  the  diverfion  of  the  town,  who  thought  here 
were  a  couple  of  fencers  engaged,  in  difputes,  that 
could  never  be  brought  to  an  end,  nor  have  any 
good  effect.  In  conclufion,  this  commifTion,  be 
ing  limited  to  fuch  a  number  of  days,  came  to  an 
end,  before  any  one  thing  was  agreed  on.  The 
Bifhops  infifted  on  the  laws  that  were  frill  in  force, 
to  which  they  would  admit  of  no  exception,  unlels 
it  was  proved  that  the  matter  of  thofe  laws  was 
finful.  They  charged  the  Preibyterians  with  hav 
ing  made  a  fchifm,  upon  a  charge  againft  the 
Church  for  things,  which  now  they  themfelves  could 
.not  call  finful.  They  faid,  there  was  no  reafon 
to  gratify  fuch  a  fort  of  men  in  any  thing  :  One 
demand  granted  would  draw  on  many  more :  All 
authority  both  in  Church  and  State  was  (truck  at 
by  the  pofition  they  had  infifted  on,  that  it  was 
not  lawful  to  impofe  things  indifferent,  fmce  they 
leemed  to  be  the  only  proper  matter  in  which 
human  authority  could  interpofe.  So  this  fur- 
nifhed  an  occafion  to  expofe  them  as  enemies  to  all 
order.  Things  had  been  carried  at  the  Savoy  with 
great  fharpnefs,  and  many  reflections.  Baxter 
faid  once,  fuch  things  would  offend  many  good 
men  in  the  Nation.  Steam,  the  Archbilhop  of 
York,  upon  that  took  notice  that  he  would  not 
fay  Kingdom,  but  Nation,  becaufe  he  would  not 
acknowledge  a  King.  Of  this  great  complaints 
were  made,  as  an  indecent  return  for  the  zeal  they 
had  fhewn  in  the  Reftoration, 

1661.  The  conference  broke  up  without  doing  any 
*~~s*~>  good.  It  did  rather  hurt,  and  heightened  the  iharp- 

of  confer-  ne^s  ^iat  was  ^^  *n  Pe°P^es  minds  to  fuch  a  de- 

mitymadegree>  triat  lt  needed  no  addition  to  raife  it  higher. 

harder.     The  Prefbyterians  laid  their  complaints  before  the 

King :  But  little  regard  was  had  to  them.     And 

no\v; 


of  King  CHARLES  IL  255 

all  the  concern  that  feemed  to  employ  the   1661. 
Bifhops  thoughts  was,  not  only  to  make  no  alte 
ration  on  their  account,  but  to  make  the  terms  of 
conformity  much  ftri&er  than  they  had  been  before 
the  war.     So  it  was  refolved  to  maintain  confor 
mity   to  the  height,  and  to-  put  leclurers  in  the 
fame  condition  with  the  incumbents,  as   to  oaths 
and   fubfcriptions  •,  and  to  oblige   all  perfons  to 
fubfcribe  an  unfeigned  affent  and  confent  to  all 
and  every  particular,  contained  and  prefcribed  in. 
the    book    of   Common   Prayer.      Many,    who 
thought  it  lawful  to  conform  in   fubmiffion,  yet 
fcrupled  at  this,  as  importing  a  particular  appro 
bation  of  every  thing :  And  great  diftin&ion  was 
made  between  a  conformity  in  practice,  and  fo 
full  and  diftincl  an  afient.     Yet  men  got  over  that, 
as  importing  no  more  but  a  confent  of  obedience : 
For  tho*   the  words   of   the  fubfcription,  which 
were  alfo  to  be   publickly  pronounced  before  the 
congregation,  declaring  the  perfon's  unfeigned  af 
fent  and  confent,  feemed  to   import  this,  yet  the 
claufe  of  the  act  that  enjoined  this   carried  a  clear 
explanation  of  it  ;  for  it  ena&ed  this  declaration 
^as  an  afient  and  confent  to  the  ufe  of  all  things 
contained  in  the  book.     Another  fubfcription  was 
enabled,  with  relation  to  the  League  and  Cove 
nant  ;  by  which  they  were  required  to   declare  it 
unlawful  upon  any  pretence  whatfoever  to  take 
arms  againft  the  King,  renouncing  the  traiterous 
pofition  of  taking  arms  by  his  authority  againft 
his  perfon,  or  thofe  commiflioned  by  him,   toge 
ther  with  a  declaration,  that  no  obligation  lay  on 
them  or  any  other  perfon  from  the  League    or 
Covenant,  to  endeavour   any  change  or  alteration 
of  government  in  Church  and  State,  and  that  the 
Covenant  was  in   itfelf  an  unlawful  oath.     This 
was  contriv'd  againft  all  the  old  men,  who  had 
both  taken   the    Covenant  themfelves,    and  had 
prefs'd  it  upon  others.     So  they  were  now  to  own 
themfelves  very  guilty  in  that  matter.     And  thofe, 

who 


2  $6  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1 66 1.  who  thought  it  might  be  lawful,  upon  great  and 
****r*->  illegal  provocation,  to  refift  unjuft   invafions  on 
the  laws  and  liberties  ot  the  fubjecls,  excepted  to 
the  fubfcription,  tho'  it  was  fcarce  fafe  for  any  at 
that  time  to  have  infilled  on  that  point.     Some 
thought,  that  fmre  the  King  had  taken  the  Cove 
nant,  he  at  leaft  was  bound  to  (land  to  it, 
The  Aft       Another  point  was  fixed  by  the  Ad;  of  Unifor- 

of  Ha*-     mity    which  was  more  at  large  formerly  :  Thofe, 
formity.        ,   J  -r,  ,  r  i       r  v-i        i 

-who  came  to  England  from  the  foreign  Churches, 

had  not  been  required  to  be  ordained  among  us  : 
But  now  all,  that  had  not  Epifcopal  ordination, 
were  made  incapable  of  holding  any  Ecclefiaftical 
Benefice.  Some  few  alterations  were  made  in  the 
Liturgy  by  the  Bifhops  themfelves :  A  few  new 
-collects  were  made,  as  the  prayer  for  all  condi 
tions  of  men,  -and  the  general  thanksgiving.  A 
colled:  was  alfo  drawn  for  the  Parliament,  in 
which  a  new  epithet  was  added  to  the  King's  title, 
that  gave  great  offence,  and  occafioned  much  in 
decent  raillery  :  He  was  ftyled  our  moft  religions 
King.  It  was  not  eafy  to  give  a  proper  fenfe  to 
this,  and  to  make  it  go  well  down  -,  fmce,  what 
ever  the  fignification  of  religion  might  be  in  the 
Latin  word,  as  importing  the  facrednefs  of  the 
King's  perfon,  yet  in  the  Englifh  language  it  bore 
a  fignification  that  was  no  way  applicable  to  the 
King.  And  thofe  who  took  great  liberties  with 
him  have  often  afked  him,  what  muft  all  his  peo 
ple  think,  when  they  heard  him  prayed  for  as 
their  mod  religious  King  ?  Some  other  lefler  ad 
ditions  were  made.  But  care  was  taken,  that  no 
thing  fhould  be  altered,  as  it  had  been  moved  by 
the  Prefbyterians  j  for  it  was  refolved  to  gratify 
them  in  nothing.  One  important  addition  was 
made,  chiefly  by  Gawden's  men  :  He  preiTed  that 
a  declaration,  explaining  the  reafons  of  their  kneel 
ing  at  the  Sacrament,  which  had  been  in  King 
Edward's  Liturgy,  but  was  left  out  in  Queen 
Elizabeth's  time,  fhould  be  again  fet  where  it  had 

once 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

once  been.     The  Papifls  were   highly  offended,    1661 
when  they  faw  fuch  an  exprefs  declaration  made 
agiiinft  the  real  prefcnce,  and  the  Duke  told  me, 
that  when  he  afked  Sheldon  how  they  came  to  de 
clare  again  ft  a  doctrine,  which   he   had  been  in- 
ftructed  was-  the  doctrine  of  the  Church,  Sheldon 
anfwered, "  afk  Gawden  about  it,  who  is  a  Bifhop 
of  your  own  making:  For  the  King  had  ordered 
his  promotion  for  the  fervice  he  had  done.     The 
Convocation  that,  prepared    thofe    alterations,  as 
they  added  fome  new  holy  days,  St.  Barnabas,  and 
the  Converfion  of  St.  Paul,  fo  they  took  in  more' 
leffons  out  of  the  Apocrypha,  in  particular  the 
ilory  of  Bell  and  the  Dragon  :  New  offices'  were 
alfo  "drawn  for  two   new  days,    the  thirtieth   of 
January,  called  King  Charles  the  Martyr,  and  the 
twenty  ninth  of  May,  the  day  of  the  King's  birth' 
and  return.     Sancroft  iirew  Tor  theje  fome  offices: 
of  a  very  high  ftrain:     Yet  others' of  a  more  mo- 
derate  flrain   were  preferred  to   them.     But  he, 
coming  to  be  advanced  to  the  See  of  Canterbury* 
got  his  offices  to  be  pubiifhed  by  the  King's  au-' 
thority,  in  a  time  when  fo  high  a  ftyle  as  was  in 
them  did  not   found -well  in  the   Nation.     Such 
care  was  taken  in  the  choice  and'  returns  of  the 
members  of  the  Convocation,  that  every   thing 
went  among  them  as  was  directed  by  Sheldon  and 
Morley.     When  they  had  prepared  all  their  alte 
rations,  they  offered  them  to  the  King,  who  fen t 
them  to   the  Houfe   of  Commons,    upon  which 
the  Act  of  Uniformity  was  prepare.d  by  Keeling, 
afterwards  Lord  Chief  Juitice. 

When  it  was  brought  into  the  Houfe,  many 
did  apprehend  that  fo  >feverc  an  act  might  have 
ill  effects,  and  began  to  abate  of  their  firnr  heat  : 
Upon  which  reports  were  fpread,  and  much  ag* 
gravated  as  they  were  reported  to  the  Houfe  of 
Commons,  of  the  Plots  of  the  Prefbyterians  in 
feveral  Counties.  Many  were  taken  up1  on  thofe 
reports.:-  But  none  were  ever  tried  for  them.  So, 

VOL.  I.  S  the 


•258  The  H  i  s  T  o  R  y  of  the  Reign 

1661.  the  thing  being  let   fall,  it  has  been   given  out 
fmce,  that  theie  were  forged  by  the  direction  of 
fome  hot  fpirits,  who  might  think  fuch  arts  were 
necelTary  to  give  an   alarm,  and  by  rendring  the 
party  odious  to  carry  fo  fevere  an  act  againft  them* 
The  Lord  Clarendon  himfelf  was  charged  as  hav 
ing  directed  this  piece  of  artifice  i    But  I  could 
never  fee  any  ground  for   fattening  it   on  him  : 
Tho'  there  were  great  appearances  of  foul  dealing 
among  fome  of  the  fiercer  fort.     The  Act  pafs'd 
by  no  great  majority  :  And  by  it  all  who  did  not 
conform  to  the  Liturgy  by  the  twenty  fourth  of 
Auguft,  St.  Bartholomew^  day,  in  the  year  1662, 
Were  deprived  of  all  Ecclefiaitical  benefices,  with 
out  leaving  any  difcretional  power  with  the  King 
in  the  execution  of  it,  and  without  making  pro- 
Vifion  for  the  maintenance  of  thofe  who  mould  be 
fo  deprived  :  A  fe verity  neither  practifed  by  Queen 
Elizabeth   in  the  enacting  her   Liturgy,  nor  by 
Cromwell  in  ejecting  the  Royalifts,  in  both  which 
a  fifth  part  of  the  benefice  was  referved  for  their 
fubfiflence.     St.  Bartholomew's   day  was  pitched 
on,  that,  if  they  were  then  deprived,  they  mould 
lofe  the  profits  of  the  whole  year,  fmce  the  tithes 
are  commonly  due  at  Michaelmas.     The  Prefby- 
terians  remembred  what  a  St.  Bartholomew's  had 
been  held  at  Paris  ninety  years  before,  which  was 
the  day  of  that  maffacre,    and  did   not  flick  to 
compare  the  one   to  the  other.     The   Book  of 
Common-prayer  with  the  new  corrections  was  that 
to  which  they  were  to  fubfcribe.     But  the  correc 
tions  Were  fo  long  a  preparing,  and  the  vaft  num 
ber  of  copies,  above  two  thoufand,  that  were  to 
be  wrought  off  for  all  the  parifh  Churches  of  Eng 
land,  made  the  impreflion  go  on  fo  flowly,  that 
there  were  few  Books  fet  out  to  fale  when  the  day 
came.     So,  many  that  were  well  affected  to  the 
Church,  but  that  made  confcicnce  of  fubfcribing 
to  a  book  that  they  had  not  feen,  left  their  bene^ 
fices  on  lhat  very  account.     Some  made  a  journey 


fcf  King  CHARLES  II.  259 

to  London  on  purpofe  to  fee  it.  .  With  fo  much  1661. 
precipitation  was  that  matter  driven  on,  that  it 
feemed  expected*  that  the  Clergy  fhould  fubfcribe 
implicitely  to  a  book  they  had  never  feen,  This 
was  done  by  too  many,  as  I  was  informed  by  fome 
of  the  Biihops.  But  the  Prefbyterians  were  now 
in  great  difficulties.  They  had  many  meetings, 
and  much  difputing  about  conformity.  Reynolds 
accepted  of  the  Bifhoprick  of  Norwich.  But 
Calarny  and  Baxter  refu fed  the  Sees  of  Litchfield 
and  Hereford.  And  about  two  thoufand  of  them 
fell  under  the  Parliamentary  deprivation,  as  they 
gave  out.  The  numbers  have  been  much  contro 
verted.  This  raifed  a  grievous  outcry  over  the 
Nation ;  tho'  it  was  lets  confidered  at  that  time, 
than  it  would  have  been  at  any  other.  Baxter 
told  me*  that  had  the  terms  of  the  King's  Decla 
ration  been  ilood  to,  he  did  not  believe  that 
above  three  hundred  of  thefe  would  have  been  fo 
deprived.  Some  few>  and  but  few,  of  the  Epif- 
Copal  party  were  troubled  at  this  feverity,  or  ap* 
prehenfive  of  the  very  ill  effects  it  was  like  to 
have.  Here  were  many  men,  much  valued*  fome 
on  better  grounds,  and  others  on  worie-,  who  were 
now  call  out  ignominioufly^  reduced  to  great  po 
verty,  provoked  by  much  fpiteful  ufage,  and  cad 
upon  thofe  popular  practices  that  both  their  prin* 
ciples  and  their  circumftances  feemed  to  juitify, 
of  forming  feparate  congregations,  and  of  divert 
ing  men  from  the  publick  worfhip,  and  from  con- 
fidering  their  fuccefibrs  as  the  lawful  paftors  of 
thofe  Churches  in  which  they  had  feirved.  The 
blame  of  all  this  fell  heavier!  on  Sheldon.  The 
Earl  of  Clarendon  was  charged  with  his  ha\ing 
entertained  the  Preibyterians  with  hopes  and  good 
wordsj  while  he  was  all  the  while  carrying  on,  or 
at  leafl  giving  way  to  the  Bifhop's  project.  When, 
the  Convocation  had  gone  thro*  the  book  of  Corn- 
mon-prayer,  it  was  in  the  next  place  propofed, 
that,  according  to  a  claufe  in  the  King's  licence, 
S  2  they 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

i66i.r  tney  fhould  confider  the  Canons  of  the  Church, 
v^v^->  They  had  it  then  in  their  power  to  have  reformed 
many   abufes,  and  particularly  to  have  provided 
£n  effectual  remedy  to  the  root  of  all  thofe,  which 
arife  from  the  poor  maintenance   that  is  reierved 
to  the  incumbents.     Almoft  all  the  leafes  of  the 
Church  eftates  over  England  were  fallen  in,  there 
having  been  no  renewal   for  twenty  years.     The 
leafes  for  years  were  determined :  And  the  wars 
had  carried  off  fo  many   men,    that  moft  of  the 
leafes  for  lives  were  fallen   into    the  incumbents 
hands.     So  that  the  Church  eftates  were  in  them  : 
And  the  fines  raifed  by  the  renewing  the  leafes 
rofe  to  about  a  million  and  a  half.     It  was  an  un- 
reafonable  thing  to  let  thofc  who  were  now  pro- 
The  great  moted  carry  off  fo  great  a  treafure.     If  the  half 
es  then  ^a(j  ^een  app}jec[  to  tne  buying  of  tithes  or  glebes 
for  fmall  Vicarages,  here  a  foundation  had  been 
Church     laid  down  for   a  great  and   effectual  reformation. 
eftates  ill  jn   fome  fees  forty  or  fifty  thoufand  pound  was 
applied,     j^jf^  ^nc]  applied  to   the  enriching  the  Bifhops 
families.     Something  was  done  to  Churches  and 
Colleges,  in  particular  to  St.   Paul's  in  London  : 
And  a  noble  collection  was  made  for  redeeming 
all  the  Englifh  flaves  that  were  in  any  part  of  Bar- 
bary.     But  this  fell  far  fliort  of  what  might  have 
been  expected.     In  this  the  Lord  Clarendon  was 
heavily  charged,  as   having  fhown    that  he  was 
more  the  Biihop's  friend  than  the  Church's.     It 
is  true,  the  law  made  thofe  fines  belong  to  the  in 
cumbents.     But  fuch   an   extraordinary   occafion 
deferved,  that  a  law  fhouid  have  been  made  on 
purpofe.     What  the  Biihops  did  with  thofe  great 
fines  was  a  pattern  to  all  the  lower  Dignitaries, 
who  generally  took  more  care  of  themfelves  than 
of  the   Church.     The  men  of  merit  and  fervice 
were  loaded  with  many  livings  and  many  digni 
ties.     "With  this  great  acceffion  of  wealth   there 
broke  in  upon  the  Church  a  great  deal  of  luxury 
and  high  living,  on  the  pretence  of  hofpitality  ; 

while 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  261 

while  others  made  purchafes,  and  left  great  eflates,  1661. 
moft  of  which  we  have  feen  melt  away.  And  wv-*^ 
with  this  overfet  of  wealth  and  pomp,  that  came 
on  men  in  the  decline  of  their  parts  and  age,  they, 
who  were  now  growing-  into  eld  age,  became  lazy 
and  negligent  m  all  the  true  concerns  ot  the 
Church  :  They  left  preaching  and  writing  to 
others,  while  they  gave  themfelves  up  to  eafe  arid 
iloth.  In  all  which  fad  reprefentation  fome  few- 
exceptions  are  to  be  made  •,  but  fo  few,  that,  if 
a  new  fet  of  men  had  not  appeared  ot  another 
ftamp,  the  Church  had  quite  loft  her  efteem  over 
the  Nation. 

Thefe  were  generally  of  Cambridge,  formed  Dlyines 
under  fome  divines,  the  chief  of  whom  werec.al^a- 
Drs.  Whitchcot,  Cudworth,  Wilkins,  More,  and r 
Worthington.  Whitchcot  was  a  man  of  a  rare 
temper,  very  mild  and  obliging.  He  had  great 
credit  with  fome  that  had  been  eminent  in  the  late 
times  -,  but  made  all  the  ufe  he  could  of  it  to  pro 
tect  good  men  of  all  perfuafions.  He  was  much 
for  liberty  of  confcience  :  And  being  difgufted 
with  the  dry  fyftematical  way  of  thofe  times,  he 
ftudied  to  raife  thofe  who  converfed  with  him  to  a 
nobler  fet  of  thoughts,  and  to  confider  religion 
as  a  feed  of  a  deiform  nature,  (to  ufe  one  of  his 
own  phrafes.)  In  order  to  this,  he  fet  young  ftu- 
dents  much  on  reading  the  ancient  Philofophers, 
chiefly  Plato,  Tully,  and  Plotin,  and  on  confid.er- 
ing  the  Chriftian  religion  as  a  doctrine  fent  from 
God,  both  to  elevate  and  fweeten  human  nature, 
in  which  he  was  a  great  example,  as  well  as  a  wife 
and  kind  inftructor.  Cudworth  carried  this  on 
with  a  great  ftrength  of  genius,  and  a  vaft  compafs 
of  learning.  He  was  a  man  of  great  conduct  and 
prudence  :  Upon  which  his  enemies  did  very  falfly 
accufe  him  of  craft  and  diffimulation.  Wilkins 
was  of  Oxford,  but  removed  to  Cambridge.  His 
firft  rife  was  in  the  Elector  Palatine's  family,  when 
he  was  in  England.  Afterwards,  he  married 
S  3  Cromwell's 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

Cromwell's  fitter  -,  but  made  no  other  ufe  of  that 
alliance,  but  to  do  good  offices,  and  to  cqyer  the 
Univerfity  from  the  iburriefs  of  Owen  and  Good 
win.  At  Cambridge  he  joined  with  thofe  who, 
iludied  to  propagate  better  thoughts,  to  take  men 
off  from  being  in  parties,  or  from  narrow  notions, 
from  fuperftitjotis  conceits,  and  a  fiercenefs  about 
opinions.  He  was  alfo  a  great  obferver  and  a 
promoter  of  experimental  philofophy,  which  was 
then  a  new  thing,  and  much  looked  after.  He 
was  naturally  ambitious,  but  was  the  wifeft  Clergy 
man  I  ever  knew.  He  was  a  lover  of  mankind, 
and  had  a  delight  in  doing  good.  More  was  an 
open  hearted,  and  fmcere  chriftian  philofopher, 
who  iludied  to  eftabliih  men  in  the  great  principles 
of  religion  againft  atheifm,  that  was- then  begin 
ning  to  gain  ground,  chiefly  by  reafon  of  the  hy- 
pocrify  of  fome,  and  the  fantaitical  conceits  of  the 
more  flncere  enthufiafts. 

Hobbs's  Hobbs,  who  had  Jong  followed  the  Court,  and 
Levia-  parTed  there  for  a  mathematical  man,  tho*  he  really 
knew  little  that  way,  being  difgufted  by  the  Court, 
came  into  England  in  Cromwell's  time,  ancl  pub- 
limed  a  very  wicked  book,  with  a  very  (Irange 
title,  The  Leviathan.  His  main  principles  were, 
that  all  men  a6ted  under  an  abfolute  necefTity,  in 
which  he  feemed  protected  by  the  then  receivecl 
do&rine  of  abfolute  decrees.  He  feemed  to  think 
that  the  univerfe  was  God,  and  that  fouls  were  ma 
terial,  Thought  being  only  fubtil  and  imperceptible 
motion.  He  thought  intereft  and  fear  were  the 
chief  principles  of  fociety:  And  he  put  all  mora^ 
lity  in  the  following  that,  which  was  our  own  pri 
vate  will  or  advantage.  He  thought  religion  had 
no  other  foundation  than  the  laws  of  the  land* 
And  he  put  all  the  law  in  the  will  of  the  Prince, 
or  of  the  people  :  For  he  writ  his  book  at  firfl  in, 
favour  of  abfolute  monarchy,  bu£  tiirned  it  after 
wards  to  gratify  the  republican  party.  Thefe  were 
Jys  t^ue  principles,  tho*  he,  had  difguifed  them,  in, 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  263 

order  to  catch  unwary  readers.     And  this  fet  of  no-   1661. 
tions  came  to  fpread  much.     The  novelty  and  bold^  * 
nefs  of  them  fet  many  on  reading  them.     The  im 
piety  of  them  was  acceptable  to  men  of  corrupt 
minds,  which  were  but  too  much  prepared  to  re 
ceive  them,  by  the  extravagancies  of  the  late  times, 
So  this  fet  of  men  at  Cambridge  ftudied  to  aflert, 
and  examine  the  principles  of  religion   and  mora 
lity  on  clear  grounds,  and  in  a  philofophical  me 
thod.     In  this  More   led  the  way  to  many  that 
came  after  him.     Worthington  was  a  man  of  emi 
nent  piety  and  great  humility,  and  praftifed  a  molt 
fublime  way  of  felf  denial  and  devotion.    All  thefe, 
and  thofe  who  were  formed  under  them,  ftudied 
to  examine  farther  into  the  nature  of  things  than 
had  been  done  formerly.     They  declared  againft 
fuperftition  on  the    one  hand,    and  enthufiafm  on 
the  other.     They  loved  the   conftitution   of  the 
Church,  and  the  Liturgy,  and  could  well  live  un 
der  them :  But  they  did  not  think  it  Unlawful  to 
live  under  another  form.     They  wiflied  that  things 
might  have  been  carried  with   more  moderation. 
And  they  continued  to   keep  a  good  correfpon- 
dence,  with  thofe  who  had  differed  from  them  in 
opinion,  and  allowed  a  great  freedom  both  in  phi- 
lofophy  and  in  divinity :  From  whence  they  were 
called  men  of  Latitude.     And  upon  this  men  of 
narrower  thoughts  and  fiercer  tempers  fattened  up 
on  them  the  name  of  Latitudinarians.     They  read 
Epifcopius  much.     And  the  making  out  the  rea- 
fons  of  things    being  a  main  part  of  their  ftudies, 
their  enemies  called  them  Socinians.     They  were 
all    very  zealous  againft  popery.     And  fo,    they 
becoming  foon  very  confiderable,    the  Papifts  fee 
themfelves  againft  them  to  decry  them  as  Atheifts, 
Deifts,  or  at  beft  Socinians,     And  now  that  tho 
main  principle  of  religion  was  {truck  at  by  Hofebs. 
and  his  followers,  the  Papifts   afted  upon  this  a. 
very  ftrange  part.     They  went  in  fo  far  even  into 
the  argument  for  Atheifm,    as  to  publifh  many 
S  4 


264  The  H.  i  s  T  o.  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1 66 1,  books,  in  which  they  affirmed,  that  there  was  no 
C-vw  certain  proofs  of  the'ChFiftian'  religion,  unlels  we 
took  it  from  the  authority  of  the  Church  as  infal 
lible.  This  was  fuch  a  delivering  up  of  the  caufe 
to  them,  that  it  railed  in  all  good  men  a  very  high 
indignation  at  Popery  j  that  party  mewing*  that 
they  chofe  to  make  men,  who  would  not  turn  Pa- 
pifts,  become  Atheifts,  rather  than  believe  Chrifti- 
anity  upon  any  other  ground  than  infallibility. 
A  cha-  The  moft  eminent  of  thofe,  who  were  formed 
fomer<U-  unc*er  ^°^  Sreat  men  I  nave  mention'd,  were  Til- 
vines.01  lotf°n>  Stillingrleet,  and  Patrick.  The  fir  ft  of 
thefe  was  a  man  of  a  clear  head,  and  a  fweet  tem 
per.  He  had  the  brighter!  thoughts,  and  the  moft 
correct  ftyle  of  all  our  divines ;  and  was  efteemed 
the  beft  preacher  of  the  age.  He  was  a  very  pru 
dent  man  j  and  had  fuch  a  management  with  it, 
that  I  never  knew  any  Clergy-man  fo  univcffally 
efteemed  and  beloved,  as  he  was  fojr  above  twenty 
years.  He  was  eminent  for  his  oppofition  to  Po 
pery.  He  v/as  no  friend  to  perfecution,  and  ftood 
up  much  againft Atheifm.  Nor  did  any  man  con 
tribute  more  .to  bring  the  City'to  love  our  worfhip, 
than  he  did.  But  there  was  fo  little  fuperftition, 
and  fo  much  reafon  and  gentlenefs  in  his  way  of 
explaining  things,  that  malice  was  -long  levelled 
•;at  him,  and  in  concliifion  broke  out  fiercely  on 
him..;  Stillingfleet  \vas  a  man  of  much  more  learn 
ing,  but  of  a  more  referved,  and  a  haughtier  tem 
per.  He  in  his  youth  writ  an  Irenicum  for  heal 
ing  our  divifions,  with  fo  much  learning  and  mo 
deration,  that  it  was  efteemed  a  mafter- piece.  His 
notion  was,  'that  the  Apoftles  had  fettled  the 
Church  in  a  conftitution  of  Bifhops,  Priefts,  and 
Deacons,  but  had  made  no  perpetual  lav/  about  it, 
having  only  taken  it  in,  as  they  did  many  other 
things,,  from  the  cuftoms  and  practice  of  the  fy- 
nagogue-,  ,from  which  he  inferred,,  that  certainly 
the  constitution  was  lawful  'fince  authorifed  by 
them,  but  not  neceflary,  fince  they  had  made  no 

fettled 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

fettled  law  about  it.     This  took  with  many-,  but    1661. 
was  cried  out  upon  by  others  as  an  attempt  againil 
the  Church.     Yet  the  argument  was  managed- with 
fo  much  learning  and  /kill,  that  none  of  either  fide 
ever  undertook  to  anfwer  it.     After  that,  he  wrote 
againfl  infidelity,  beyond  any  that  had  gone  before 
him.     And  then  he  engaged  to  write  againfl  Po 
pery,  which  he  did  with  fuch  an  .exact-nefs  and 
livelinefs,    that  no  books  of  controverfy  were  fo 
much  read  and  valued,    as  his  were.     He  was  a 
great  man  in  many  refpects.     He  knew  the  world 
well,  and  was  efteemed  a  very  wife  man.     The 
writing  of  his  Irenicum  was  a  great  fnare  to  him  : 
For,  to  avoid  the  imputations  which  that  brought 
upon  him,  he  not  only  retracted  the  book,  but  he 
went  into  the  humours  of  a  high  fort  of  people, 
beyond  what  became  him,  perhaps  beyond  his  own 
fenfe  of  things.     He  applied  himfelf  much  to  the 
ft ud y  of  the  law  and  records,  and  the  original  of 
our  conftitution,    and  was  a   very  extraordinary 
man,     Patrick  was  a  great  preacher.     He  wrote 
much,    and  well,    and  chiefly  on  the  Scriptures. 
He  was  a  laborious  man  in  his  function,  of  great 
ftrictnefs  of  life,  but  a  little  too  fevere  againft  thofe 
who  differed  from  him.     But  that  was,  when  he 
thought  their  doctrines  ftruck  at  the  fundamentals 
qf  religion.     He  became  afterwards  more  mode 
rate.,    .To  thefe  I  mail  add  another  divine,  who, 
tho'  of  Oxford,  yet  as  he  was  formed  by  Bifhop 
Wiikins,  fo  he  went  into  moft  of  their  principles;; 
but  went  far  beyond  them  in  learning.     Lloyd  was 
a"  great  critick  in  the  Greek  and  La  tin;  authors, 
but  chiefly  in  the  Scriptures  -,    of  the  words  and 
pfirafes  of  which  he  carried  the  moft  perfect  con 
cordance  in  his  memory,  and  had;,  it -the  readieft 
about  him,  of  all  men  that  ever  1  knew.     He  was 
an  exact  hiftorian,  and  the  moft  punctual  in  chro 
nology  of  all  our  divines.     He  had  read  the  moft 
books,  and  with  the  beft  judgment,  and  had  made 
the  moft  copious  abftra&s  out  of  them,  of  any  in 

this 


266  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

j  66 1.  this  age :  So  that  Wilkins  ufed  to  fay,  he  had  the 
**Y**J    moft  learning  in  ready  cafh  of  any  he  ever  knew. 
He  was  fo  exact  in  every  thing  he  fet  about,  that 
he  never  gave  over  any  part  of  ftudy,  till  he  had 
quite  m  altered  it.     But  when  that  was  done,  he 
went  to  another  fubject,  and  did  not  lay  out  his 
learning  with  the  diligence  with  which  he  laid  it 
in.     He  had  many  volumes  of  materials  upon  all 
fubjecls  laid  together  in  fo  diftincl:  a  method,  that 
he  could  with  very  little  labour  write  on  any  of 
them.     He  had  more  life  in  his  imagination,  and 
a  truer  judgment,  than  may  feem  confiftent  with 
fuch  a  laborious  courfe  of  ftudy.     Yet,  as  much 
as  he  was  fet  on  learning,  he  had  never  neglected 
his  pafloral  care.     For  feveral  years  he  had  the 
greateft  cure  in  England,  St.  Martins,  which  he 
took  care  of  with  an  application  and  diligence  be 
yond  any  about  him ;  to  whom  he  was  an  example, 
or  rather  a  reproach,  fo  few  following  his  example. 
He  was  a  holy,  humble,    and  patient  man,  ever 
ready  to  do  good  when  he  faw  a  proper  opportu 
nity  :  Even  his  love  of  ftudy  did  not  divert  him 
from  that.     He  did  upon  his  promotion  find  a  ve 
ry  worthy  fucceflbr  in  his  cure,  Tenifon,  who  car 
ried  on  and  advanced  all  thofe  good  methods  that 
he   had  begun,   in  the  management  of  that  great 
cure.     He  endowed  fchools,   fet  up  a  publick  li 
brary,  and  kept  many  Curates  to  aflift  him  in  his 
indefatigable  labours  among  them.     He  was  a  ve 
ry  learned  man,  and  took  much  pains  to  ftate  the 
notions  and  practices  of  heathenifh  idolatry,    and 
fo  to  faften  that  charge  on  the  Church  of  Rome, 
And,  Whitehall  lying  within  that  parifh,  he  flood 
as  in  the  front  of  the  battle  all  King  James's  reign ; 
and  maintained,    as  well  as  managed,    that  dan 
gerous  poft  with  great  courage  and  much  judg 
ment,  and  was  held  in  very  high  efteem  for  his 
whole  deportment,  which  was  ever  grave  and  mo 
derate.     Thefe  have  been  the  greateft  divines  we 
have  had  thefe  forty  years:    And  -  may  we  ever 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  267 

have  a  fucceflion  of  fuch  men,  to  fill  the  room' of   1661, 
thofe  wholiave  already  gone  ^pff  the  ftage,  and  of  w^rw 
thofe  who,  being  now  very  old,  cannot  hold  their 
pofts  long.     Of  thefe  I  have  writ  the  more  fully, 
becaufe  I  knew  them  well,  and  have  lived  long  in 
great  friendihip  with  them  j  but  moft  particularly 
with  Tillotfon  and  Lloyd,     And,  as  I  am  fenfible 
I  owe  a  great  deal  of  the  confideration  that  has 
been  had  for  me,  to  my  being  known  to  be  their 
friend,  fo  I  have  really  learned  the  belt  part  of 
what  I  know  from  them.     But  I  owed  them  much 
more  on  the  account  of  thofe  excellent  principles 
and  notions,    of  which  they  were  in  a  particular 
manner  communicative  to  me.     This  fet  of  men 
contributed  more  than  can  be  well  imagined  to 
reform  the  way  of  preaching  •,  which  among  the 
Divines  of  England  before  them  was  over-run  with 
pedantry,  a  great  mixture  of  quotations  from  fa 
thers  and  ancient  writers,  a  long  opening  of  a  text 
with  the  concordance  of  every  word  in  it,  and  a 
giving  all  the  different  expofitions  with  the  grounds 
of  them,  and  the  entring  into  forne  parts  of  con-  The  way 
trovcrfy,  and  all  concluding   in  fome,    but  very  ? 
fliort,  practical  applications,  according  to  the  fub- 
ject  or  the  occafion.     This  was  both  long  and  va;iccL 
heavy,  when  all  was  pye  balled,  full  of  many  fay- 
ings  of  different  languages.     The  common  ftyle  of 
fermons  was  either  very  flat  and  low,    or  fwelled 
up  with  rhetorick  to  a  falfe  pitch  of  a  wrong  fub- 
jime.     The  King  had  little  or  no  literature,  but 
true  and  good  fenfe ;  and  had  got  a  right  notion 
of  ftyle;   for  he  was  in.  France,  at  a  time  when 
they  were  much  fet  on  reforming  their  language. 
It  foon  appear'd  that  he  had  a  true  tafte.     So  this 
helped  to  raife  the  value   of  thefe  men,  when  the 
King  approved  of  the  ftyle  their  difcourfes  gene 
rally  ran  in ;   which  was  clear,  plain,  and  fhort. 
They  gave  a  fhort  paraphrafe  of  their  text,  unlefs 
where  great  difficulties  required  a  more  copious  en 
forcement  :  But  even  then  they  cut  off  unneceffary 

thews 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

fliews  of  learning,  and  applied  themfelves  to  the 
macter,  in  which  they  opened  the  nature  and  rea- 
fons  of  things  fo  fully,  and  with  that  fimplicity, 
that  their  hearers  felt  an  inflrudlion  of  another 
fort,  than  had  commonly  been  obferved  before. 
So  they  became  very  much  followed :  And  a  fet 
of  thefe  men  brought  off  the  City  in  a  great  mea- 
fure,  from  the  prejudices  they  had  formerly  to  the 
Church. 

1662.        There  was  a  great  debate  in  Council,  a  little  be- 
u^y^    fore  St.  Bartholomew's  day,  whether  the  A6t  of 
The  Aft    Uniformity  fliould  be  punctually  executed,  or  not. 
ofUmfor-  Some  moved  to  have  the  execution  of  it  delayed 
cut«hvith  to  t'ie  next  feffion  °f  Parliament.     Others  were 
rigour.      for  executing  it  in  the  main,  but  to  connive  at 
fome  eminent  men,  and  to  put  Curates  into  their 
Churches  to  read  and  officiate  according  to  the 
Common-prayer,  but  to  leave  them  to  preach  on, 
till  they  fhould  die  out.     The  Earl  of  Manchefler 
laid    all    thefe    things    bfcfore    the    King    with 
much  zeal,  but  with  no  great  force.     Sheldon  on 
the  other  hand  prefs'd  the  execution  of  the  law : 
England  was  accuflpmed  to  obey  laws  :  So  while 
they  flood  on  that  ground,    they  were  fafe,  and 
needed  fear  none  of  the  dangers  that  feemed  to  be 
threatened  :  He  alfo  undertook  to  fill  all  the  va 
cant  pulpits,  that  fhould  be  forfaken  in  London, 
better  and  more  to  the  fatisfaclion  of  the  people, 
than  they  had  been  before :  And  he  feemed  to  ap 
prehend,,  that  a  very  fmall  number  would  fall  .un 
der  the  deprivation,  and  that  the  grofs  of  the  party 
would  conform.     On   the  other  hand,  thofe'wha 
led  the  party  took  great  pains  to  have  them  all  flick 
together  :  They  infufed  it  into  them,  that  if  great 
numbers  flood  out,  that  would  fhew  their  ftrength, 
and  produce  new  laws  in  their  favour ;  whereas 
they  would  be  defpifed,r    if,  after  fo  much  noife 
made,  the  greater  part  of  them  fhould  conform. 
So  it  was  thought,  that  many  went  out  in  the  croud 


of  King  CHARLES  IL 

to  keep  their  friends  company.  Many  of  thefe 
were  diftinguifhed  by  their  abilities  and  zeal. 
They  caft -the mfelves  upon  the  providence  of  God, 
and -the  charity  of  their  friends,,  which  had  a  fair 
appearance,  as  of  men  that  were  ready  to  fuffer 
perfection  for  ;  their  confciences.  This  begot 
efteem,  and  raifed  cornpaffion :  Whereas  the  old 
Clergy,  now  much  enriched,  were  as  much  def-« 
pifed.  But  the  young  Clergy  that  came  from  the 
Univerfities  did  good  fervice.  Learning  was  then 
high  at  Oxford;  chiefly  the  ftudy  of  the  oriental 
tongues,  which  was  much  raifed  by  the  Polyglot 
Bible,  then  lately,  fet  forth.  They  read  the  fathers 
much  there.  Mathematicks  and-the.new  philofo- 
phy  were  in  great  efteem.  And  the  meetings  that 
Wilkins  had  begun  at  Oxford  were  now  held  in 
London  too,  in  fo  publick  manner,  that  the  King 
himfelf  encouraged  them  much,  and  had  many 
experiments  made  before  him.i.ri  a 

The  men  that  formed  the  Royal  Society  in  Lon-  The 
don  were  Sir  Robert  Murray,  the  Lord  Brounker,  j10?3* 
a  .profound  mathematician,  and  Doctor  Ward, 
foon  after  promoted  to  Exeter,  and  afterwards  re 
moved  to  Saliibury.  Ward  was  a  man  of  great 
reach,  went  deep  in  mathematical  ftudies,  and  was 
a  very  dextrous  man,  if  not  too  dextrous  ;  for  his 
fmcerity  was  much  queftioned.  He  had  complied 
during  the  late  times,  and  held  in  by  taking  the 
Covenant :  So  he  was  hated  by  the  high  men  as  a 
time-ferver.  But  the  Lord  Clarendon  faw,  that 
molt  of  the  Bifhops  were  men  of  merit  by  their 
fufferings,  but  of  no  great  capacity  for  bufmefs. 
He  brought  Ward  in,  as  a  man  fit  to  govern  the 
Church:  ;For  Ward,  to  get  his  former  errors  to 
be  forgot,  went  into  the  high  notions  of  a  fevere 
conformity,  and  became  the  moft  ccnfiderable 
man  on  the  Bifhops  bench.  He  was  a  profound 
States-man,  but  a  very  indifferent  Clergy-man. 
Many  Phyficians,  and  other  ingenious  men  went 
into  the  Society  for  natural  Philofophy.  But  he 

who 

6 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reigri 

who  laboured  moft,  at  the  greateft  charge,  and 
with  the  moft  fucceefs  at  experiments,  was  Robert 
Boyle,  the  Earl  of  Cork's  youngeil  fon.  He  was 
looked  on  by  all  who  knew  him,  as  a  very  perfect 
pattern.  He  was  a  very  devout  Chriftian,  humble 
and  modeft,  almoft  to  a  fault,  of  a  moft  fpotlefs  and 
exemplary  life  in  all  refpects.  He  was  highly  cha 
ritable  ;  and  was  a  mortified  and  felf-denied  man* 
that  delighted  in  nothing  fo  much  as  in  the  doing 
good.  He  neglected  his  perfon,  defpifed  the 
world*  and  lived  abftracted  from  all  pleafures,  de- 
iigns,  and  interefts.  I  preached  his  funeral  fer- 
mon,  in  which  I  gave  his  character  fo  truly,  that 
I  do  not  think  it  neceffary  now  to  enlarge  more 
upon  it.  The  Society  for  Philofophy  grew  fo 
confiderable,  that  they  thought  fit  to  take  out  a 
patent,  which  conftituted  them  a  body,  by  the 
name  of  the  Royal  Society  •,  of  which  Sir  Robert 
Murray  was  the  firft  Prefident,  Bifhop  Ward  the 
fecond,  and  the  Lord  Brounker  the  third.  Their 
hiftory  is  writ  fo  well  by  Doctor  Sprat,  that  I  will 
infift  no  more  on  them,  but  go  on  to  other  mat 
ters. 

Confulta-  After  St.  Bartholomew's  day,  the  Diflenters* 
tions  feeing  both  Court  and  Parliament  was  fo  much  fet 
the°pS  againft  them,  had  much  confutation  together 
pifts.  what  to  do.  Many  were  for  going  over  to  Hol 
land,  and  fettling  there  with  their  Minifters* 
Others  propofed  New-England,  and  the  other 
Plantations.  Upon  this  the  Earl  of  Briftol  drew 
to  his  houfe  a  meeting  of  the  chief  Papifts  in  Town  : 
And  after  an  oath  of  fecrecy  he  told  them*  now 
was  the  proper  time  for  them  to  make  fome  fteps 
towards  the  bringing  in  of  their  religion  :  In  order 
to  that  it  feemed  advifable  for  them  to  take  pains 
to  procure  favour  to  the  Nonconformifts ;  (for 
that  became  the  common  name  to  them  all,  as 
Puritan  had  been  before  the  war :)  They  were  the: 
rather  to  beftir  themfelves  to  procure  a  toleration 
fpr  them  in  generaj.  terms*  that  they  themfelves 

might 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  271 

might  be  comprehended  within  it.  The  Lord  1662. 
Aubigny  feconded  the  motion.  He  faid,  it  was  <~~*~*s 
fo  vifibly  the  intereft  of  England  to  make  a  great 
body  of  the  trading  men  flay  within  the  Kingdom, 
and  be  made  eafy  in  it,  that  it  would  have  a  good 
grace  in  them  to  feem  zealous  for  it :  And,  to 
draw  in  fo  great  a  number  of  thofe,  who  had  been 
hitherto  the  hotteft  againft  them,  to  feel  their  care, 
and  to  fee  their  zeal  to  ferve  them,  he  recom 
mended  to  them  to  make  this  the  fubjecl:  of  all  their 
difcourfes,  and  to  engage  all  their  friends  in  the 
defign.  Bennet  did  not  meet  with  them,  but  was 
known  to  be  of  the  fecret  •,  as  the  Lord  Stafford 
told  me  in  the  Tower  a  little  before  his  death.  But 
that  Lord  foon  withdrew  from  thofe  meetings : 
For  he  apprehended  the  Earl  of  Briftol's  heat,  and 
that  he  might  raife  a  ftorm  againft  them  by  his 
indifcreet  meddling. 

The  King  was  fo  far  prevailed  on  by  them,  that  A  Decla- 
in  December  1662  he  fet  out  a  Declaration,  that rauon  for 
was  generally  thought  to  be  procured  by  the  Lord  tc 
Briftoi :  But  it  had  a  deeper  root,  and  was  de- 
figned  by  the  King  himfelf.  In  it  the  King  ex- 
preffed  his  averfion  to  all  feverities  on  the  account 
of  religion,  but  more  particularly  to  all  fanguinary 
laws ;  and  gave  hopes  both  to  Papifts  and  Non- 
conformifts,  that  he  would  find  out  fuch  ways  for 
tempering  the  feverities  of  the  laws,  that  all  his 
fubjecls  fhould  be  eafy  under  them.  The  wifer  of 
the  Nonconformifts  faw  at  what  all  this  was  aimed, 
and  fo  received  it  coldly.  But  the  Papifts  went 
on  more  warmly,  and  were  preparing  a  fcheme 
for  a  toleration  for  them.  And  one  part  of  it 
raifed  great  difputes  among  themfeives.  Some 
were  for  their  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance,  which 
renounced  the  Popes  depofing  power.  But  all 
thofe  that  were  under  a  management  from  Rome 
refufed  this.  And  the  Internuntio  at  BrufTelis 
proceeded  to  cenfure  thofe  that  were  for  it,  as  ene- 
tQ  the  Papal  authority.  A  propofition  was 

alfo 


The  HISTORY  of  -the  Reign 
alfo  made  for  having  none  but  fecular  Priefts  to 
lerated  in  England,  who  fhould  be  under  a 
Biihop,  and  under  an  eftablilhed  government. 
But  that  all  the  regulars,  in  particular  all  Jefuits, 
fhould  be  under  the  flridleft  penalties  forbid  the 
Kingdom. 

Befigned       The  Earl  of  Clarendon  fet  this  o'n  ;  for  he  knew 
for  the      well  it   would  divide  the  Papifts  among   them- 


Blacklow,  Serjeant,  Caron,  and  Walfh  were  for  it, 
yet  they  could  not  make  a  party  among  the  lead 
ing  men  of  their  own  fide.  It  was  pretended,  that 
this  was  fet  on  foot  with  a  defign  to  divide  them, 
and  fo  to  break  their  flrength.  The  Earl  of  Cla 
rendon  knew,  that  Cardinal  de  Retz,  for  whom 
he  faw  the  King  had  a  particular  efteem,  had  come 
over  incognito,  and  had  been  with  the  King  in 
private.  So,  to  let  the  King  fee  how  odious  a 
thing  his  being  fufpecled  of  Popery  would  bei,-  and 
what  a  load  it  would  lay  on  his  government  if  it> 
came  to  be  believed,  he  got  fome  of  his  party,  as 
Sir  Allen  Brodrick  told  me,  to  move  in  the  Houfe 
of  Commons  for  an  Act  rendring  it  capital  to  fay 
the-  King  was  a  Papift.  And,  whereas  the  King 
was  made  to  believe  that  the  old  Cavaliers  were 
become  milder  with  relation  to  Popery,  the  Lord 
Clarendon  upon  this  new  Act  inferred,  that  it  dill 
appeared  that  the  opinion  of  his  being  a  Papift 
would  fo  certainly  make  him  odious,  that  for 
that  reafon  the  Parliament  had  made  the  fpread- 
ing  thofe  reports  fo  penal.  But  this  was  taken 
by  another  handle,  while  fome  faid,  that  this  Act 
was  made  on  purpofe,  that,  tho'  the  defign  of 
bringing  in  Popery  fhould  become  ever  fo  vifible, 
none  fhould  dare  to  fpeak  of  it.  The  Earl  of 
Clarendon  had  a  quite  contrary  defign  in  it,  to  let 
the  King  fee  how  fatal  the  effects  of  any  fiich  fuf- 
picions  were  like  to  be.  When  the  Earl  of  Bri- 
Hoi's  declaration  was  propofed  in  Council,  Lord 
Clarendon  and  the  Biihops  oppofed  it.  But  there 

was 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  272 

was  nothing  in  it  direclly  againil  Jaw,  hopes  being    1662. 
only  given  of  endeavours  to  make  all  men  eafy 
under  the  King's  government :  So  it  pafs'd.     The 
Earl  of  Briftol   carried  it  as  a  great  vidory.     And 
he,  with  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  and  'all  Lord 
Clarendon's  enemies,  declared  openly  againil  him. 
But  the  poor  Priefts,  who  had  made  thofe  honeft 
motions,  were  very  ill  looked  on  by  all  their  own 
party,  as  men  gained  on  defign  to  betray  them. 
I  knew  all  this  from  Peter  Walfh  himfelf,  who 
was  the  honeftell  and  learnedeft  man  I  ever  knew, 
among  them.     He  was  of  Irifh  extraction,  and  of 
the   Francifcan   order :    And   was   indeed   in   all 
points  of   ccntroverfy   almoft  wholly  Proteflant : 
But  he  had  fenfes  of  his  own,  by  which  he  excufed 
his   adhering  to  the  Church  of  Rome:  And  he 
maintained,  that  with  thefc  he  could  continue  in 
the  communion  of  that  Church  without  fm:  And 
he  laid,  that  he  was  fure  he  did  fome  good  Hay 
ing  Hill  on  that  fide,  but  that  he  could   do  none 
at  all  if  he  mould  come  over :    He  thought,  no 
man  ought  to  forfake  that  religion  in  which  he  was 
born  and   bred,  unlefs   he  was  clearly  convinced, 
that  he  muft  certainly  be  damned  if  he  continued 
in  it.     He  was  an   honeft  and  able   man,  much 
practifed  in  intrigues,  and  knew  well  the  methods 
of  the  Jefuits,  and  other  Miflionaries.     He  told 
me   often,  there   was  nothing   which    the  whole 
Pppifii  party  feared   more  than  an  union  of  thofe 
of  the  Church  of  England  with  the  Prefbyterians  : 
They  knew,  we  grew  the  weaker,  the  more  our 
breaches  were  widened  •,  and   that,  the  more  we 
were  fet  againil  one  another,  we  would  mind  them 
the  lefs.     The   Papifls    had  two   maxims,  from 
which  they   never   departed  :  The  one  was  to  di 
vide  us  :  And  the  other  was  to  keep  themfelves 
united,  and  either  to  fet  on  an  indifcriminated  to 
leration,  or  a  general  profecution  ;  for  fo  we  bved 
to  foften  the  harm  word  of  perfecution.     And  he 
obferved,  not  without  great  indignation  at  us  for 
VOL.  I.  T  our 


274  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1662.  .our  follyj  that  we,  inftead  of  uniting  among  our- 
\^v^  felves,  and  dividing  them,  according  to  their  max 
ims,  did  all  we  could  to  keep  them  united,  and  to 
disjoint  our  o>vn  body  :  For  he  was  perfuaded,  if 
the  government  had  held  an  heavy  hand  on  the 
Regulars  and  the  Jefuits,  and  had  been  gentle  to 
the  Seculars,  and  had  fet  up  a  diftinguifhing  teft, 
renouncing  all  fort  of  power  in  the  Pope  over  the 
temporal  rights  of  Princes,  to  which  the  Regulars 
and  the  Jefuits  could  never  fubmit,  that  this  would 
have    engaged    them   into  fuch   violent  quarrels 
among  themfelves,  that  cenfures  would  have  been 
thundred  .at  Rome  againft  all  that  mould  take  any 
fuch  teft  ;  which  would  have  procured  much  dif- 
puting,  and  might  have  probably  ended  in  the  re 
volt  of  the  foberer  part  of  that  Church.     But  he 
found,  that,  tho'   the  Earl  of  Clarendon  and  the 
Duke  or  Ormond  liked  the  project,  little  regard 
was   had   to   it  by    the   governing   party    in   the 
Court. 

1 663.       The  Church  party  was  alarmed  at  all  this.    And 
<— - -v^— '  tho5  they  were  unwilling  to  fufpect  the  King  or 
Bri,ft°rs     the  Duke,  yet  the  management  for  Popery  was  fo 
vifible,  that  in  the  next  ieffion  of  Parliament  the 
King's  declaration  was  feverely  arraigned,  and  the 
authors   of.it    were   plainly  Enough   pointed   at. 
This  was  done  chiefly  by  the  Lord  Clarendon's 
Friends.     And    at  this  the   Earl   of  Briftol    was 
highly  difpleaied,  and  refolved  to  take  all  poffible 
methods  to  ruin  the  Earl  of  Clarendon.     He  had 
a  great -flail  in  aitroiogy,  and  had   poffeffed  the 
King  with  an  high  opinion  of  it :  And  told  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham,  as   he  faid  to  the  Earl  of 
Rocheirer,  Wilmot,  from  whom  I  had  it,  that  he 
was  confident  that  he  would  lay  that  before  the 
King,  which  would  totally  alienate  him  both  from 
his   brother  and  from  the  Lord  Clarendon  :  For 
he  could    demonftrate  by   the  principles  of  that 
art,  that  he  was  to  fall  by  his  brother's  means,  if 

not 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  275 

not  by  his  hand:  And  he  was  fure  this  would  1663. 
work  on  the  King.  It  would  fo,  faid  the  Duke  ^^r^f 
of  Buckingham,  but  in  another  way  than  he  ex- 
pe&ed  :  For  it  would  make  the  King  be  fo  afraid 
of  offending  him,  that  he  would  do  any  thing 
rather  than  provoke  him.  Yet  the  Lord  Briftol 
would  lay  this  before  the  King.  And  the  Duke 
of  Buckingham  believed,  that  it  had  the  effect 
ever  after,  that  he  had  apprehended  :  For  tho'  the 
King  never  loved  nor  efteemed  the  Duke^  yet  he 
feemed  to  (land  in  fome  fort  of  awe  of  him. 

But  this  was  not  all :  The  Lord  Briftol  refolved  He  accuf- 

to  offer  articles  of  impeachment  aeainft  the  Earl  edclar^- 

<*  ^>,          T  T£      <*      r  T        i        i     »  •  don  in  the 

of  Clarendon  to  the  Houfe  of  Lords,  tho  it  was  ^oui-e  Of 

plainly  provided  againft  by  the  flatute  againft  ap-  Lords, 
peals  in  the  reign  of  Henry  the  fourth.  Yet  both 
the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  and  the  Lord  Briftol, 
the  fathers  of  thefe  two  Lords,  had  broken  thro' 
that  in  the  former  reign.  So  the  Lord  Briftol 
drew  his  impeachment,  and  carried  it  to  the  King, 
who  took  much  pains  on  him  in  a  foft  and  gentle 
manner  to  diffuade  him  from  it.  But  he  would 
not  be  wrought  on.  And  he  told  the  King 
plainly,  that,  if  he  forfook  him,  he  would  raife 
fuch  diforders  that  all  England  fhould  feel  them, 
and  the  King  himfelf  fhould  not  be  without  a 
large  mare  in  them.  The  King,  as  the  Earl  of 
Lauderdale  told  me,  who  faid  he  had  it  from 
himfelf,  faid,  he  was  fo  provoked  at  this,  that  he 
"durft  not  truft  himfelf  in  anfwering  it,  but  went 
out  of  the  room,  and  fent  the  Lord  Aubigny  to 
foften  him  :  But  all  was  in  vain.  It  is  very  pro 
bable,  that  the  Lord  Briftol  knew  the  fecret  of 
the  King's  religion,  which  both  made  him  fo 
bold,  and  the  King  fo  fearful.  The  next  day  he 
carried  the  charge  to  the  Houfe  of  Lords.  It  was 
'of  a  very  mixed  nature  :  In  one  part  he  charged 
the  Lord  Clarendon  with  raifmg  jeaioufies,  and 
Spreading  reports  of  the  King's  being  a  Papi-ft  : 
And  yet  in  the  other  articles  he  charged  him  with 
T  2  corref- 


276  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1663.  correfpondence  with  the  Court  of  Rome,  in  order 
to  the  making  the  Lord  Aubigny  a  Cardinal,  and 
feveral  other  things  of  a  very  itrange  nature.  As 
foon  as  he  put  it  in,  he,  it  feems,  either  repented 
of  it,  or  at  leaft  was  prevailed  with  to  abfcond. 
He  was  ever  after  that  looked  on,  as  a  man  ca 
pable  of  the  higher!  extravagancies  poffible.  He 
made  the  matter  worfe  by  a  letter  that  he  wrote 
to  the  Lords,  in  which  he  exprefled  his  fear  of 
the  danger  the  King  was  in  by  the  Duke's  having 
of  guards.  Proclamations  went  out  for  dilco- 
vering  him.  But  he  kept  out  of  the  way  till  the 
ftorm  was  over.  The  Parliament  exprefied  a  firm 
refolution  to  maintain  the  Act  of  Uniformity. 
And  the  King  being  run  much  in  debt,  they 
gave  him  four  fubfidies,  being  willing  to  return 
to  the  ancient  way  of  taxes  by  fubfidies.  But 
rhefe  were  fo  evaded,  and  brought  in  fo  little 
money,  that  the  Court  refolved  never  to  have  re- 
courie  to  that  method  of  raifing  money  any  more, 
but  to  betake  themfelves  for  the  future  to  the  af- 
iefTment  begun  in  the  war.  The  Convocation 
gave  at  the  fame  time  four  fubfidies,  which  proved 
as  heavy  on  them,  as  they  were  light  on  the  tem 
porality.  This  was  the  lail  aid  that  the  fpiritu- 
alty  gave  :  For  the  whole  proving  fo  inconfider- 
abie,  and  yet  fo  unequally  heavy  on  the  Clergy, 
it  was  refolved  on  hereafter  to  tax  Church  berie- 
fices  as  temporal  eftates  were  taxed  -,  which  proved 
indeed  a  lighter  burden,  but  was  not  fo  honour 
able  as  when  it  was  given  by  themfelves.  Yet  in- 
tereft  prevailing  above  the  point  of  honour,  they 
acquidced  in  it.  So  the  Convocations  being  no 
more  neceilary  to  the  Crown,  this  made  that  there 
was  lefs  regard  had  to  them  afterwards.  They 
were  often  discontinued,  and  prorogued :  And 
when  they  met,  it  was  only  for  form.  The  Par- 
j iament  did  pafs  another  A6b,  that  was  very  ac 
ceptable  to  the  Court,  and  that  mewed  a  confi 
dence  in  the  King,  repealing  the  Act  of  triennial 

Parlia- 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

Parliaments,  which  had  been  obtained  with  fo 
much  difficulty,  and  was  clogged  with  fo  many 
claufes,  which  Teemed  to  transfer  the  power  from 
the  Crown  to  the  people,  that,  when  it  was  car- 
ried,  it  was  thought  the  greateft  fecurity  that  the 
people  had  for  all  their  other  liberties.  But  it 
was  now  given  up  without  a  ftruggle,  or  any  clau 
fes  for  a  certainty  of  Parliaments,  belides  a  gene 
ral  one,  that  there  fliould  be  a  Parliament  called 
within  three  years  after  the  difiblution  of  the  pre- 
fent  Parliament,  and  fo  ever  afterwards ;  but  with 
out  any  fevere  claufes,  in  cafe  the  Act  was  not 
obferved. 

As  for  our  foreign  negotiations  I  know  nothing 
in  particular  concerning  them.  Secretary  Bennet 
had  them  all  in  his  hands  :  And  I  had  no  confi 
dence  with  any  about  him.  Our  concerns  with 
Portugal  were  publick :  And  I  knew  no  fecrets 
about  thefe. 

By  a  melancholy  inftance  to  our  private  family  APlotdif- 
it  appeared,  that  France  was  taking  all  pofiible  covered, 
methods  to  do  every  thing  that  the  King  defired. 
The  Commonwealths-men  were  now  thinking,  that 
they  faw  the  ftream  of  the  Nation  beginning  to 
turn  againft  the  Court :  And  upon  that  they  were 
meeting,  and  laying  plots  to  retrieve  their  loft 
game.  One  of  thefe  being  taken,  and  apprehend 
ing  he  was  in  danger,  begg'd  his  life  of  the  King, 
and  faid,  if  he  might  be  allured  of  his  pardon,  he 
would  tell  where  my  uncle  Warifton  was,  who 
was  then  in  Rouen  :  For  the  air  of  Hamborough 
agreed  fo  ill  with  him,  that  he  was  advifed  to  go 
to  France  •,  and  this  man  was  in  the  fecret.  The 
King  fent  one  to  the  Court  of  France,  defiring  he 
might  be  put  in  his  hands :  And  this  was  imme 
diately  done  :  And  no  notice  was  fent  to  my  uncle 
to  go  out  of  the  way,  as  is  ufual  in  fuch  cafes, 
when  a  perfon  is  not  charged  with  aflaffinations 
or  any  infamous  action,  but  only  with  crimes  of 
State.  He  was  fent  over,  and  kept  ibme  months 
T  3  in 


2.78  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1663.  in  the  Tower  of  London  ;  and  from  that  was  fent 
v-^v^j  to  Scotland,  as  fhall  be  told  afterwards. 
Thede-      t  The  defign  of  a  war  with  Holland  was  now 
fjgn  of  a    working.     I  have  been  very  pofitively  affured  by 
^sv^s>  States-men  of  both   fides,  that  the  French  fet  it 
on  in  a  very  artificial  manner  :  For  while  they  en 
couraged  us  to  infifc  on  fome  extravagant  demands, 
they  at  the  fame  time  p  relied  the  Dutch  not  to 
yield  to  them  :  And  as  they   put  them  in  hopes, 
that,  if  a  rupture  mould  follow,  they  would  affift 
them  according  to   their  alliance,  fo  they  affured 
us  that  they  would  do  us  no  hurt.     Downing  was 
then  employed  in  Holland,  a  crafty  fawning  man, 
who  was  ready  to  turn  to  every  fide  that  was  up- 
permoft,  and  to  betray  thofe  who  by  their  former 
friendfhip  and  fervices  thought  they  might  depend 
on  him  ;  as  he   did  fbme  of  the  Regicides,  whom 
he  got  in  his  hands  under  truft,  and  then  delivered 
them  up.     He  had  been  Cromwell's  Ambaffadour 
in  Holland,  where    he   had   offered   perfonal  af 
fronts  both   to  the  King  and  the  Duke :  Yet  he 
had  by  fome  bafe  practices  got  himfelf  to  be  fo 
effectually  recommended  by  the  Duke  of  Alber- 
marle,  that  all  his  former  offences  were  forgiven, 
and  he  was  fent  into  Holland  as  the  King's  Am- 
bailadour,  whole  behaviour  towards  the  King  him 
felf  the  States  had  obfcrved.     So  they  had  reafon 
to  conclude  he  was  fent  over  with  no  good   in 
tent,  and  that  he  was  capable  of  managing  a  bad 
defign,  and  very  ready  to  undertake  it.     There 
was  no   vifibie   caufe  of  war.     A  complaint  of  a 
fhip  taken  was  ready  to  have  been  fatisfied.     But 
Downing  hindred  it.     So  it  was  plain,   the  King 
hated  them  ;  and  fancied  they  were  fo  feeble,  and 
the  Englifh  were  fo  much  fuperior  to  them,  that 
a  war  would  humble  them  to  an  entire  fubmiffion 
and  dependence  on  him  in  all  things.     The  States 
had  treated,   and  prefented  the  King   with  great 
magnificence,  and   at  a   vatt  charge,  during  the 
that  he  had  ilaid  among  them,  after  England 

had 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

bad  declared  for  him.     And,    as  far  as  appear 
ances   could  go,  the   King  feem'd  ferifible  of  it : 
Infomuch  that  the  party  for  the  Prince  of  Orange 
were  not  pleafed,  becaufe  their  applications  to  him 
could  not  prevail  to  make   him   interpofe,  either 
in  the  behalf  of  himfelf,  or  of  his  friends,  to  gen 
the  reiblutions  taken  againft  him  to  be  repealed, 
or  his  party  again  put  in  places  of  trufl  and  com 
mand.     The  King  put  that  off  as  not  proper  to 
be  prefled  by  him  at  that  time.     But  neither  then 
nor  afterwards  did  he  beftir  himfelf  in  that  matter. 
Tho',  if  either  gratitude  or  intereft  had  been  of 
force,  and   if  thefe   had  not   been   over-ruled  by 
fome  more  prevalent  confiderations,  he  mult  have 
been  inclined  to   make  fome   returns  for  the  fer- 
vices  the  late  Prince  did  him  :  And  he  mult  have 
feen,  what  a  figure  he  mult  make  by  having  the 
Prince  of  Orange  tied  to  him  in  intereft,  as  much 
as  he  was  by  blood.     France  and  Popery  were  the 
true  fprings  of  all  thefe  counfels.     It  was  the  in 
tereft  of  the  King  of  France,  that  the  Armies  of 
the  States  might  fall  under  fuch  a  feeblenefs,  that 
they  mould  be  in  no  condition  to  make  a  vigo 
rous  refiftance,  when  he  mould  be  ready  either  to 
invade  them,  or  to  fall   into  Flanders ;  which  he 
was  refolved  to  do,  whenfoever  the  King  of  Spain 
mould  die.     The  French  did  thus  fet  on  the  war 
between  the  Englifh  and  the  Dutch,  hoping  that 
our  Fleets  mould  mutually  weaken  one  another  fo 
much,  that  the  naval  force  of  France,  which  was 
increafing   very   coniiderably,  mould  be  near  an 
equality  to  them,  when  they  mould  be  mattered 
by  a  war.     The  States  were  likewife  the  greateft 
ftrength  of  the  Proteftant  intereft,  and  were  there 
fore  to  be   humbled.     So,  in  order  to  make  the 
King  more  confiderable  both  at  home  and  abroad, 
the  Court  refolved  to  prepare  for  a  war,  and  to 
feek  for  fuch  colours  as   might  ferve  to  jultify  it, 
The  Earl  of  Clarendon  was  not  let  into  the  fecret 
of  this  defign,  and  was  always  againft  it.     But 
T  4  his 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1663.  his   intereil  was  now  funk  low  :  And  he  began  to 

.^y^  feel  the  power  of  an  imperious  miftrefs  over   an 

amorous    King,    who    was   fo   difgufled    at    the 

Queen,    that    he   abandoned   himfelf  wholly   to 

amour  and  luxury. 

This  was,  as  far  as  I  could  penetrate  into  it, 
the  ftate  of  the  Court  for  the  firft  four  years  after 
the  Reftoration.  I  was  in  the  Court  a  great  part 
of  the  years  1662,  1663,  and  16645  and  was  as 
inqumtive  as  I  could  poffibly  be,  and  had  more 
than  ordinary  qccafions  to  hear  and  fee  a  great 
deal. 

ft.Vof  rlBut  now  I  return  to  the  affairs  of  Scotland  : 
Scotland.  rhe  Ear*  of  Midletoun  after  a  delay  of  fome 
months  came  up  to  London,  and  was  very  coldly 
received  by  the  King.  The  Earl  of  Lauderdale 
moved  that  a  Scotch  Council  might  be  called. 
The  Lord  Clarendon  got  this  to  be  delayed  a  fort- 

wiaccT'Pi^-  When  k  mcc'  the  Lord  Lauderdale  ac- 
fd  by  cufcd.  the  Earl  0*  Midletoun  of  many  malverfa- 
Lauder-  tions  in  the  great  truft  he  had  been  in,  which  he 
aggravated  feverely.  The  Lord  Midletoun  de- 
fired  he  might  have  what  was  objected  to  him  in 
writing.  And  when  he  had  it,  he  fent  it  to  Scot 
land  ;  fo  that  it  was  fix  weeks  before  he  had  his 
anfwer  ready  ;  all  on  defign  to  gain  time.  He 
excufed  fome  errors  in  point  of  form,  by  faying, 
that,  having  ferved  in  a  military  way,  he  under- 
ftood  not  16  exaclly  what  belonged  to  law  and 
form  :  But  infilled  on  this,  that  he  defigned  no 
thing,  but  that  the  King's  fervice  might  go  on, 
and  that  his  friends  might  be  taken  care  of,  and 
his  enemies  be  humbled,  and  that  fo  loyal  a  Par 
liament  might  be  encouraged,  who  were  full  of 
zeal  and  .a&edtion  to  his  fervice  ;  that,  in  comply 
ing  with  them,  he  had  kept  every  thing  fo  en 
tirely  in  his  Majefly's  power,  that  the  King  was 
imuer  no  difficulties  by  any  thing  they  had  dpne. 
Jn  the  mean  while  Sheldon  "\vas  very  earneft  with 
'fhe  -^inS  to  forgive  the  Lord  Midletoun's  crime, 

other^ 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  fc  s  II,  281 

otherwife  he  concluded  the  change  fo  newly  made  1663. 
in  the  Church  would  be  fo  ill  fupported,  that  it  ^Y^> 
muft  fall  to  the  ground.  The  Duke  of  Alber- 
marle,  who  knew  Scotland,  and  had  more  credit 
on  that  head  than  on  any  other,  pretended  that 
the  Lord  Midletoun's  party  was  that  on  which 
the  King  could  only  rely :  He  magnified  both 
their  power  and  their  zeal ;  and  reprefented  the 
Earl  of  Lauderdale's  friends,  as  cold  and  hollow 
in  the  King's  fervice  :  And,  to  fupport  all  this, 
the  letters  that  came  from  Scotland  were  full  of 
the  iniblencies  of  the  Prcfbyterians,  and  of  the 
dejeclion  the  Bifhops  and  their  friends  were  un 
der.  Sharp  was  prevailed  on  to  go  up.  He  pro- 
mifed  to  all  the  Earl  of  Midjetoun's  friends,  that 
he  would  flick  firm  to  him  ;  and  that  he  would 
lay  before  the  King,  that  his  {landing  or  falling 
mull  be  the  {landing  or  falling  of  the  Church. 
Of  this  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  had  advice  fent 
him.  Yet  when  he  came  to  London,  and  faw 
that  the  King  was  alienated  from  the  Lord  Midle- 
toun,  he  refolved  to  make  great  fubmifllons  to 
the  Lord  Lauderdale.  When  he  reproached  him 
for  his  engagements  with  the  Earl  of  Midletoun, 
he  denied  all ;  and  faid,  he  had  never  gone  far 
ther  than  what  was  decent,  confidering  his  poft. 
He  alfo  denied,  he  had  writ  to  the  King  in  his 
favour.  But  the  King  had  given  the  original  let 
ter  to  the  Lord  Lauderdale,  who  upon  that  mewed 
it  to  Sharp  •,  with  which  he  was  fo  ftruck,  that  he 
fell  a  crying  in  a  moil  abjecl  manner.  He  begged 
pardon  for  it ;  and  faid,  what  could  a  company 
of  poor  men  refufe  to  the  Earl  of  Midletoun, 
who  had  done  fo  much  for  them,  and  had  them  fo 
entirely  in  his  power.  The  Lord  Lauderdale  upon 
this  comforted  him  j  and  laid,  he  would  forgive 
them  all  that  was  pad,  and  would  ferve  them 
and  the  Church,  at  another  rate  than  Lord 
Midletoun  was  capable  of  doing.  So  Sharp  be 
came  wholly  his,  Of  all  this  .Lord  Lauderdale 


gave 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

gave  me  a  full  relation  the  next  day ;  and  fhewed 
me  the  papers  that  pafs'd  between  Lord  Midle- 
toun  and  him.  Sharp  thought  he  had  efcaped 
well.  The  Earl  of  Midletoun  treated  the  Bifhops 
too  much  as  his  creatures,  and  aiTumed  a  great 
deal  to  himfelf,  and  exprefled  a  fort  of  autho 
rity  over  them  ;  which  Sharp  was  uneafy  under, 
tho'  he  durft  not  complain  of  it,  or  refift  it  : 
Whereas  he  reckoned,  that  Lord  Lauderdale, 
knowing  the  fufpicions  that  lay  on  him,  as  fa 
vouring  the  Prefbyterians,  would  have  lefs  credit 
and  courage  in  oppoiing  any  thing,  that  mould 
be  neceflary  for  their  fupport.  It  proved  that  in 
this  he  judged  right  :  For  the  Lord  Lauderdale, 
that  he  might  maintain  himfelf  at  Court,  and  with 
the  Church  of  England,  was  really  more  compli 
ant  and  eafy  to  every  propofition  that  the  Bifhops 
made,  than  he  would  otherwife  have  been,  if  he 
had  been  always  of  the  Epifcopal  party.  But  all 
he  did  that  way  was  againlt  his  heart,  except  when 
his  pafTions  were  vehemently  ftirred,  which  a  very 
flight  occafion  would  readily  do. 

When  the  Earls  of  Lauderdale  and  Midletoun 
had  been  writing  papers  and  anfwers  for  above 
three  months,  an  accident  happened  which  haftened 
Lord  Midletoun's  difgrace.  The  Earl  of  Lau 
derdale  laid  before  the  King  the  unjuft  proceed 
ings  in  the  laying  on  of  the  fines.  And,  to  make 
all  that  party  fure  to  himfelf,  he  procured  a  letter 
from  the  King  to  the  Council  in  Scotland,  or 
dering  them  to  ifilie  out  a  proclamation,  for  fu- 
perfeding  the  execution  of  the  Act  of  fining  till 
farther  order.  The  Privy  Council  being  then  for 
the  greater  part  compofed  of  Lord  Midletoun's 
friends,  it  was  pretended  by  fome  of  them,  that, 
as  long  as  he  was  the  King's  Commiflioner,  they 
could  receive  and  execute  no  orders  from  the 
King,  but  thro'  his  hands.  So  they  writ  to  him, 
defiring  him  to  reprefent  to  the  King,  that  thi$ 
would  be  an  affront  put  oa  the  proceedings  of 

Par, 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  283 

Parliament,  and  would  raife  the  fpirits  of  a  party  1663. 
that  ought  to  be  kept  down.  Lord  Midletoun 
writ  back,  that  he  had  laid  the  matter  before  the 
King ;  and  that  he,  confidering  better  of  it,  or 
dered,  that  no  proceeding  fhould  be  made  upon 
his  former  letter.  This  occafioned  a  hot  debate 
in  Council.  It  was  laid,  a  letter  under  the  King's 
hand  could  not  be  countermanded,  but  from  the 
fame  hand.  So  the  Council  wrote  to  know  the 
King's  mind  in  the  matter.  The  King  protefted 
he  knew  nothing  of  it,  and  that  Lord  Midletoun 
had  not  fpoke  one  word  on  the  fubjecl  to  him. 
He  upon  that  fent  for  him,  and  chid  him  fo  fe- 
verely,  that  Lord  Midletoun  concluded  from  it 
that  he  was  ruined.  Yet  he  always  ftood  upon  it, 
that  he  had  the  King's  order  by  word  of  mouth 
for  what  he  had  done,  thoj  he  was  not  fo  cautious 
as  to  procure  an  inflruclion  under  his  hand  for  his 
warrant.  It  is  very  probable,  that  he  fpoke  of  it 
to  the  King,  when  his  head  was  full  of  fomewhat 
elfe,  fo  that  he  did  not  mind  it ;  and  that,  to  get 
rid  of  the  Earl  of  Midletoun,  he  bid  him  do  what- 
foever  he  propofed,  without  reflecling  much  on  it. 
For  the  King  was  at  that  time  often  fo  diilracted 
in  his  thoughts,  that  he  was  not  at  all  times  mailer 
of  himfelf.  The  Queen-Mother  had  brought  over 
from  France  one  Mrs.  Steward,  reckoned  a; very 
great  beauty,  who  was  afterwards  married  to  the 
Duke  of  Richmond.  The  King  was  believed  to 
be  deeply  in  love  with  her.  Yet  his  former 
Miflrefs  kept  her  ground  flill.  And,  what  with 
her  humours  and  jealoufy,  and  what  with  this  new 
amour,  the  King  had  very  little  quiet,  between 
both  their  pafllons  and  his  own. 

Towards  the  end  of  May,  the  King  called  ma 
ny  of  the  Englim  Counfellours  together,  and  did 
order  all  the  papers  that  had  paffed  between  the 
Earls  of  Lauderdale  and  Midletoun  to  be  read  to 
them.  When  that  was  done,  many  of  them  who 
Midletoun's  friends  faid  much  in  excufe  of 

his 


2 84  The  H  i  s  T.O  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1665.   his  errors,  and  of  the  neceffity  of  continuing  him 


ftill  in  that  high  truft.  But  the  King  faid,  his  er 
rors  were  fo  great  and  fo  many,  that  the  credit  of 
his  affairs  mud  fuffer,  if  he  continued  them  any 
longer  in  fuch  hands.  Yet  he  prcmifed  them,  he 
would  be  ftill  kind  to  him  ;  for  he  looked  on  him 
And  turn- as  a  very  honeft  man.  Few  days  after  that,  Se 
ed  out  cretary  Morrice  was  fent  to  him,  with  a  warrant 
of  all.  unc|er  the  King's  hand,  requiring  him  to  deliver 
up  his  commiffion,  which  he  did.  And  fo  his 
Miniftry  came  to  an  end,  after  a  fort  of  a  reign  of 
much  violence  and  injuftice  :  For  he  was  become 
very  imperious.  He  and  his  company  were  deli 
vered  up  to  fo  much  excefs,  and  to  fuch  a  mad- 
nefs  of  frolick  and  intemperance,  that  as  Scotland 
had  never  feen  any  thing  like  it,  fo  upon  this  dif- 
grace  there  was  a  general  joy  over  the  Kingdom  : 
Tho'  that  lafbed  not  long  •,  for  thofe  that  carne 
after  him  grew  worfe  than  ever  he  was  like  to  be. 
He  had  lived  in  great  magnificence,  which  made 
him  acceptable  to  many  :  And  he  was  a  firm  friend, 
tho'  a  violent  enemy.  The  Earl  of  Rothes  was 
declared  the  King's  CommirTioner.  But  the  Earl 
of  Lauderdale  would  not  truft  him.  So  he  went 
down  with  him,  and  kept  him  too  vifibly  in  a  de 
pendence  on  him,  for  all  his  high  character. 
Warif-  One  of  the'firft  things  that  was  done  in  this 
ton's  exe-  fefllon  of  Parliament,  was  the  execution  of  my  un 
fortunate  uncle,  Warifton.  He  was  fo  difordered 
both  in  body  and  mind,  that  it  was  a  reproach  to 
a  government  to  proceed  againft  him  :  His  me 
mory  was  fo  gone,  that  he  did  not  know  his  own 
children.  He  was  brought  before  the  Parliament, 
to  hear  what  he  had  to  fay,  why  his  execution 
fhould  not  be  awarded.  He  (poke  long,  but  in  a 
broken  and  difordered  ftrain,  which  his  enemies 
fancied  was  put  on  to  create  pity.  He  was  fen- 
tenced  to  die.  His  deportment  was  unequal,  as 
might  be  expected  from  a  man  in  his  condition. 
Yet  when  the  day  of  his  execution  came,  he  was 

very 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II. 

very  ferene.  He  was  chearful,  and  feemed  fully 
fatisfied  with  his  death.  Pie  read  a  fpeech  twice 
over  on  the  fcaffbld,  that  to  my  knowledge  he 
compofed  himfelf,  in  which  he  juftified  all  the 
proceedings  in  the  Covenant,  and  afferted  his  own 
iincerity  ;  but  condemned  his  joyning  with  Crom 
well  and  the  Sectaries,  tho'  even  in  that  his  inten 
tions  had  been  fincere,  for  the  good  of  his  Coun 
try,  and  the  fecurity  of  religion.  Lord  Lauder- 
dale  had  lived  in  great  friendship  with  him :  But 
he  faw  the  King  was  fo  fet  againft  him,  that  he, 
who  at  all  times  took  more  care  of  himfelf  than 
of  his  friends,  \vould  not  in  fo  critical  a  time  feem 
to  favour  a  man,  whom  the  Prefbyterians  had  fet 
up  as  a  fort  of  an  idol  among  them,  and  on  whom 
they  did  depend  more,  than  on  any  other  man  then 
alive. 

The  bufinefs  of  the  Parliament  went  on  as  the 
Lord  Lauderdale  directed.  The  whole  proceed 
ing  in  the  matter  of  the  balloting  was  laid  open. 
It  appeared,  that  the  Parliament  had  not  defired 
it,  but  had  been  led  into  it  by  being  made  believe 
that  the  King  had  a  mind  to  it.  And  of  all  the 
members  of  Parliament,  not  above  twelve  could 
be  prevailed  on  to  own,  that  they  had  advifed  the 
Earl  of  Midletoun  to  afk  leave  of  the  King  for  it, 
whofe  private  iuggeftions  he  had  reprefented  to  the 
King  as  the  defire  of  the  Parliament.  This  finifhed 
his  difgrace,  as  well  as  it  occafioned  the  putting 
all  his  party  out  of  employments. 

While  they  were  going  on  with  their  affairs,  An  Ad 
they  understood  that  an  Act  had  pafs'd  in  the  Par-  aSainft 
liament  of  England  againil  all  Conventicles,  im- 
powering  Juilices  of  Peace   to  convict  offenders 
without  juries;  which  was  thought  a  great  breach 
on  the  fecurity  of  the  Englifli  conflitution,  and  a 
raifing  the  power  of  Juftices  to  a  very  arbitrary 
pitch.      Any  meeting  for  religious    worfhip,    at 
which  five  were  prefent  more  than  the  family,  was 
declared  a  Conventicle.     And  every  perfon  above 

fixteen. 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
fixteen,  that  v«as  prefent  at  it,  was  to  lye  three 
months  in  prifon,  or  to  pay  5  1.  for  the  firft  of 
fence  ;  fix  months  for  the  fecond  offence,  or  to  pay 
20  1.  fine ;  and  for  the  third  offence,  being  con 
vict  by  a  Jury,  was  to  be  banifhed  to  any  planta 
tion,  except  New  England  or  Virginia,  or  to  pay 
an  100 1.  All  people  were  amazed  at  this  feverity. 
But  the  Bifhops  in  Scotland  took  heart  upon  it, 
and  refolved  to  copy  from  it.  So  an  Act  pafs'd 
there,  almofl  in  the  fame  terms.  And,  at  the 
paffjng  it,  Lord  Lauderdale  in  a  long  fpeech  ex- 
prefTed  great  zeal  for  the  Church.  There  was 
fome  little  oppofition  made  to  it  by  the  Earl  of 
Kincardin,  who  was  an  enemy  to  all  perfecution. 
But,  tho'  fome  few  voted  againft  it,  it  was  carried 
by  a  great  majority. 

The  con-  Another  Ad  pafs'd,  declaring  the  conftitution 
ftitutionof  of  a  National  Synod.  It  was  to  be  compofed  of 
a  Natio-  the  Archbifhops  and  Bifhops,  of  all  Deans,  and  of 
L  yno  '  two  to  be  deputed  from  every  Prefbytery ;  of 
which  the  Moderator  of  the  Prefbytery  named  by 
the  Bifhop  was  to  be  one  :  All  things  were  to 
be  propofed  to  this  Court  by  the  King  or  his 
Commiffioner.  And  whatfoever  fhould  be  agreed 
to  by  the  majority  and  the  Prefident,  the  Arch- 
bifhop  of  St.  Andrews,  was  to  have  the  force 
of  an  Ecclefiaftical  law,  when  it  fhould  be  con 
firmed  by  the  King.  Great  exceptions  were 
taken  to  this  Act.  The  Church  was  reilrained 
from  meddling  with  any  thing,  but  as  it  fhould  be 
laid  before  them  by  the  King ;  which  was  thought 
a  fevere  reftraint,  like  that  of  the  Proponentibus 
Legatis  fo  much  complained  of  at  Trent.  The 
putting  the  negative,  not  in  the  whole  bench  of 
the  Bifhops,  but  fingly  in  the  Prefident,  was 
thought  very  irregular.  But  it  pafs'd  with  fo  little 
obfervation,  that  the  Lord  Lauderdale  could 
fcarce  believe  it  was  penned  as  he  found  it  to  be, 
when  I  told  him  of  it.  Primrofe  told  me,  Sharp 
put  that  claufe  in  with  his  own  hand.  The  inferi- 
i  our 


of  King  CH  ARL  E  s  II.  •'.         287 

our  Clergy  complained,  that  the  power  was  wholly   1 663* 
taken  from  them ;  iince  as  one  of  their  deputies  ^nr»-» 
was  to   be  a  perfon  named   by  the  Bilhops,  fc», 
the  Moderators  claiming  a  negative  vote  in  their 
Prefbyteries  as  the  Bifhops  delegates,    the  other 
half  were  only  txxconfift  of  Perfons  to  whom  they 
confented.     The  Acl:  was  indeed  fo  penned,  that 
no  body  moved  for  a  National  Synod,  when  they 
faw  how  it  was  to  be  conftituted. 

Two  other  A£ts  pafs'd  in  favour  of  the  Crown* 
The  Parliament  of  England  had  laid  great  impofi- 
tions  on  all  things  imported  from  Scotland :  So 
the  Parliament,  being  fpeedily  to  be  diffolved, 
and  not  having  time  to  regulate  fuch  impofitions 
on  Englifh  goods,  as  might  force  the  Engliih.  to 
bring  that  matter  to  a  juit  balance,  they  put  that 
confidence  in  the  King,  that  they  left  the  laying  of 
impoiitions  on  all  foreign  merchandize  wholly  to  him. 

Another  Act  was  looked  on  as  a  pompous  com-  An  Aft 
plement :  And  fo  it  pafs'd  without  obfervation,  or  offering 
any  oppofition.  In  it  they  made  an  offer  to  the  King  an  Arm7 
of  an  Army -of  twenty  thoufand  foot  and  two  thou- 
fand  horfe,  to  be  ready  upon  fummons  to  march 
with  forty  days  provifion  into  any  part  of  his  Ma- 
jefty's  dominions,  tQ  oppofe  invafions,  to  fupprefs 
infurrections,  or  for  any  other  caufe  in  which  his 
authority,  power,  or  greatnefs  was  concerned. 
No  body  dreamt,  that  any  ufe  was  ever  to  be 
made  of  this.  Yet  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  had  his 
end  in  it,  to  let  the  King  fee  what  ufe  he  might 
make  of  Scotland,  if  he  Ihould  intend  to  fet  up 
arbitrary  government  in  England.  He  told 
the  King,  that  the  Earl  of  Midletoun  and  his 
party  uncierflood  not,  what  was  the  greateft  fer- 
vice  that  Scotland  could  do  him  :  They  had  not 
much  treafure  to  offer  him  :  The  only  thing 
they  were  capable  of  doing  was,  to  furnifh  him 
with  a  good  Army,  when  his  affairs  in  Eng 
land  fhould  require  it.  And  of  this  he  made 
-great  ufe  afterwards  to  advance  himfelf,  tho'  it 
could  never  have  fignifled  any  thing  to  the  ad 


vancing 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

vancing  the  King's  ends.  Yet  fo  eafy  was  it  to 
draw  the  Parliament  of  Scotland  to  pafs  Acts  of 
the  greatefl  confequence  in  a  hurry,  without  con- 
fidering  the  effects  they  might  have.  After  thefe 
Acts  were  pafs'd,  the  Parliament  was  diflblved  ; 
which  gave  a  general  fatisfaction  to  the  country, 
for  they  were  a  furious  fet  of  people.  The  go 
vernment  was  left  in  the  Karl  of  Glencairn's  hands, 
who  began,  now  that  he  had  little  favour  at  Court, 
to  fet  himfelf  on  all  occafions  to  oppofc  Sharp's 
violent  notions.  The  Earl  of  Rothes  ftuck  firm 
to  Sharp  •,  and  was  recommended  by  him  to  the 
Bifhops  of  England,  as  the  only  man  that  fup- 
ported  their  interefts.  The  King  at  this  time  re- 
floredLord  Lorn  to  his  Grand-father's  honour,  of 
being  Earl  of  Argile,  pafling  over  his  Father ; 
and  gave  him  a  great  part  of  his  eftate,  leaving  the 
reft  to  be  fold  for  the  payment  of  debts,  which 
did  not  raife  in  value  above  a  third  part  of  them. 
This  occafioned  a  great  outcry,  that  continued 
long  to  purlue  him. 

1664.  Sharp  went  up  to  London  to  complain  of  the 
*•-% — '  Lord  Glencairn,  and  of  the  Privy  Council ;  where, 
lie  faid,  there  was  fuch  a  remifihefs,  and  fo  much 
ry°vio-C~  popularity  appeared  on  all  occafions,  that,  unlefs 
Icmlv-.  ibme  more  ipirit  were  put  into  the  adminiitration, 
it  would  be  impoffible  to  prefcrve  the  Church. 
That  was  the  word  always  uied,  as  if  there  had 
been  a  charm-  in  it.  He  moved,  that  a  letter 
•might  be  writ,  giving  him  the  precedence  of  the 
Lord  Chancellour.  This  was  thought  an  incx- 
cufable  piece  of  vanity :  For  in  Scotland,  when 
there  was  no  Commiflioner,  all  matters  pafs'd 
thro'  the  Lord  Chancel lour's  hands,  who  by  Act 
of  Parliament  was  to  prciide  in  all  Courts,  and 
was  confidcrcd  as  repreienting  the  King's  perlbn. 
He  aiib  moved,  that  the  King  would  grant  a  fpe- 
cial  com  million  to  fome  perfons,  for  executing  the 
Laws  relating  to  the  Church.  All  the  Privy  Coun- 
fellours  were  to  be  of  it.  But  to  thefe  he  defired 

many 


of  King  CHAR  L  E  S  It;  289 

many  others  might  be 'added,  for  whom  he  under-    1664. 
took,    that  they  vvouicl  execute  them   with  zeal.  ^^^' 
Lord   L,auderdale  faw    that   this  would  prove  aLauder- 
High-Commiffion  Court :  Yet  iie  gave  way  to  it*  da'c  £ave 
tho'  much  againft  his    own   mind.     Upon  thefe  wa> ' '°  1C° 
things  I  took  the  liberty,  tho'  then  too  young  to 
meddle  in  things  of  that  kind,  to  cXpoftulatc  very 
freely  with  him..    I  thought  he" was  acting  the  Earl 
of  Traquair's  part;:. giving  way  i  ten  ail;  the  follies :  of 
the  Biihops  on  defigtrto  ruin  them.    He  upon  that 
ran  into  a  great  deal  of  freedom,  with  me  :  He  told 
me  many  paffages  of  Sharp's  pad  life  :  He  was 
perfuaded  he  would  ruin  all :  But,  he  faid*  he  was 
refolved  to  give  him  line  :  For  he  had  nc>t  credit 
enough  to  ilop  him;    nor  would  he    oppoie  any 
thing  that  he  propofed,  unlefs  it  were. very  .extra* 
yagant:   He  law -the  Earl   of  Glericairn    and   he 
would  be  in  a  perpetual  war :   And  it  was  indirler-J 
ent  to  him,  how  matters  might  go  between  them  : 
Things  would  run  to  a  height :  Arid  then  the  King 
would  of  himfelf  put  a  ilop  to  their  carier:  For 
the  King  faid  often,  he  was  not  Prieft-ridden  :  He 
would  not  venture  a  war*  nor  travel  again  for  any- 
party.     This  was  all  that' I  could  obtain  from  the 
Earl  of  Lauderdale.     I  preflcd  Sharp  himfelf  to 
think  of  more  moderate  methods.    But  he-defpifed 
my  applications  :  And  from  that  time  he  was  very 
jealous  of  me.  ^  Y";~ 

Fairfoul^  Archbifliop  of  Glafgoxv,  died  this  year :  B  tmct 
And  one  Buniet  fucceeded  him,  who  was   a*  near  '/Archbi: 
kinfman  of  the  Lord   Rutherford Y;    who,   from  ^.^ 
being  Governor  of  Dunkirk,,  when  it  was  ibld^ 
was  lent  to  Tangier,  but  fbon  after  in  an  unhappy 
^ncounter,  going  out  to  view  fome  grounds,  was 
intercepted,  and  cut  to  pieces  by  the  Moors.  Upon 
Rutherford's  recommendation,  Bur-net,    who  had 
lived  many  years  in  England,  'and  knew  nothing 
of  Scotland,  was  fent  thither,  firflr-  to  be  Biftiop  of 
Aberdeen  :  And  from  thence  he  was  raifed  to  Giaf- 
gow.     He  was  of  hknielf  a  il>ft  and  good  naturcd 

VOL.  I.  U  man, 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

man,  tolerably  learned,  and  of  a  blamelefs  life: 
But  was  a  man  of  no  genius  :  And  tho'  he  was  in 
clined  to  peaceable  and  moderate  counfels,  yet  he 
was  much  in  the  power  of  others,  and  took  any 
imprefTion  that  was  given  him  very  eafily.  I  was 
much  in  his  favour  at  firft,  but  could  not  hold  it 
long :  For  as  I  had  been  bred  up  by  my  father  to 
love  liberty  and  moderation,  fo  I  fpent  the  greatefl 
part  of  the  year  1664  in  Holland  and  France, 
which  contributed  not  a  little  to  root  and  fix  me 
in  thofe  principles. 

A  view  of  1  faw  much  peace  and  quiet  in  Holland,  not- 
the  ra-te  withftanding  the  diverfity  of  opinions  among  them  ; 
in  Hoi'-5  whicn  was  occafioned  by  the  gentlenefs  of  the  go- 
land  and  vernment,  and  the  toleration  that  made  all  people 
Trance,  eafy  and  happy.  An  univerfal  induflry  was  fpread 
thro'  the  whole  country.  There  was  little  afpiring 
to  preferment  in  the  State,  becaufe  little  was  to  be 
got  that  way.  They  were  then  apprehending  a 
war  with  England,  and  were  preparing  for  it. 
From  thence,  where  every  thing  was  free,  I  went 
to  France,  where  nothing  was  free.  The  King 
was  beginning  to  put  things  in  great  method,  in 
his  revenue,  in  his  troops,  in  his  government  at 
home^  but  above  all  in  the  increafing  of  trade,  and 
the  building  of  a  great  fleet.  His  own  deport 
ment  was  folemn  and  grave,  lave  only  that  he  kept 
his  Miflrefies  very  avowedly.  He  was  diligent  in 
his  own  counfels,  and  regular  in  the  difpatch  of 
his  affairs  :  So  that  all  things  about  him  looked 
like  the  preparing  of  matters  for  all  that  we  have 
feen  adled  fmce.  The  King  of  Spain  was  confi- 
dered  as  dying :  And  the  Infant  his  fon  was  like 
to  die  as  foon  as  he  :  So  that  it  was  generally  be 
lieved,  the  French  King  was  defigning  to  let  up  a 
new  Empire  in  the  Weil.  He  had  carried  the 
quarrel  at  Rome  about  the  Corfes  fo  high  with  the 
Houfe  of  Ghigi,  that  the  Proteitants  were  begin 
ning  to  flatter  themfelves  with  great  hopes.  When 
I  was  in  France,  Cardinal  Ghigi  came,  as  Legate, 

to 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  291 

•to  give  the  King  full  fatisfadtion  in  that  matter.  1664. 
Lord  Hollis  was  then  Ambailadour  at  Paris.  I  <^vo. 
was  fo  effectually  recommended  to  him>  that  he 
ufed  me  with  great  freedom,  which  he  continued 
to  do  to  the  end  of  his  days.  He  flood  upon  all 
the  points  of  an  AmbafTadour  with  the  ftiffnefs  of 
former  ages,  which  made  him  very  unacceptable 
to  a  high-fpirited  young  Prince,  who  began  even 
then  to  be  flattered,  as  if  he  had  been  fbmewhat 
more  than  a  mortal.  This  eftablilhed  me  in  my 
love  of  law  and  liberty,  and  in  my  hatred  of  abfo- 
lute  power.  When  I  came  back,  I  flay'd  for  fome 
months  at  Court,  and  obferved  the  fcene  as  care 
fully  as  I  could,  and  became  acquainted  with  all 
the  men  that  were  employed  in  Scotch  affairs.  I 
had  more  than  ordinary  opportunities  of  being 
well  informed  about  them.  This  drew  a  jealoufy 
on  me  from  the  Bifhops,  which  was  increaled  from 
the  friendfhip  into  which  Leightoun  received  me. 
I  pafs'd  for  one,  who  was  no  great  friend  to  Church 
power,  nor  to  perfecution.  So  it  was  thought, 
that  Lord  Lauderdale  was  preparing  ine,  as  one 
who  was  known  to  have  been  always  Epifcopal, 
to  be  fet  up  againft  Sharp  and  his  fet  of  men,  who 
were  much  hated  by  one  fide,  and  not  loved,  nor 
trufted,  by  the  other, 

In  the  mean  while  the  Earl  of  Glencairn  died,  Sharp  af- 
which  let  Sharp  at  eale,  but  put  him  on  new  de-  Pireci  lo 
figns.     He  apprehended,  that  the  Earl  of  Twee-  be,,Chan; 

j   I         *    L     i_        j  n       T-       •       i      cellourof 

dale  might  be  advanced  to  that  poft :  For  in  the  Scotland, 
fettlement  of  the  Duchefs  of  Buccleugh's  eltate,  who 
was  married  to  the  Duke  of  Monmouth,  the  beft 
beloved  of  all  the  King's  children,  by  which,  in 
default  of  ifiue  by  her,  it  was  to  go  to  the  Duk& 
of  Monmouth  and  the  ifllie  he  might  have  by  any 
other  wife,  the  Earl  of  Tweedale,  tho*  his  chil 
dren  were  the  next  heirs,  who  were  by  this  de* 
priv'd  of  their  right,  had  yet  given  way  to  it  in  fo 
frank  a  manner,  that  the  King  was  enough  inclined 
both  to  oblige  and  to  trufl  him.  But  Sharp  had 
U  2  great 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

great  fufpicions  of  him,  as  cold  in  their  concerns. 
-S6  he  writ  to  Sheldon,  that  upon  the  difpofal  of 
the  ieals  the  .very  being  of  the  Church  did  fo  abfo- 
lutely  depend,  that  he  begged  he  would  prefs  the 
King  very  earneftly  in  the  matter,  and  that  he 
would  move  that  he  might  be  called  up  before  that 
poft  ihould  be  filled.  The  King  bid  Sheldon 
affure  him,  he  Ihould  take  a  fpecial  care  of  that 
matter,  but  that  there  was  no  occafion  for  ,his 
coming  up  :  For  the  King  by  this  time  had  a  very 
ill  Opinion  of  him.  Sharp  was  fo  mortified  with 
this,  that  he  refolyed  to  put  all  to  hazard  ;  for  he 
believed  all  was  at  flake:  And  he  ventured,  to 
come  up.  '  /The  King  received  him  coldly*,  and 
afked  him,  if  he  had  not  received  the  Archbifhop 
of  Canterbury's  tetter.  He  faid,-  he  had  :  But  he 
V(bu  Id  choofe  rather  -to  venture  on,  his  Majefty's 
dtfpleafure^  than  to  fee  the  Church  ruined  thro' 
k&taution  'or  negligence  :  He  knew  the  danger 
they  were  in  in  Scotland,  .where  they  had  but 
few  and  cold  friends,  and  many  violent  enemies  : 
His  Majesty's  protection,  and  the  execution  of  the 
law,  were  the  only  things  they  could  truft  to  : 
And  thefe  fo  much  depended  on  the  good  choice 
€>f::a,Chaiicellour,  that  he  could  not  anfwer  it  to 
God  and  the  Church,  if  he  did  not  beftir  him  fell 
in'  that  matter  :•  He  knew  many  thought  of  Mm-. 
fetf  for-  thttt.poft'  :  :  But  he  was  fo.  far  from  .that 
-  thought,  that,  if  his  Majefty  had  any  fuch  inten- 
'don,  he  would  rather  choofe  to  be  fent  to  a  plan 
tation  :  H^^efired,  that  he  might  be-aiChurch- 
in  heart,  but  not  in  habit,  that  fhould  be 


railed-  to  that  truft.  Thefe.  were  -his  very  words, 
ias'the  King  reported  them.  From  him  he  went 
'to  S-heldon,  and  prefs'd  him  to  move  the  King  for 
-"tiimfelf,  and  furnithed  hiniv  \vith  many,  reafons  to 
"fuppcvrt  the  ••  proportion  ;  3-  main  one  being,;  that 

the  late  Kifjg  had  railed  his  pre'decefibr  Spotfwood 
f  to  that  truft.  Sheldon  upon  that  did  move  the 

King  with  --more  than  ordinary  -.earneftnefs  in:  it, 
3s^  The 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II. 

The  King  fufpefted  Sharp  had  fet  him  on,  and 
charged  him  to  tell  him  the  truth.  The  other  clicl 
it,  tho*  not  without  feme  uneafinefs.  Upon  that 
the  King  told  him  what  he  had  faid  to  himfelf. 
And  then  it  may  be  eafily  imagined  in  what  a 
ilyle  they  both  fpoke  of  him.  Yet  Sheldon  pray 
ed  the  King  that,  whatibever  he  might  think  of 
the  man,  he  would  confider  the  Archbifliop  and 
the  Church  ;  which  the  King  allured  him  he  would 
do.  Sheldon  told. Sharp,  that  he  faw  the  motion 
for  himfelf  did  not  take  •,  fo  he  muft  think  of 
fomewhat  elfe.  -Sharp  propofed,  that  the  feals 
might  be  put  in  the  Earl  of  Rothes's  hands,  till  the 
King  fhould  pitch  on  a  proper  perfon.  He  alfo 
propofed,  that  the  King  would  make  him  his.J^^,, 
Commiffioner,  in  order  to  the  preparing  matters 
for  a  National  Synod,  that  they  might  fettle  a  book  . 
of  Common-prayer,  and  a  book  of  Canons.  This, 
he  faid,  muft  be  carried  on  {lowly,  and  with  great . 
caution  •,  of  which  the  late  troubles  did  demon- 
ftrate  the  neceffity. 

All  this   was  eafily   agreed  to  :  For   the  King  Rothes 
loved  the  Lord  Rothes  :  And  the  Earl  of  Lander-  had  the 
dale  would  not   oppofe  his  advancement :  Tho'-it  v^°^  of 
was  a  very  extravagant  thing  to  fee  one  man  pof-  Scotland 
/fefs  fo  many  of  the  chief  places  of  fo  poor  a  King-  put  in  his 
dom.     The  Earl  of  Crawford  would  not  abjure  hands, 
the  Covenant :  So  he  had  been-  made  Lord  Trea- 
furer  in  his  place  :  He  continued  to  be  ftill,  what 
he   was  before,   Lord  Prefident  of  the  Council  : 
And,  upon  the  Earl  of  Midletoun's  difgrace,  he 
was  made  Captain  of  a  troop  of  guards :  And  now 
he  was  both  the  King's  CommirTioner,   and  upon 
the   matter  Lord   Chancellour.     Sharp  reckoned 
this  was  his  mafter-piece.     Lord  Rothes,  being 
thus  advanced  by  his  means,  was  in  all  things  go 
verned  by  him.     His  inftructions   were    fuch   as 
Sharp  propofed,  to  prepare  matters  for  a  National 
Synod,  and  in  the  mean  while  to  execute  the  Laws, 
that  related  to  the  Church,  with  a  iteddy  ftrmnefs, 
U  3  So, 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

So,  when  he  parted  from  White-hall,  Sharp  laid 
to  the  King,  that  he  had  now  done  all  that  could 
be  defired  of  him  for  the  good  of  the  Church  :  So 
that,  if  all  matters  went  not  right  in  Scotland, 
•none  muft  bear  the  blame,  but  either  the  Earl  of 
Lauderdale  or  Rothes.  And  fo  they  came  to  Scot- 
land,  where  a  very  furious  fcene  of  illegal  violence 
was  opened.  Sharp  governed  Lord  Rothes,  who 
abandoned  himfelf  to  pleafure.  And,  when  fome 
cenfured  this,  all  the  anfwer  that  was  made,  was, 
a  fevere  piece  of  raillery,  that  the  King's  Commii- 
fioner  ought  to  reprefent  his  perfon. 

The  government  of  Scotland  as  to  civil  mat 
ters  was  very  eafy.  Ail  were  quiet  and  obedient. 
But  all  thole  Counties  that  lye  towards  the  Weft 
became  very  fierce  and  intradlable  :  And  the  whole 
irigs^rT  work  of  the  Council  was  to  deal  with  them,  and 
Scotland,  to  fubdue  them.  It  was  not  eafy  to  prove  any 
thing  againft  any  of  them,  for  they  did  (lick  firm 
to  one  another.  The  people  complained  of  the 
new  fet  of  Minifters,  that  was  fent  among  them,  as 
immoral,  ftupid,  and  ignorant.  Generally  they 
forfook  their  Churches.  And,  if  any  of  them  went 
to  Church,  they  faid,  they  were  little  edified  with 
their  fermons.  And  the  whole  country  was  full 
of  ftrange  reports  of  the  weaknefs  of  their  preach 
ing,  and  of  the  indecency  of  their  whole  deport 
ment.  The  people  treated  them  with  great  con 
tempt,  and  with  an  averfion  that  broke  out  often 
into  violence  and  injufticc.  But  their  Minifters 
on  their  parts  were  not  wanting  in  their  com 
plaints,  aggravating  matters,  and  pofTeffing  the 
Bifhops  with  many  ftories  of  clefigns  and  plottings 
againft  the  State.  So,  many  were  brought  before 
the  Council,  and  the  new  Ecclefiaftical  Commil- 
fion,  for  pretended  riots,  and  for  ufing  their  Mi 
nifters  ill,  but  chiefly  for  not  coming  to  Church, 
and  for  holding  Conventicles.  The  proofs  were 
often  defective,  and  lay  rather  in  preemptions, 

than 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

than  clear  evidence  :  And  the  puni foments  pro- 
polcd  were  often  arbitrary,  not  warranted  by  law. 
So  the  Judges  and  other  lawyers,  that  were  of  thole 
Courts,  were  careful  to  keep  proceedings  accord 
ing  to  forms  of  law  :  Upon  which  Sharp  was  often 
complaining,  that  favour  was  fhown  to  the  ene 
mies  of  the  Church,  under  the  pretence  of  law.  It 
was  faid,  that  the  people  of  the  country  were  in 
fuch  a  combination,  that  it  was  not  pofiible  to  find 
witnefTes  to  prove  things  fully  :  And  he  often  faid, 
muil  the  Church  be  ruined  for  punctilio's  of  law  ? 
When  he  could  not  carry  matters  by  a  vote,  as 
he  had  a  mind,  he  ufually  looked  to  the  Earl  of 
Rothes ;  who  upon  that  was  ever  ready  to  fay, 
he  would  take  it  upon  him  to  order  the  matter 
as  Sharp  propofed,  and  would  do  it  in  the  King's 
name.  Great  numbers  were  caft  in  prifon,  where 
they  were  kept  long,  and  ill  uied  :  And  fometimes 
they  were  fined,  and  the  younger  fort  whipt  about 
the  itreets.  The  people  grew  more  fullen  on  all 
this  ill  ufage.  Many  were  undone  by  it,  and  went 
over  to  the  Scots  in  Ulfter,  where  they  were  well 
received,  and  had  all  manner  of  liberty  as  to  their 
way  of  religion. 

Burnet  was  fent  up  to  pofTefs  the  King  with  the 
apprehenfions  of  a  rebellion,  in  the  beginning  of 
the  Dutch  war.  Fie  propofed  that  about  twenty 
of  the  chief  gentlemen  of  thofe  Counties  might  be 
fecured  :  And  he  undertook  for  the  peace  of  the 
country,  if  they  were  clap'd  up.  This  was  plainly 
illegal.  But  the  Lord  Lauderdale  oppofed  no 
thing.  So  it  was  done  :  But  with  a  very  ill  effect. 
For  thofe  Gentlemen,  knowing  how  obnoxious 
they  were,  had  kept  meafures  a  little  better  .:  But 
they  being  put  in  prifon,  both  their  friends  and 
tenants  laid  all  to  die  door  of  the  Clergy,  and 
hated  them  the  more,  and  ple4  them  the  worfe 
for  it.  The  Earls  of  Argile,  Tweedale,  and  Kin- 
cardin,  who  were  confidered  as  the  Lord  Lauder- 
dale's  chief  friends,  were  cold  in  all  thofe  matters, 
U  4  They 


296  The  ^I  i  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1665.  They  ftudied'to  keep  proceedings  in  a  legal 
w-vw  nel,  and  were  for  moderate  cenfures.     Upon  which 
Sharp  faid,  they  appeared  to   be  the  friends  and 
favourers  of  the  enemies  of  the  Church. 
Turner         Wherever   the   people  had   generally   forfaken 
execuced    tKeir  Churches,  the  guards  were  quartered  thro* 
the  laxys    $fe  country.     Sir  James  Turner,  that  commanded 
tat3  wa*"  *hem,  Vv'as  naturally  fierce,  but  was  mad  when  he 
was  drunk -,  and  that  was  very  often.     So  he  was. 
ordered  by  the  Lord  Rothes  to  ad:  according  to 
fuch  directions  as  Burnet  fhould  fend  him.     And: 
he  went  about  the  country,  and  received  fuch  lifts, 
as 'the  Minifters  brought  him,  of  thofe  who  came' 
not  to  Church  :  And,  without  any  Bother  proof  or 
any  legal  conviction,   he  fet  iiich  a  fine  on  them, 
as- he  thought  they  could  pay,  and  fentx  foldiers  to 
lie  on  them  till  it  was  paid.     Iknew  him  well  af 
terwards,  when  he  came  to  himfelf,  being  out  of 
employment.     He  was   a  learned  man  •,  but  had 
been  always   in  armies,    ancl  knew  no  other  rule 
but  to  obey  orders.     He  told  me,  he  had  no  regard 
to  any  law,  but  acted,  as  he  was  commanded,  in  a 
military  way.     He  conferTed,-it  went  often  againfb 
the  grain  with  him,  to  ferve  fuch  a  debauched  and 
worthlefs  company,  as  the  Clergy  generally  were  •, 
and  that  fometimes  he  did  not  act  up  to  the  ri 
gour  of  his  orders  ;  for  which  he  was  often  chid, 
both  by    Lord  Rothes  and  Sharp,  but  was  never 
cheek'd  for  his   illegal  and  violent  proceedings. 
And,  tho'  the  complaints  of-  him  were  very  high, 
f 6  that,  when  he  was  afterwards  feized  on  by  the 
party,  they  intended  to  make  a  facrifice  of  him; 
yet  .when  they  looked  into  his  orders,  and  found 
that  his  proceedings,  how  fierce  Ibever,  fell  fhort 
of  thefe,  they  fpared  him,  as  a  man  that  had  me 
rited  by  being  fo  gentle  among  them. 

The  truth  is,  the  whole  face -of  the  government 
looked  liker  the  proceedings  of  an  inquifition^ 
than  of  legal  Courts :  And  yet  Sharp  was  never 
fatisfied.  So  Lord  Rothe-s  and'  h&  went  up  to 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II. 

Court  in  the  firft  year  of  the  Dutch  war.     When 
they  waited  firil  on  the  King,  Sharp  put  him  in 
mind  of  what  he  had  faid  at  his  laft  parting,  that 
if   their   matters   went   not   well,  none   muft    be 
blamed  for  it,  but  either  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale, 
or  of  Rothes  :  And  now  he  came  to  tell  his  Ma- 
jelty,  that  things  were  worfe  than  ever  :  And  he 
mult  do  the  Earl  of  Rothes  the  juflice  to  fay,  he 
had  done  his  part.1    Lord  Lauderdale  was  all  on 
fire  at  this,  but  duril  not  give  hlmfelf  vent  before 
the  King.     So  he  only  cleared,  that  Sharp  would 
come  to  particulars :  And  then  he   mould  know 
what  he  had  to  fay.     Sharp  put  that  off  in  a  gene 
ral  charge  •,  and  faid,   he  knew  the  party  fo  well, 
that,  it  they  were  not  fupported  by   fecret  encou- 
rageriitnts,  they  would  have  been  long  ago  weary 
of  the  oppofition  they  gave  the  government.    The 
King  iiad  no  mind  to  enter  farther  into  their  com 
plaints.     So  Lord  Rothes-  and  he  withdrew  ;  and 
were  obfervecl  to  look  very  pleafantly   upon  one 
another,  as  they  went   away.     Lord  Lauderdale 
told  the  King,  he  was  now  accufed  to  his  face  •: 
But  he  would,  quickly  let  him   fee  what  a  man 
Sharp  was.     So   he  obtained  a  meflage  from  the 
King  to  him,  of  which  he  himfelf  was  to   be  the 
bearer,    requiring  him   to  put  his  complaints  in 
writing,  and  to  come. to  particulars.     He  followed 
Sharp  home,  who  received  him  with  fuch  a  gayity, 
as  if  he  had  given  him  no  provocation.     But  Lord 
-Lauderdale  was   more  folemn  ;  and  told  him,  it 
•was  the  King's  pleafure,  that  he  fhould  put  the  ao 
cufation,  with  which  he  had  charged  him  in  writ 
ing.     Sharp  pretended,  he  did  not  comprehend  his 
meaning.     He  anfwered,  the  matter  was  plain  :  Pie 
had  accufed  him'  to  the  King  :  Arid  he  muft  either 
go  through  with  it,  and  make  it  out,  otherwife  hfc 
would   charge    him  with    leafing-making :    And 
fpoke  in   a  terrible  tone  to  him.:-  'Upon  that,  as 
he  told  me,  Sharp  fell  a  trembli-ng,  and  weeping : 
He  proteiled^  he  meant  no  harm  to  him  :  He  was 

only 


The  H  i  s  i  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

only  forry  that  his  friends  were,  upon  all  occafions, 
pleading  for  favour  to  the  Fanaticks  :  (That  was 
become  the  name  of  reproach.)  Lord  Lauderdale 
faid,  that  would  not  ferve  turn :  He  was  not 
anfwerable  for  his  friends*  except  when  they  acted 
by  directions  from  him.  Sharp  offer'd  to  go  with 
him  prefently  to  the  King,  and  to  clear  the  whole 
matter.  Lord  Lauderdale  had  no  mind  to  break 
openly  with  him.  So  he  accepted  of  this,  and  car 
ried  him  to  the  King  ;  where  he  retracted  all  he 
had  faid  j  in  fo  grofs  a  manner,  that  the  King  faid 
afterwards,  Lord  Lauderdale  was  ill  natured  to 
prefs  it  fo  heavily,  and  to  force  Sharp  on  giving 
himfelf  the  lye  in  fuch  coarfe  terms. 

sharp  This  went  to  Sharp's  heart :  So  he  made  a  pro- 

'  polition  to  the  Earl  of  Dumfreis,  who  was  a  great 
Midfctoun  friend  of  the  Lord  Midletoun's,  to  try  if  a  recon- 
into  bull-  ciliation  could  be  made  between  him  and  the  Earl 
ne£again,qf  Roches,  and  if  he  would  be  content  to  come 
into  the  government  under  Lord  Rothes.  Lord 
Dumfreis  went  into  Kent,  where  the  Lord  Midle- 
toun  was  then  employed  in  a  military  command, 
on  the  account  of  the  war  :  And  he  laid  Sharp's 
proportion  before  him.  The  Earl  of  Midletoun 
gave  Lord  Dumfreis  power  to  treat  in  his  name  ; 
but  faid,  he  knew  Sharp  too  well  to  regard  any 
thing  that  came  from  him.  Before  Lord  Dum 
freis  came  back,  Sharp  had  tried  Lord  Rothes, 
but  found  he  would  not  meddle  in  it :  And  they 
both  underftood,  that  the  Earl  of  Clarendon's  in- 
tereft  was  declining,  and  that  the  King  was  like  to 
change  his  meafures.  So  when  Lord  Dumfreis 
came  back  to  give  Sharp  an  account  of  his  nego 
tiation,  he  feemed  furprifed,  and  denied  he  had 
given  him  any  fuch  commifTion.  This  enraged 
the  Earl  of  Dumfreis  fo,  that  he  pubjiihed  the 
thing  in  all  companies  :  Among  others  he  told  it 
very  particularly  to  my  felf, 

At  that  time  Leightoun  was  prevailed  on  to  go 
to  Court,  and  to  give  the  King  a  true  account  of 

the 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II. 

the  proceedings  in  Scotland  ;  which,  he  faid,  were 
fo  violent,  that  he  could  not  concur  in  the  plant 
ing  the  Chriilian  religion  itfelf,  h  inch  a  manner, 
much  Jefs  a  form  of  government.  He  therefore 
begged  leave  to  quit  his  Bifhoprkk,  and  to  retire : 
For  he  thought  he  was  in  fome  fort  acceflary  to 
the  violences  done  by  others,  fince  he  was  one  of 
them,  and  all  was  pretended  to  be  done  to  efla- 
blifh  them  and  their  order.  There  were  indeed  no 
violences  committed  in  his  diocefc.  He  went  round 
it  continually  every  year,  pretching  and  cate- 
chifing  from  pariih  to  parim.  He  continued  in 
his  private  and  afcetic  courfe  of  life,  and  gave  all 
his  income,  beyond  the  fmall  eipence  of  his  own 
perfon,  to  the  poor.  He  ftuded  to  raife  in  his 
Clergy  a  greater  fenfe  of  fpiritnal  matters,  and  of 
the  care  of  fouls  ;  and  was  in  ill  refpecls  a  burn 
ing  and  mining  light,  highly  efleemed  by  the 
greater  part  of  his  diocefe :  iven  the  Preibyte- 
rians  were  much  mollified,  if  rot  quite  overcome, 
by  his  mild  and  heavenly  courfe  of  life.  The  King 
feemed  touched  with  the  ftae  that  the  country 
was  in  :  He  fpoke  very  feverelj  of  Sharp  ;  and  af- 
fured  Leightoun,  he  would  quckly  come  to  other 
meafures,  and  put  a  flop  to  thofe  violent  methods  : 
But  he  would  by  no  means  fiifer  him  to  quit  his 
Bifhoprick.  So  the  King  ga^e  orders  that  the 
Eccleiiaftical  Commiflion  fboild  be  difcontinued  ; 
and  fignified  his  pleafure,  thatanother  way  of  pro 
ceeding  was  neceflary  for  his  affairs. 

He  underftood  by  his  intdligence  from  Hoi-  More 
land,  that  the  exiles  at  Rotterdam  were  very  bufy,  forces^ 
and  that  perhaps  the  Dutch  night  furniih  the  mal-  gals'd  irl 
contents  of  Scotland  with  rconey  and  arms:  So 
he  thought  it  was  neceiTary  to  raife  more  troops. 
Two  gallant  officers,  that  had  ferved   him  in  the 
wars,  and,  when  thefe  were  over,  had  gone  with 
his  letters  to  ierve  in  Mufcov^,  where  one  of  them, 
Dalzkll,  was  raifed  to  be  a  General,  and  the  other, 
Prumond,  was  advanced  tc  be  a  Lieutenant  Ge- 

neralj 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign  -, 

neral,  and  Goverror  of  Smolenfko,  were  now,  not 
without  great  difficulty,   fent  back  by  the  Czar. 
So  the  King  intended  they  fhould  command  ibme 
forces  that  he  was  to  raife.     Sharp  was  very  ap- 
prehenfive  of  this:  But  the  King  was  pofitive.     A 
little  before  this,  the  Act  of  fining,  that  had  lain 
fo  long  afleep  that  it  was  thought  forgot,  was  re 
vived.     And  all  who    had   been  fined  were   re 
quired  to  bring  h  one  moiety  of  their  fines  :  But 
the  other    moiety  was    forgiven   thofe  who  took 
the  Declaration  renouncing  the  Covenant.     The 
money   was  by   Act  of  Parliament    to   be  given 
among  thofe  who  lad  ferved,  and  fuffered  for  the 
King ;  fo  that  the  King  had  only  the  truft  of  di- 
flribating  it.     There  was  no  more  Scotch  Coun 
cils  called  at  Whte-hall  after  Lord  Midletoun's 
fall.     But  upon  particular  occafions  the  King  or 
dered   the   Privy  Counfellours  of  that  Kingdom, 
that  were  about  the  town,  to  be  brought  to  him  : 
Before  whom  he  row  laid  the  necefiity,  of  railing 
fome  more  force  for  fecuring  the  quiet  ot  Scot 
land  :  He  only  afled  their  advice,  how  they  fhould 
be  paid.     Sharp  voy  readily  faid,  the  money  raif- 
ed  by  the  fining  was  not  yet  difpofed  of :  So  he 
propofed  the  applying  it  to  that  ufe.     None  op- 
pofed  this  :  So  it  vas  refolved  on.     And  by  that 
'means  the  Cavaliers,  who  were  come. up  with  their 
pretenfions,  were  cifappointed  of  their  laft  hopes, 
of  being  recompenred  for   their  fufferings.     The 
blame  of  all  this  vas  caft  upon  Sharp,  at  which 
they  were  out  of  -neafure  enraged,  and  charged 
him  with  it.     He  denied  it  boldly.     But  the  King 
publimed  it  fo  operly,  that  he  durft  not  contradict 
him.     Many,    to  vhom   he  had   denied  that  he 
'  knew  any  thing  of  the  matter,  and  called  that  ad- 
vice" a  diabolical  invention,  affirmed  it  to  the  King. 
And  the  Lord    Lauderdale,  to  compleat  his  dif- 
grace   with  the   King,  got   many   of  his  letters, 
'  which  he  had  writ  to  the  Pr'efbyterians,  after  thq 
time,  in  which  the  King  knew  that  he  was  nego- 
I  tiating 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 
tiating  for  Epifcopacy,    in  which  he  had  conti-   1665. 
nued  to  protefl,  with  what  zeal  he  was  foliciting  v-nr*^ 
their  concerns,  not  without  dreadful  imprecations 
on   himfelf,  if  he  was    prevaricating  with  them, 
and  laid  thefe  before  the  King  :  So  that  the  King 
looked  on  him  as  one  of  the  worft  of  men. 

Many  of  the  Epifcopal  Clergy  in  Scotland  were  i6'6. 
much  offended  at  all  thefe  proceedings.  They  ^^~» 
faw  the  prejudices  of  the  people  were  increafed  by  ^neent 
them.  They  hated  violent  courfes,  and  thought  cierg/- 
they  were  contrary  to  the  meek  fpirit  of  the  gof-  men  m 
pel,  and  that  they  alienated  the  Nation  more  from  Sco  :» 


the  Church.     They  fet  thernfelves  much  tojead°  ;^^ 
Church-hiflory,  and  to  obferve   the   ftate   of  the  proceed- 
Primitive  Church,  and   the  'fpirit  of  thofe  times  :  irgs. 
And  they  could  not  but  obferve  fo  great  a  differ^ 
ence  between  the  confutation  of  the  Church  under 
thofe  Biihops  and  our  own,  that-  they  feemed  to 
agree  in  nothing  but  the  name,     t  happened  to 
be  fettled  near  two.  of  the  moil  eminent  of  them, 
who  were  often  moved  to.  accept  of  Bifhopricks, 
but  always  refufed  them,  both  out  of  a  true  prin 
ciple  of  humility  and  ielf-denial,  and:alfo  becaufe 
they  could  not  engage  in  the  methods   by  which 
things  were  carried-  on.     One-of  thefe;,  Mr.  Nairn, 
was  one  of  the   politeft  Clergymen  I  ever  knew 
.bred  in  Scotland.     He  had  formed  clear,  and  lively 
•fchemes  of  things,  and  was  the  moll  eloquent  of 
•all   our  preachers.      He  confiderech  the   pailoral 
fun&ion  as  a  dedication  of  the  whole  man  to  God 
and  his  fervice.     He  read   the  moral  phi  lotbphers 
.much  ;  and  had  wrought  himfelf  into  their  equal 
•ternper,  as  much  as  could  confifl  with  a  great  deal 
of  rire  that  was  in  his  own  :  But  he  turned  it  all 
.to  melting  devotion.     He  had  a  true  notion  ot 
-'fuperftition,  as  a  narrowneis  of  foul,  and  a  mean- 
nefs  of  thought  in  religion.     He  ftudied  to  raife 
ail  that  converfed  with  him  to  great  notions  of    • 
God.  and  to  aa  univerfal  charity.     This  made  him 

pify 


go  2  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1666.  pity  the  Prefbyterians,  as  men  of  low  notions  and 
v-^v-v^  ill  tempers.  He  had  indeed  too  much  heat  of  ima 
gination,  which  carried  him  to  be  very  pofitive 
in  fome  things,  in  v/hich  he  afterwards  changed 
his  mind :  And  that  made  him  pafs  for  an  incon- 
ilant  man.  In  a  word,  he  was  the  brighteft  man 
1  ever  knew  among  all  our  Scotch  Divines.  Ano 
ther  of  thefe  was  Mr.  Charteris,  a  man  of  a  com- 
pofed  and  ferene  gravity,  but  without  affectation  or 
iburnefs.  He  fcarce  ever  fpoke  in  company,  but 
was  very  open  and  free  in  private.  He  made 
true  judgments  of  things,  and  of  men  ;  and  had  a 
peculiar  talent  in  managing  fuch  as  he  thought 
deferved  his  pains.  He  had  little  heat,  either  in 
body  or  mind :  For  as  he  had  a  moft  emaciated 
body,  fo  he  fpoke  both  flow,  and  in  fo  low  a 
voice  that  he  could  not  eafily  be  heard.  He  had 
great  tendernefs  in  his  temper  -,  and  was  a  very 
perfect  friend,  and  a  moft  fublime  Chriftian.  He 
lived  in  a  conftant  contempt  of  the  world,  and  a 
neglect  of  his  perfon.  There  was  a  gravity  in  his 
converfation  that  raifed  an  attention,  and  begot  a 
coaapofednefs,  in  all  about  him,  without  frighten 
ing  them  •,  for  he  made  religion  appear  amiable  in 
his  whole  deportment.  He  had  read  all  the  lives 
and  the  epi files  of  great  men  very  carefully.  He 
had  read  the  fathers  much  ^  and  gave  me  this  notion 
of  them,  that  in  fpeculative  points,  for  which  wri 
ters  of  Controverfy  fearched  into  their  works,  they 
were  but  ordinary  men  :  But  their  excellency  lay 
in  that,  which  was  leaft  fought  for,  their  fenfe  of 
fpiritual  things,  and  of  the  paftoral  care.  In  thefe 
he  thought  their  ilrength  lay.  And  he  often  la 
mented,  not  without  fome  indignation,  that,  in 
the  difputes  about  the  government  of  the  Church, 
much  pains  were  taken  to  feek  out  all  thofe  pafTa- 
ges  that  fhewed  what  their  opinions  were  ;  but 
that  due  care  was  not  taken  to  fet  out  the  notions 
that  they  had  of  the  facred  function,  of  the  pre 
paration  of  mind,  and  inward  vocation,  with  which 

2  men 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

men  ought  to  c^rne  to  holy  orders,  or  of  the  ftrict- 
nefs  of  life,  the  deadnefs  to  the  world,  the  heavenly 
temper,  and  the  conftant  application  to  the  doing 
of  good,  that  became  them.  Of  thefe  he  did  not 
talk  like  an  angry  reformer,  that  fet  up  in  that 
ft  rain,  becaufe  he  was  neglected  or  provoked ; 
but  like  a  man  full  of  a  deep,  but  humble  fenfe  of 
them.  He  was  a  great  enemy  to  large  confefllons  of 
faith,  chiefly  when  they  were  impofed  in  the  lump 
as  tefls  :  For  he  was  pofitive  in  very  few  things. 
He  had  gone  thro'  the  chief  parts  pf  learning : 
But  was  then  mofl  converfant  in  hiftory,,  as  the 
innocentefl  fort  of  ftudy,  that  did  not  fill  the 
mind  with  fubtilty,  but  helped  to  make  a  man 
wifer  and  better.  Thefe  were  both  fingle  perfons, 
and  men  of  great  fobriety  :  And  they  lived  in  a 
conftant  low  diet,  which  they  valued  more  than 
feverer  fafting.  Yet  they  both  became  miferable 
by  the  ftone.  Nairn  went  to  Paris,  where  he  was 
cut  of  a  great  one,  of  which  he  recovered,  but 
lived  not  many  years  after.  Charteris  lived  to  a 
great  age,  and  died  in  the  end  of  the  year  1 700, 
having  in  his  laft  years  fuffered  unfpeakable  tor 
ment  from  the  ftone,  which  the  operators  would 
not  venture  to  cut.  But  all  that  faw  what  he  fuf 
fered,  and  how  he  bore  it,  acknowledged  that  in 
him  they  faw  a  moft  perfect  pattern  of  patience 
and  fubmiffion  to  the  will  of  God.  It  was  a  great 
happinefs  for  me,  after  I  had  broke  into  the  world 
by  fuch  a  ramble  as  I  had  made,  that  I  fell  into 
fuch  hands,  with  whom  I  entered  into  a  clofe  and 
particular  friendfhip.  They  both  fet  me  right, 
and  kept  me  right ;  thof  I  made  at  this  time  a  fai- 
,  ley  that  may  be  mentioned,  fmce  it  had  fome  re 
lation  to  publick  affairs.  I  obfcrved  the  deport 
ment  of  our  Bifhops  was  in  all  points  fo  different, 
from  what  became  their  function,  that  I  had  a 
more  than  ordinary  zeal  kindled  within  me  upon 
it.  They  were  not  only  furious  againft  all  that 
ftood  out  againft  them,  but  were  very  remifs  in 

all 


304  The  II I  STORY  of  the  Reign 

^665.   all  the  parts,  of*  their  function.     Some  did  not  live 
«— -v-^  within  their  diocefe.     And  thofe  who  did,  feemed 
to  take  no-  care  of  them  :    They  mewed  no  zeal 
againft  vice;    The  moil  eminently  wicked  in  the 
County  were  their   particular  confidents  :    They 
took  no  pains  to  keep  their  Clergy  ftridtly  to  rules, 
aad  to  their  duty  :  On  the  contrary  there  was  a  le- 1 
vity  and  a  carnal  way  of  living  about  them,  .that 
very  much  fcandalized  me.     There  was  indeed  one, 
Scougal,  .BiTiiop  of  Aberdeen,  that  was  a  man  of 
rare  temper,    great   piety  and  prudence  :.  JBut  I 
thought  he  was  too  much  under  Sharp's  conducl:, 
and;  was.  at  leaft  too  eafy  to  him. 

Some  of  ,  Upon  all  this  I  took  a  refolution  of  drawing  up. 
thegnev-  ^memorial  of  the  grievances  we  lay  under  by  the 
the  Clergy  ^  conducl  of  our  Biihops.  I  refolved',  that  :no, 
laid  before  Qther  perfon  befides  my  felf  ihould  have  a  fhare  in 
the  Bi-  any  trouble  it  might  bring' on  me  :  -So  I  commu^ 
nicated  it  to  none.  -  This  made  k-  not  to  be  in:  all. 
the  parts  o£  i£  fol  well  .digeiledv  >  as  it  otherwife' 
might  have  been.:  And  I  was  then  but- three  and 
twenty.  Llaid  my^  foundation '  in  the<conftitution 
of-thei  primitive  Church  v  and  mewed  ;how  they 
Ha'd  departed :from:ity  by-  their  neglecting  their  dio 
cefe,  medling"  fo  much  in.  fecukr  affairs,  railing 
their  families  out  of  the  revenues  of  the  Church,, 
and  above  all  by  their  viole.nt  profecuting  of  thofe 
who  differ'd  from 'them.  Of  this  I  writ  out  fome 
copies,  and-figned  them,  and  fent  them  to  all  the 
Bifhops  of  my  acquaintance.  Sharp  was  much 
alarmed  at  it,  and  fancied  I  was 'fet  on  to  it  by 
fome  of  the  Lord  Lauderdale*s  friends.  I  was 
called  before  the  Biihops,  and  treated  w-ith  great 
feverity.  Sharp  called  it  a  libel.  1  faid,  1  had 
fet  my  name  to  it,  fo  it  could  not  be  calkd  a  li» 
beL  He  charged  me  with  the  prefumption  of  of* 
fcring  to  teach  my  fuperiours.  I  faid,  fuch  things 
had  been  not  only  done,  but  juftilied  in  all  ages. 
He  charged  me  for  reflecting  on  the  King's  putting 
them  on-  h.is-  Couri'lels:  I  fakl,  1  found  no  fault 

with 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

with  the  King  for  calling  them  to  his  counfels.  But 
with  them  for  going  out  of  that  which  was  their 
proper  province,  and  for  giving  ill  counfel.  Then 
he  charged  me  for  reflecting  on  fome  feverities, 
which,  he  faid,  was  a  reproaching  publick  Courts, 
and  a  cenfuring  the  laws.  1  faid,  laws  might  be 
made  in  terrOrum,  not  always  fit  to  be  executed  : 
But  I  only  complained  of  Clergy-mens  prefling  the 
rigorous  execution  of  them,  and  going  often  be 
yond  what  the  law  dictated.  He  broke  out  into  a 
gfejit  vehemence-,  and  propofed  to  'the  Bifhops, 
that,!  mould  be  fum manly  deprived,  and  excom 
municated  :  But  none  of  them  would  agree  to  that. 
By  this  management  of  his  the  thing  grew  pub- 
lick.  What  i  had  ventured  on  was1  varioufly  cen- 
fured :  'But  the  greater  part  approved  of  it.  Lord 
Lauderdale  and  all  his  friends  were  delighted  with 
it ;  And  he  gave  the  King  an  account  of  it,  who 
was  not  ill  pieafed  at  it.  '  Great  pains  was  taken  to 
make  me  afk  pardon,  but  to  no  pufpbie  :  So  Sharp 
let  the  thing  fall.  Bat,  that  it  might  appear  that 
I  had  not  done  it  upon  any  factious  defign,  I 
entered  into  a  very  clofe  ftate  of  retirement ;  and 
gave  my  felf  wholly. to  my  iludy,  and  the  duties  of 
my  function, 

u'\1ijC.i;5n2  '.•-  ;10? 

Thus  I  have  run  over  the  (late  of  Scotland  in    1664? 
the  years   1663,   1664.,   1665,  and   till   near   the    v-r~v^-* 
end  of  1666.     I  now.  return  to  the  affairs  of  Eng-  ^a£s  ™ 
land  ;  in  which  I  muft  write  more  defectively,  be-    n§  ar 
ing  then  fo  far  from  the  fcene.     In  winter  1664,  The 
the  King  declared  his  refolution  of  erttring  into  a  Dutcl1 
war  with  the  Dutch.     The  grounds  were  fo  flight, 
that  it  was  vifible.  there  was  fomewhat  more  at  bot 
tom,  than  was  openly  owned.     A  great  comet, 
which  appeared  that  winter,  raifed  the  apprehenfi- 
ons  of  thofe,  who  did  not  enter  inuo  jull  fpecula- 
tions  concerning  thofe  matters.     The   Houfe  of 
Commons  was  fo  far  from  examining  nicely  into 
the  grounds  of  the  war,  that  without  any  difficulty 

VOL,  I.  X  they 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
1665.  they  gave  the  King  two  millions   and   a  half- for 
t   w-v-o  carrying  it  on.     A  great  fleet  was  fet  out,  which 
the  Duke  commanded  in  perfon  •,  as  Opdam  had 
The         the  command  of  the  Dutch  fleet.     But  as  foon 
Plague      as  the  war  broke  out,  a  mofl  terrible  Plague  broke 
broke  out  'Ollt  a]fQ  jn  the  cjty  of  London,  that  fcattered  all  the 
fometim'  inhabitants  that  were  able  to  remove  themfelves 
"elfewhere.     It  broke  the  trade  of  the  Nation,  and 
fwept  away  about  an  hundred  thoufand  fouls  j  the 
greateft  havock  that  any  Plague  had  ever  made  in 
England.     This  did  diihearten  all  people :  And, 
coming  in  the  very  time  in  which  fo  unjuft  a  war 
was  begun,  it  had  a  dreadful  appearance..    All  the 
King's   enemies,  and  the  enemies  of  Monarchy 
faid,  here  was  a  manifeft  character  of  God's  heavy 
difpleafure  upon  the  Nation  ;  as  indeed  the.  ill  life 
jj  the  King  led,    and  the  yicioufnefs  of  the   whole 

Court,  gave  but  a  melancholy  profpecl.  Yet 
God's  ways  are  not  as  our  ways.  What  all  had 
feen  in  the  year  1660  ought  to  have  filenoed  thofe, 
who  at  this  time  pretended  to  comment  on  provi 
dence.  But  there  will  be  always  much  difcourfc 
of  things  that  are  very  vifible,  as  well  as  very  ex 
traordinary. 

The  vk-        When  the  two  fleets  met,  it  is  well  known  what 
tory  at  Sea  accidents  diibrdered  the  Dutch,  and  what  advan- 
r.orfoi-     tage  t}ie  Englifh  had.     If  that  firft  fuccefs  had 
e  *      been  followed,    as  was   propofed,   it  might  have 
been  fatal   to  the  Dutch,    who  finding  they  had 
fuffered  fo  much  fleered  off.     The  Duke  ordered 
all  the  fail  to  be  fet  on  to  overtake  them.     There 
was  a  Council  of  war  called,  to  concert  the  me 
thod  or  action,    when  they  fhould  come  up  with 
them.     In  that  Council   Pen,    who  commanded 
under  the  Duke,  happened  to  fay,  that  they  muft 
prepare  for  hotter  work  in  the  next  engagement. 
He  knew  well  the  courage  of  the  Dutch  was  never 
fo  high,  as  when  they  were  defperate.     The  Earl 
ot  Montague,  who  was  then  a  voluntier,  and  one 
of  the  Duke's  Court,  faid  to  me,  it  was  very  vi 
fible 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

Hole  that  made  an  impreffion.  And  all  the  Duke's 
domefticks  faid,  he  had  got  honour  enough  :  \Vhy 
iliculd  he  venture  a  iecond  time  ?  The  Dutchefs 
had  alfo  given  a  ftrict  charge  to  all  the  Duke's 
fervants,  to  do  all  they  could  to  hinder  him  to  en 
gage  too  far.  When  matters  were  fettled,  they 
went  to  fleep  :  And  the  Duke  ordered  a  call  to  be 
given  him,  when  they  fhould  get  up  to  the  Dutch 
fleet.  It  is  not  known  what  pafs'd  between  the 
Duke  and  Brounker,  who  was  of  his  Bed-cham 
ber,  and  was  then  in  waiting :  But  he  came  to  Pen, 
as  from  the  Duke,  and  faid,  the  Duke  ordered  the 
fail  to  be  flackened.  Pen  was  ftruck  with  the  or 
der  •,  but  did  not  go  to  argue  the  matter  with  the 
Duke  himfelf,  as  he  ought  to  have  done,  but 
obey'd  it.  When  the  Duke  had  flept,  he,  upon 
his  waking,  went  out  on  the  quarter-deck,  and 
feemed  amazed  to  fee  the  fails  flackened,  and  that 
thereby  all  hope  of  overtaking  the  Dutch  was  loft. 
He  queflioned  Pen  upon  it.  Pen  put  it  on  Broun 
ker,  who  faid  nothing.  The  Duke  denied,  he 
had  given  any  fuch  order.  But  he  neither  punifh- 
ed  Brounker  for  carrying  it,  nor  Pen  for  obeying 
it.  He  indeed  put  Brounker  out  of  his  fervice  : 
And  it  was  faid,  that  he  durft  do  no  more,  becaufe 
he  was  fo  much  in  the  King's  favour,  and  in  the 
Miftrefs's.  Pen  was  more  in  his  favour  after  that, 
than  ever  before,  which  he  continued  to  his 
fon  after  him,  tho'  a  Quaker  :  And  it  was  thought, 
that  all  that  favour  was  to  oblige  him  to  keep  the 
fecret.  Lord  Montague  did  believe,  that  the 
Duke  was  ftruck,  feeing  the  Earl  of  Falmouth, 
the  King's  favourite,  and  two  other  perfons  of  qua 
lity,  killed  very  near  him  ;  and  that  he  had  no 
mind  to  engage  again,  and  that  Pen  was  privately 
with  him.  If  Brounker  was  fo,  much  in  fault,  as 
he  feemed  to  be,  it  was  thought,  the  Duke,  in  the 
paflion  that  this  muft  have  raifed  in  him,  would 
have  proceeded  to  greater  extremities,  and  not 
have  acted  with  fo  much  phlegm.  This  proved 

X  2  the 


.308  The  H  i  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1 665.  the  breaking  the  defigns  of  the  King's  whole  reign : 
y-v^  For  the  Dutch  themfelvcs  believed  that,  if  our 
fleet  had  followed  them  with  full  fail,  we  mud 
come  up  with  them  next  tide,  and  have  either  funk 
or  taken  their  whole  fleet.  De  Wit  was  flruck 
with  this  misfortune  :  And,  imputing  fome  part 
of  it  to  errors  in  conduct,  he  refolved  to  go  on 
board  himfelf,  as  foon  as  their  fleet  was  ready  to 
go  to  fea  again. 

An  ac-  Upon  this  occafion  I  will  fay  a  little  of  him, 
count  of  and  of  the  affairs  of  Holland.  His  father  was 
in  Ho^  *%  deputy  of  the  town  of  Dort  in  the  States,  when 
land.  the  late  Prince  of  Orange  was  fo  much  offended 
with  their  proceedings,  in  difbanding  a  great  part 
of  .their  Army.:  And  he  was  one  of  thofe  whom  he 
ordered  upon  that  to  be  carried  to  the  Caftle  of 
Loveftein.  Soon  after  that,  his  defign  on  Amfter- 
dam  mifcarrying,  he  faw  a  neceffity  of  making  up 
the  beil  he  could  with  the  States.  But,  before  he 
had  quite  healed  that  wound,  he  died  of  thefmall- 
pox.  Upon  his  death  all  his  party  fell  in  difgrace, 
and  tlie  Lovefteiners  carried  all  before  them.  So 
De  Wit  got  his  fon  John,  then  but  twenty  five 
years  of  age,  to  be  made  penfioner  of  Dort.  And 
.within  a  year  after,  the  penfioner  of  Holland  dy 
ing,  he  ~was  made  penlioner  of  Holland.  His 
breeding  was  to  the  civil  law,  which  he  under- 
itood  very  well.  He  was  a  great  mathematician  : 
And,  as  his  Elementa  Curvarum  (hew  what  a  man 
he  was  that  way,  fo  perhaps  no  man  ever  applied 
Algebra  to  all  matters  of  trade  fo  nicely  as  he  did. 
He  made  himfelf  fo  entirely  the  mailer  of  the  ilate 
of  Holland,  that'he  underftood  exactly  all  the  con 
cerns  of  their  revenue,  and  what  fums,  and  in 
what  manner,  could  be  raifed  upon  any  emergency 
of  State  :  For  this  he  had  a  pocket-book  full  of 
cables,  and  was  ever  ready  to  (hew  how  they  could 
be  furnifhed  with  money.  He  was  a  frank,  fin- 
cere  man,  without  fraud,  or  any  other  artifice  but 

fiience ; 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

filence  :  To  which  he  had  fo  accuftomed  the  world, 
that  it  was  not  eafy  to  know,  whether  he  was  filent 
on  defign,  or  cuflom.  Fie  had  a  great  clearnefs 
of  apprehenfion  :  And  when  any  thing  was  pro- 
pofed  to  him,  how  new  foever,  he  heard  all  -pati 
ently,  and  then  afked  fuch  queftions  as  occurred 
to  him  :  And  by  the  time  he  had  done  all  this,  he 
was  as  much  mailer  of  the  propofmon,  as  the  per- 
fon  was  that  had  made  it.  He  knew  nothing  of 
modern  hiflory,  nor  of  the  flate  of  Courts :  And 
was  eminently  defective  in  all  points  of  form.  But 
he  laid  down  this  for  a  maxim,  that  all  Princes 
and  States  followed  their  own  intereft :  So,  by  ob- 
ferving  what  their  true  intereils  were,  he  thought, 
he  could  without  great  intelligence  calculate  what 
they  were  about.  He  did  not  enough  confider 
how  far  paffions,  amours,  humours,  and  opinions 
wrought  on  the  world  ;  chiefly  on  Princes.  He 
had  the  notions  of  a  Common-wealth  from  the 
Greeks  and  Romans.  And  from  them  he  came 
to  fancy,  that  an  army,  commanded  by  officers  of 
their  own  country,  was  both  more  in  their  own 
power,  and  would  ferve  them  with  the  more  zeal, 
fince  they  themfelves  had  fuch  an  intereft  in  the 
fuccefs.  And  fo  he  was  againft  their  hiring  fo 
reigners,  unlefs  it  was  to  be  common  foldiers, 
thereby  to  fave  their  own'  people.  But  he  did  not 
enough  confider  the  phlegm  and  covetoufnefs  of  his 
countrymen  ^  of  which  he  felt  the  ill  effects  after 
wards.  This  was  his  greateft  error,  and  it  turned 
fatally  upon  him.  But  for  the  adminiftration  of 
juftice  at  home,  and  for  the  management  of  their 
trade,  and  their  forces  by  fea,  he  was  the  ableft 
Minifter  they  ever  had.  He  had  an  hereditary  ha 
tred  to  the  Houfe  of  Orange.  He  thought  it  was 
impolTible  to  maintain  their  liberty,  if  they  were 
Hill  Statholders.  Therefore  he  did  all  that  was 
poflible  to  put  an  invincible  bar  in  their  way,  by 
the  perpetual  edict.  But  at  the  fame  time  he  took 
great  care  of  preferring  the  young  Prince's  for- 
X  3  tunej 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
tune ;  and  looked  well  to  his  education,  and  gave 
him,  as  the  Prince  himfelf  told  me,  very  juft  no 
tions  of  every  thing  relating  to  their  State.  For 
he  faid,  he  did  not  know,  but  that  at  fome  time 
or  other,  he  would  be  fet  over  them  :  Therefore 
he  intended  to  render  him  fit  to  govern  well. 

The  Town  of  Amfterdam  became  at  that  time 
very  ungovernable.  It  was  thought,  that  the 
Weft- India-Company  had  been  given  up  chiefly 
by  their  means  •,  for  it  was  in  value  fo  equal  to  the 
Baft-India  Company,  that  the  actions  of  both  were 
often  exchanged  for  one  another.  When  the  Bi- 
fhop  of  Muniter  began  his  pretenfions  on  the  City 
of  Munfter,  and  on  a  great  part  of  Weftphalia, 
they  offered  themfelves  up  to  the  States,  if  they 
would  preferve  them.  But  the  Town  of  Amfter- 
dam  would  not  confent  to  it,  nor  ftibmit  to  the 
charge.  Yet  they  never  feemed  to  fet  up  for  a  fu- 
periority  over  the  reft,  nor  to  break  the  credit  of 
the  Court  at  the  Hague.  Only  they  were  back 
ward  in  every  thing  that  was  propofed,  that  en- 
creafed  the  charge.  And  they  were  become  fo 
weary  of  De  Wit,  that  he  felt  how  much  the  late 
mifcarriage  at  fea  had  maken  his  credit  •,  fince 
misfortunes  are  always  imputed  to  the  errors  of 
thofe  that  govern.  So  he  refolved  to  go  on  board. 
De  Ruyter  often  faid,  that  he  was  amazed  to  fee, 
how  foon  he  came  to  a  perfect  under  Handing  of  ail 
the  fea  affairs.  The  winds  were  fo  long  backward, 
that  it  was  not  eafy  to  get  their  great  fhips  thro' 
the  Zuyder  fea.  So  he  went  out  in  boats  himfelf, 
and  plummed  it  all  fo  carefully,  that  he  found 
many  more  ways  to  get  out  by  different  winds, 
than  was  thought  formerly  practicable.  He  got 
out  in  time  to  be  mafter  of  the  fea,  before  the  end 
of  the  feafon :  And  fo  recovered  the  affront  of  the 
former  loffes,  by  keeping  at  fea  alter  the  Englifh 
fleet  was  forced  :o  put  in.  The  Earl  of  Sandwich 
was  lent  to  the  North  with  a  great  part  of  the  fleet, 
to  watch  for  the  Eaft-India  fhips.  But  he  was 

thought 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

thought  too  remifs.  They  got,  before  he  was 
aware  of  it,  into  Berghen  in  Norway.  If  he  had 
followed  them  quick,  he  would  have  forced  the 
port,  and  taken  them  all.  But  he  obferved  forms, 
and  fent  to  the  Viceroy  of  Norway  demanding  en 
trance.  That  was  denied  him.  But,  while  thefe 
meffages  went  backward  and  forward,  the  Dutch 
had  fo  fortifyed  the  entrance  into  the  port,  that, 
tho'  it  was  attempted  with  great  courage,  yet  Tid- 
diman,  and  thofe  who  compofed  that  fquadron, 
were  beat  off  with  great  lofs,  and  forced  to  let  go 
a  very  rich  fleet :  For  which  Lord  Sandwich  was 
much  blamed,  tho'  he  was  fent  Ambaffadour  into 
Spain,  that  his  difgrace  might  be  a  little  foftened 
by  that  employment.  The  Duke's  conduct  was 
alfo  much  blamed  :  And  it  was  faid,  he  was  moft 
in  fault,  but  that  the  Earl  of  Sandwich  was  made 
the  facrifice. 

Here  I  will  add  a  particular  relation  of  a  tranf-  An  ac- 
action  relating  to  that  affair,  taken  from  the  ac-  count  of 
count  given  of  it  by  Sir  Gilbert  Talbot,  then  the 
King's  Envoy  at  the  Court  of  Denmark,  in  a  MS. 
that  I  have  in  my  hands.  That  King  did  in  June 
1665  open  himielf  very  freely  to  Talbot,  com 
plaining  of  the  States,  who,  as  he  faid,  had  drawn 
the  Swedifh  war  on  him,  on  defign  that  he  might 
be  forced  to  depend  on  them  for  fupplies  of  money 
and  fhipping,  and  fo  to  get  the  cuftoms  of  Nor 
way  and  the  Sound  into  their  hands  for  their  fecu^ 
rity.  Talbot  upon  that  told  him,  that  the  Dutch 
Smyrna  fleet  was  now  in  Berghen,  befides  many 
rich  Weft-India  Ihips  •,  and  that  they  (laid  there  in 
cxpedtation  of  a  double  Eaft-India  fleet,  and  of 
De  Ruyter,  who  was  returning  with  the  fpoils  of 
the  coaft  of  Guinea.  So  he  faid,  the  King  of  Den 
mark  might  feize  thofe  fhips  before  the  convoy 
came,  which  they  expected.  The  King  of  Den 
mark  faid,  he  had  not  ftrength  to  execute  that. 
Talbot  faid,  the  King  his  mafter  would  fend  a 
force  to  effect  it :  But  it  was  reafonable  he  mould 
X  4  have 


312  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1665.  have  half  of '  the  fpoil.  To  which  the  King  of 
Denmark  readily  agreed,  and  ordered  him  to'pro- 
pofe  it  to  his  mafter.  So  he  immediately  tranf- 
mittod  it  to  the  King,  who  approved  of  it,  and 
promifed  to  fend  a  fleet  to  put  it  in  execution. 
The  Minifters  of  Denmark  were  appointed  to  con 
cert^  the  matter  with  Talbot.  But  nothing  was 
put  in  writing  ;  for  the  King  of  Denmark  was 
afharned  to  treat  of  fuch  an  affair,  otherwife  than 
by  word  of  mouth.  Before  the  end  of  July,  news 
came,  that  De  Ruyter  with  the  Eaft-India  Fleet 
was  on  the  coaft  of  Norway:  Soon  after  he  came 
into  Berghen.  The  riches  then  in  that  port  were 
reckoned,  at  many  millions. 

The  Earl  of  Sandwich  was  then  in  thofe  feas. 
So  Talbot  fent  a  veflel  exprefs  to  him  with  the 
news.  But  that  veflel  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Dutch  Fleet,  and  was  fent  to  Holland.  The  Kino- 
of  Denmark  writ  to  the  Viceroy  of  Norway,  and 
to  the  Governour  of  Berghen,  ordering  them  to 
ule  all  fair  means  to  keep  the  Dutch  ilill  in  their 
harbour,  promifmg  to  fend  particular  inftriicliions 
in  a  few  days  to  them  how  to  proceed.  Talbot 
fent  letters  with  thefe,  to  be  delivered  fecretly  to 
the  Commanders  of  the  Englifh  frigates,  to  let 
them  know  that  they  might  boldly  alTault  the 
Dutch  in  port ;  for  the  Danes  would  make  no  re- 
fiftance,  pretending  a  fear  that  the  Englilh  might 
deftroy  their  Town  :  But  that  an  account  was  to 
be  kept  of  their  prizes,  that  the  King  of  Denmark 
might  have  a  juft  half  of  all  :  They  were  not  to 
be  iurprized,  if  the  Danes  feemed  .at  firft  to  talk 
high  :  Ttat  was  to  be  done  for  ihew  :  But  they 
would  grow  calmer,  when  they  came  to  engage. 
The  Earl  oi  Sandwich  lent  his  Secretary  to  Talbot, 
tcyknow  the  particulars,  of  the  agreement  with  the 
King, of  Denmark.  But  the  vciTcl  that  brought 
iin\was  br<3- red,  upon  landing  the  Secretary,  to 
:6ine  back  :o  the  ileet.  So  that  it  was  impoflible 
to  fend  by  that  veffel  what  was  defired.  And  no 

other 


nglof  Kmg.  C  H  A  R  L  E  -s  II.  31 3 

other  mips  could  be  got  to  carry  back  the  Secre-   1661. 
tary,     And  thus  die  Earl  of  Sandwich  went  to  at-  v.  - 
tack  the  Dutch  Fleet  without  ftaying  for  an  an- 
iwer  from  Talbot,  or  knowing   what  orders  the 
Governour  of  Berghen  had  yet  .-received  :  For  tho* 
the  orders  were  fent,  yet  it  was  fo  great  a  way,  ten 
or  twelve  days  journey,  that  they  could  not  reach 
the  place,  but  after  the  Englifh  fleet  had  made 
the  attack.     The  Viceroy  of  Norway,  who  refided 
at  Chriftiana,  had  his  orders  fooner,  and  fent  out 
two  gallies  to  communicate  the  agreement  to  the 
Earl  of  Sandwich-,  but  miffed  him,  for  he  was 
then  before  Berghen.     The  Governour  of  Berghen, 
not  having  yet  the  orders  that  the  former  exprefs 
promifed  him,  fent  a  Gentleman  to  the  Englifli 
fleet,  defiring  they  would  make  no  attack  for  two 
or  three  days  •,  for  by  that  time   he  expected  his 
orders.     Clifford  was  fent  to  the  Governour,  who 
infifted  that  till  he  had  orders  he  muft  defend  the 
port,  but  that  he  expected  them  in  a  very  little 
time.     Upon  Clifford's  going  back  to  the  fleet,  a 
Council  of  war  was  called,  in  which  the  officers, 
animated  with  the  hope  of  a  rich  booty,  refolved 
without  farther  delay  to  attack  the  port,  either 
doubting  the  fmcerity  of  the  Danifh  Court,  or  un 
willing  to  give  them  fo  large  a  fhare  of  that,  on 
which  they  reckoned  as  already  their  prize.     Upon 
this  Tiddiman  began  the  attack,  which  ended  fa 
tally.     Divers   frigats  were   difabled,    and   many 
officers  and   feamen  were  killed.     The  fquadron 
was   thus   ruined,   and   Tiddiman   was  ready   to 
fink  :  So  he  was  forced  to  flip  his  cables,  and  re 
tire   to  the  fleet,  which   lay  without  the  rocks. 
This  action  was  on  the  third  of  Auguft  :  And  on 
the  fourth  the  Governour  received  his  orders.     So 
hfe  lent;  for  Clifford,  and  fhewed  him  his  orders. 
B,ut,  as  the  Englifh  fleet   had  by  their  precipita- 
t;on   forced  him  to  do  what   he  had  done,  fo  he 
could  not,  upon  what  had  happened  the  day  be 
fore,  .execute  thofe  orders,  till  he  fent  an  account 

of 


314  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1665.  of  what  had  pafs'd  to  the  Court  of  Denmark,  and 
«-or^>  had  the  King's  fecond  orders  upon  it.  And,  if 
the  whole  Englifh  fleet  would  not  flay  in  thofe 
feas  fo  long,  he  defired  they  would  leave  fix  frigats 
before  the  harbour ;  and  he  would  engage,  the 
Dutch  fhould  not  in  the  mean  while  go  out  to  fea. 
But  the  Englifh  were  fullen  upon  their  difappoint- 
ment,  and  failed  away.  The  King  of  Denmark 
was  unfpeakably  troubled  at  the  lofs  of  the  greateft 
treafure  he  was  ever  like  to  have  in  his  hands. 
This  was  a  defign  well  laid,  that  would  have  been 
as  fatal  to  the  Dutch,  as  ignominious  to  the  King 
of  Denmark,  and  was  by  the  impatient  ravenouf- 
nefs  of  the  Englifh  loft,  without  poffibility  of  re 
covering  it.  And  indeed  there  was  not  one  good 
ftep  made  after  this  in  the  whole  progrefs  of  the 
war. 

he  Par-  England  was  at  this  time  in  a  difmal  ftate.  The 
hford  2t  P^a§ue  continued  for  the  moil  part  of  the  fummer 
in  and  about  London,  and  began  to  fpread  over 
the  country.  The  Earl  of  Clarendon  moved  the 
King  to  go  to  Salifbury.  But  the  Plague  broke 
out  there.  So  the  Court  went  to  Oxford,  where 
another  feffion  of  Parliament  was  held.  And  tho' 
the  condud  at  fea  was  feverely  reflected  on,  yet 
all  that  was  necefTary  for  carrying  on  the  war  ano 
ther  year  was  given.  The  Houfe  of  Commons 
kept  up  the  ill  humour  they  were  in  againft  the 
Non-conformifls  very  high.  A  great  many  of 
the  Minifters  of  London  were  driven  away  by  the 
Plague  ;  tho'  fome  few  ftaid.  Many  Churches 
being  mut  up,  when  the  inhabitants  were  in  a  more 
than  ordinary  difpofition  to  profit  by  good  fer- 
mons,  fome  of  the  Non-conformifts  upon  that 
went  into  the  empty  pulpits,  and  preached  ;  and, 
it  was  given  out,  with  very  good  fuccefs  ;  And 
in  many  other  places  they  began  to  preach  openly, 
not  without  reflecting  on  the  fins  of  the  Court,  and 
on  the  ill  ufage  that  they  themfelves  had  met  with. 
TJhis  was  reprefented  very  odioufly  at  Oxford,  So 

a  fevere 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.   IT 

a  fevere  bill  was  brought  in,  requiring  all  the  fi- 
lenced  Miniflers  to  take  an  oath,  declaring  it  was 
not  lawful  on  any  pretence   whatfoever   to  take 
arms  againft  the  King,  or  any  commiffioned  by 
him,  and  that  they  would  not  at  any  time  endea 
vour  an  alteration  in  the  government  of  the  Church 
or  State.     Such  as  refuted  this  were  not  to  come 
within  five  miles  of  any  City,  or  Parliament  Bo 
rough,  or  of  the  Church  where  they   had  ferved. 
This  was  much  oppofed  in  both  Houfes,  but  more 
faintly  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons.     The  Earl  of 
Southampton  fpoke  vehemently  againil  it   in  the 
Houfe  of  Lords.     He  faid,  he  could  take  no  fuch 
oath  himfelf :  For  how  firm  foever  he  had  always 
been  to  the  Church,  yet,  as  things  were  managed, 
he  did  not  know  but  he  himfelf  might  fee  caufe  to 
endeavour  an  alteration.     Doctor  Earl,  Bilhop  of 
Salifbury,   died  at   that  time.     But,    before   his 
death,  he  declared  himfelf  much  againft  this  Act. 
He  was  the  man  of  all  the  Clergy  for  whom  the 
King  had  the  greateft  efteem.     He  had  been  his 
fubtutor,  and  had   followed   him   in  all  his  exile 
with  fo  clear  a  character,  that  t,he  King  could  never 
fee  or  hear  of  any  one  thing  amifs  in  him.     So 
he,  who  had  a  fecret  pleafure  in  finding  out  any 
thing  that  lefiened  a  man   efteemed  eminent  for 
piety,  yet  had  a  value  for  him  beyond  all  the  men 
of  his  order.     Sheldon  and  Ward  were  the  Bifhops 
that  acted  and  argued   moil  for  this  Act,  which 
came   to  be   call   the  Five  Mile   Act.     All  that 
were  the  fecret  favourers  of  Popery  promoted  it : 
Their  conftant   maxim    being,    to  bring  all   the 
Sectaries  into  Jo  defperate  a  ftate,  that  they  Ihould 
be  at  mercy,  and  forced  to  defire  a  toleration  on 
fuch  terms,  as  the  King  mould  think  fit  to  grant 
it  on.     Clifford  began  to  make  a  great  figure  in 
the  Houfe  of  Commons.     He  was   the  fon  of  a 
Clergyman,  born  to  a  fmall  fortune  :  But  was  a 
?nan  of  great  vivacity.     He  was  reconciled  to  the 
Church  gf  Rome  before  the  Reiteration.     The 

Lord 


3*6  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1 665.  Lord  Clarendon  had  many  fpies  among  the  Priefts : 
v^no  And  the  news  of  this  was   brought  him  among 
other  things.     So,  when   Clifford  began  firft   to 
appear    in    the  Houfe,    he    got  one   to   recom 
mend  him  to  the  Lord  Clarendon's  favour.     The 
Lord  Clarendon   looked  into  the  advice  that  was 
brought  him:  And   by  comparing  things  toge 
ther,  he  perceived  that   he  muft  be  that  man: 
And  upon  that   he  excufed  himfelf  the  bell  he 
could.     So  Clifford  (truck  in  with  his  enemies  ; 
and  tied    himfelf  particularly   to   Bennet,  made- 
Lord,  and  afterwards  Earl  of  Arlington.     While 
the   Aft   was   before   the   Houfe   of    Commons, 
Vaughan,  afterwards   made   Chief  Juflice  of  the 
Common-pleas,  moved  that  the  word  "  legally'* 
might  be  added  to  the  word  "  commiflioncd  by  the 
King  :"  But  Finch,  the  Attorney  General,  faid, 
that  was  needlefs  ;  fmce  unlefs  the  commiffion  was 
legal  it  was  no  commiflion,  and,  to  make  it  le 
gal,  it  muft  be  iffued   out  for  a  lawful  occafion, 
and  to  perfons  capable  of  it,  and  muft  pafs  in  the 
due  form  of  law.     The  other  infilled  that  the  ad 
dition  would  clear  all   fcruples,  and  procure  an 
imiverfal    compliance.     But  that  cou'd  not  be  ob 
tained  j  for  it  was  intended  to  lay  difficulties  in  the 
way  of  thofe,  againft  whom  the  Ad  was  levelled. 
When  the  bill  came  up  to  the  Lords,  the  Earl  of 
Southampton  moved  for  the  fame  addition  ;  but 
was   anfwered  by  the  Earl  of  Anglefey,  upon  the 
fame  grounds   on   which  Finch  went.     Yet  this 
gave  great  fatisfaclion  to  many  who  heard  it,  this 
being  the  avowed  fenfe  of  the  legiflators.     The 
whole  matter  was  fo  explained  by  Bridgman,  when 
Bates,  with  a   great  many  more,  came  into  the 
Court  of  Common-pleas  to  take  the  oath.     The 
Act  pafs'd  :  And  the  Non-conformifts  were  put  to 
great  ftraits.    They  had  no  mind  to  take  the  oath. 
And  they  fcarce  knew  how  to  difpofe  of  themfelves 
according  to  the  terms  of  the  Aft.     Some  mode 
rate  men  took  pains   to  pcrfuade  them  to  take 

the 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  317 

the  oath.  It  was  faid  by  "  endeavour"  was  only  1665. 
meant  an  unlawful  endeavour  j  and  that  it  was  fo  <-o^»> 
declared  in  the  debates  of  both  Houfes.  Some 
Judges  did  on  the  bench  expound  it  in  that  fenfe. 
Yet  few  of  them*  took  it.  Many  more  refufed 
it,  who  were  put  to  hard  fhifts  to  live,  being  fo 
far  feparated  from  the  places  from  which  they  drew 
their  chief  fubfiftance.  Yet  as  all  this  feverity  in  a 
time  of  war,  and  of  fuch  a  publick  calamity,  drew 
very  hard  cenfures  on  the  promoters  of  it,  fo  it 
raifed  the  companions  of  their  party  fo  much,  that 
I  have  been  told  they  were  fupplied  more  plenti 
fully  at  that  time  than  ever.  There  was  better 
reafon,  than  perhaps  thofe  of  Oxford  knew,  to 
fufpect  practices  againft  the  State. 

Algernoon  Sidney,  and  fome  others  of  the  Com-  The  de 
mon-wealth  party,   came  to  De  Wit,-  and  prefs'd  1^°! 

i  •  L-    i       c          •         r  c  r*       i       j        jo  theCom 

him  to  think  or  an  invahoH  or  England  and  ocot-  mon- 
land,  and  gave  him  great  affuranccs  of  a  ftrong  wealth 
party  :  And  they  were  bringing  many  officers  to  Part/- 
Holland  to  join  in  the  undertaking.  They  dealt 
alfo  with  fome  in  Amfterdam,  who  were  particu 
larly  fharpned  againft  the  King,  and  were  for  turn-r 
ing  England  again  into  a  Common-wealth.  .The 
matter  was  for  fome  time  in  agitation  at  the 
Hague.  But  De  Wit  was  againft  it,  and  got  it  to 
be  laid  afide.  He  faid,  their  going  into  fuch  a 
defign  would  provoke  France  to  turn  againft 
them :  It  might  engage  them  in  a  long  war,  the 
confequences  of  which  could  not  be  forefeen ; 
And,  as  there  was  no  reafon  to  think,  that,  while 
the  Parliament  was  fo  firm  to  the  King,  any  dif- 
contents  could  be  carried  fo  far  as  to  a  general  ri- 
fing,  which  thefe  men  undertook  for  ;  fo,  he  faid, 
what  would  the  effect  be  of  turning  England  into 
a  Common-wealth,  if  it  could  poflibly  be  brought 
about,  but  the  ruin  of  Holland  ?  Since  it  would 
naturally  draw  many  of  the  Dutch  to  leave  their 
country,  which  could  not  be  kept  and  maintained 
*  That  is,  the  Non-conformifls. 

but 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
but  at  a  vail  charge,  to  exchange  it  for  the  plenty 
and  fecurity  that  England  a -lorded.  Therefore 
all  that  he  would  engage  in  wis,  to  weaken  the 
trade  of  England,  and  to  deflroy  their  fleet ;  in 
which  he  fucceeded  the  following  year  beyond  all 
'expectation.  The  bufy  men  in  Scotland,  being 
encouraged  from  Rotterdam,  went  about  the  coun 
try,  to  try  if  any  men  of  weight  would  fet  them- 
felves  at  the  head  of  their  deligns  for  an  infur- 
re&ion.  The  Earl  of  Caflilis  and  Lockhart  were 
the  two  perfons  they  refolved  to  try.  But  they 
did  it  at  fo  great  a  diftance,  that,  from  the  pro- 
pofition  made  to  them,  there  was  no  danger  of 
mifprifion  of  treafon.  Lord  Caflilis  had  given  his 
word  to  the  King,  that  he  would  never  engage  in 
any  plots  :  And  he  had  got  under  the  King's  hand 
a  promife,  that  he  and  his  family  mould  not  be 
diilurbed,  let  him  ferve  God  in  what  way  he 
pleaied.  So  he  did  not  fuffer  them  to  come  fo  far 
as  to  make  him  any  propofitions.  Lockhart  did 
the  fame.  They  feeing  no  other  perfon  that  had 
credit  enough  in  the  country  to  bring  the  people 
about  him,  gave  over  all  the  projects  for  that 
year.  But,  upon  the  informations  that  the  King 
had  of  their  caballing  at  Rotterdam,  he  raifed 
thofe  troops  of  which  mention  was  formerly  made. 
The  Duke  '<An  accident  happened  this  winter  at  Oxford, 
of  York's  too  inconfiderable,  and  too  tender  to  be  mention- 
touiy.  ec^  -f  -t  were  noc  tkat  great  effefts  were  believed 

to  have  followed  on  it.  The  Duke  had  always 
one  private  amour  after  another,  in  the  manag 
ing  ot  which,  he  feemed  to  ftand  more  in  awe  of 
the  Dutchefs,  than,  confidering  the  inequality  of 
their  rank,  could  have  been  imagined.  Talbot 
was  looked  on  as  the  chief  manager  of  thofe  in 
trigues.  The  Dutchefs's  deportment  was  unex 
ceptionable,  which  made  her  authority  the  greater. 
At  Oxford  there  was  then  a  very  graceful  young 
man  of  quality  that  belonged  to  her  Court,  whofe 
fervices  were  fo  acceptable,  that  me  was  thought 

to 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

to  look  at  him  in  a  particular  manner.  This  was 
fo  reprefented  to  the  Duke,  that  he,  being  refolved 
to  emancipate  himfelf  into  more  open  practices, 
took  up  a  jealoufy  j  and  put  the  perfon  out  of  his 
Court  with  fo  much  precipitation,  that  the  thing 
became  very  publick  by  this  means.  The  Dutchefs 
loft  the  power  me  had  over  him  fo  entirely,  that 
no  method  Ihe  could  think  of  was  like  to  re 
cover  it,  except  one.  She  began  to  difcover  what 
his  religion  was,  thos  he  ftill  came  not  only  to 
Church,  but  to  Sacrament.  And  upon  that  ihe, 
to  regain  what  ihe  had  loft,  entered  into  private 
difcourfes  with  his  Priefts  -,  but  in  fo  fecret  a  man 
ner,  that  there  was  not  for  fome  years  after  this 
the  leaft  fufpicion  given.  She  began  by  degrees  to 
flacken  in  her  conftant  coming  to  Prayers  and  to 
Sacrament,  in  which  me  had  been  before  that  re 
gular,  almoft  to  fuperftition .  She  excufed  that  on 
her  ill  health  :  For  me  fell  into  an  ill  habit  of 
body,  which  fome  imputed  to  the  effed  of  fome 
of  the  Duke's  diftempers  communicated  to  her. 
A  ftory  was  fet  about,  and  generally  believed," 
that  the  Earl  of  Southefk,  that  had  married  a 
daughter  of  Duke  Hamilton's,  fufpecling  fome 
familiarities  between  the  Duke  and  his  wife,  had  His 
taken  a  fure  method  to  procure  a  difeafe  .to  him-  amours, 
felf,  which  he  communicated  to  his  wife,  ancl  was 
by  that  means  fet  round  till  it  came  to  the  Dutchefs, 
who  was  fo  tainted  with  it  that  it  was  the  occafion 
of  the  death  of  all  her  children,  except  the  two 
daughters,  our  two  Queens  ;  and  was  believed 
thecaufeof  an  illnefs  under  which  fhe  languifhed 
long,  and  died  fo  corrupted,  that  in  dreffing  her 
body  after  her  death,  one  of  her  breads  burft, 
being  a  mafs  of  corruption.  Lord  Southefk  was 
for  fome  years  not  ill  pleafed  to  have  this  believed, 
It  looked  like  a  peculiar  ftrain  of  revenge,  with 
which  he  feemed  much  delighted.  But  I  know 
he  has  to  fome  of  his  friends  denied  the  whole  of 
the  ftory  very  folemnly.  Another  afted  a  better 

part. 


32p  The  H  i-s  t  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1665.  part.  He  did  not  like  a  commerce  that  he  ob- 
ferved  between  the  Duke  and  his  wife.  He  went 
and  expoftulated  wkfr  him  upon  it.  /The  Duke 
fell  a  commending  his  wife  much.  He  told  liim, 
.he  came  not  to  fee k  his  wife's  eh'ar after  :from  him  : 
The  moft  effectual  way  of . commending-  her^  was 
to  haye  nothing' to  do  with  hen  '  He  added,  that 
if  Princes  would  do  thofe  wrongs  to-fubjefe,  who 
could  not  demand  fuch  reparations  of  honour  from 
them* -as  they  could  from  their  equals,  it-  would 
put  them  •  on  -fecfeeer  method^  of  ;revenge  :-  Fdr 
fome  injuries  were  fuch,  that  meh^ of  honour  could 
not  be-ar  them.  •  And1,  Upon  &  new  obfervation  he 
made  of  the  {Duke*s  "-defigns  tipoii :  his  -'wife,- :  foe 
quitted  a  very  good  poft,  and  ;went  with  her.intb 
•th^'  country,  where  herkept  her  till  mediedC  Up- 
o'fl  'th&  whole  m&ttcv --the  Duke* was  often  ill.  His 
children  were  borrv  with  ulcer^  or  •  they j  broke 'out 
upon  them  fo6n:a&er!:  Arid  all/his  fbns-  died  yoimg, 
:and  iMieakhy.  '-^This^as-/:  as':far  as,  any  thing  pre- 
fumptlve  only  and  not  to  be  brought  in  the -way' 6f 
cproof,  prevailed  to  create  a  fuif>rcion,  that  fahealtny 
-a  icKild  as  the  pretended  Prince  of  Wales  could 
neither  be  hi$,  hof  be  tern  of  any  wife,  with  whorh 
Uiei  had  lived  long.'  The  viol-ent  pain  th-at  his  eldeft 
-daughter ; had  in- :her;  eyes,  and  the  gout  which  h#s 
early  fei^ed  our  prefent  Queen,:  $re  thought  trte 
,c!regs  of  a  tainted  original.  Willis,  the  great  phy- 
.ficiaiV,  being  called  to  eonfult  for  one  of  his  fons, 
gave  -his  opinion  in  thole  words-,  Mala  Stamina 
:Vitse';'  which  gave  fuch  offe'nce^that'he' wasnevdr 
called  for  afterwards. 


1666.  <^-II  know  nothing  of  the  counfel's  of  the  year 

whofe  advices  -prevailed.  It  was  refolved,  that 
the  Duke  mould  not  go  to  fear';  but  that  Monk 
should  command  the  great  fleet  of  between  fifty 
and  fixtyfhips  of  the  line,  and  that  Prince  Rupert 
.fhould  be  fent  with  a  fquadron  of  about  twenty 
five  fkips,  to  meet  the  French  fleet,  and  to  hinder 

their 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  321 

their  conjun&ion  with  the  Dutch  :  For  the  French    1666. 
had  promifed  a  fleet  to  join  the  Dutch,  but  never  <— — v-—-' 
lent  it.     Monk  went  out  fo  certain  of  victory,  that 
he  feemed  only  concerned  for  fear  the  Dutch  fhould 
not  come  out.     The  Court   flattered  themfelves 
with  the  hopes  of  a  very  happy  year :  But  it  proved 
a  fatal  one.     The  Dutch  fleet  came  out,  De  Wit 
and  fome  of  the  States  being  on   board.     They  The  fleet 
engaged  the  Englifh  fleet  for  two  days,  in  which  was  al- 
they  had  a  manifeft  fuperiority.     But  it  coil  them  f11^  quite 
dear  ;  for  the  Engliih  fought  well.    But  the  Dutch  fapptiy 
were  fuperionr  in  number,  and  were  fo  well  fur-  faved  by 
nimed  with  chained  mot,  (a  peculiar  contrivance  Prince 
of  which  De  Wit  had  the  honour  to  be  thought  RuPelt- 
the  inventer,  that  the  Englifh  fleet  was  quite  un 
rigged.)    And  they  were  in  no  condition  to  work 
themfelves  off.     So  they  muft  have  all  been  taken, 
funk,,  or  burnt,  if  Prince  Rupert,  being  yet  in  the 
channel,  and  hearing  that  they  were  engaged  by 
the  continued  roaring  of  guns,    had  not  made  all 
poffible  hafte  to  gerto  them.     He  came  in  good 
time.     And  the  Dutch,    who  had  fuffered  much, 
feeing,  fo  great  a  force  come  up,  fheered  off.     He 
was  in  no  condition  to  purfue  them  j  but  brought 
off  our  fleet,    which  faved  us   a  great  lofs  that 
feemed  otherwife  unavoidable.     The  Court  gave 
out  that  it  was  a  victory  :  And  publick  thankfgiv- 
ings  were  ordered,  which  was  a  horrid  mocking  of 
God,  and  a  lying  to  the  world.     We  had  in  one 
refpect  reafon  to  thank  God,  that  we  had  not  loft 
our  whole  fleet.     A  dreadful  Fire  compleated  the 
miferies  of  this  year  :  The  Plague  was  fo  funk  in 
London,  that  the  inhabitants  began  to  return  to 
it,  and  brought  with  them  a  great  deal  of  manu 
facture,  which  was  lying  on  the  hands  of  the  clo 
thiers  and  others,  now  in  the  fecond  year  of  the 
war,,   in  which  trade  and  all  other  confumptions 
were  very  low.     It  was   reckoned,    that  a  peace 
muft  come  next  winter.     The  merchants  were  up 
on  that  preparing  to  go  to  market  as  foon  as  pofii- 
VOL.  I.  Y  We. 


The  H  i  s  T  o  R  y  of  the  Reign 

ble.     The  fummer  had  been  the  dried   that  was 
knovtfn  of  fome  years.     And  London  being  for  the 
moft  part  built  or  timber  filled  up  with  plaifter, 
The  fire    all  was  extream  dry.     On  the  fecond  of  September 
of  Lon-     a  fire  broke  out,  that  raged  for  three  days,  as  if 
it  had  a  commiffion  to  devour  every  thing  that  was 
in  its  way.     On  the  fourth  day  it  ilopt  in  the  midtl 
of  very  combuftible  matter. 

I  will '  not  enlarge  on  the  extent  nor  the  de- 
ftrudlion  made  by  the  fire  :  Many  books  are  full 
of  it.  That  which  is  foil  a  great  fecret  is,  whe 
ther  it  was  cafual,  or  railed  on  defign.  The  En- 
glifh  fleet  had  landed  on  the  Vly,  an  ifland  lying 
near  the  Texel,  and  had  burnt  it :  Upon  which 
fome  came  to  De  Wit,  and  offered  a  revenge,  that, 
if  they  were  aflifted,  they  would  fet  London  on 
fire.  He  rejected  the  propofition  :  For  he  laid,  he 
would  not  make  the  breach  wider,  nor  the  quarrel 
irreconcilable.  He  faid,  it  was  brought  him  by 
one  of  the  Labadifts,  as  fent  to  them  by  fome 
others.  He  made  no  farther  reflections  on  the 
matter  till  the  City  was  burnt.  Then  he  began  to 
fufpect  there  had  been  a  defign,  and  that  they  had 
intended  to  draw  him  into  it,  and  to  lay  the  odium 
of  it  upon  the  Dutch.  But  he  could  hear  no  news 
of  thofe  who  had  fent  that  propofition  to  him.  In 
the  April  before,  fome  Common- wealths-men  were 
found  in  a  plot,  and  hanged  •,  who  at  their  execu 
tion  confefifed,  they  had  been  fpoken  to,  to  a  (lift  in 
a  defign  of  burning  London  on  the  fecond  of  Sep 
tember.  This  was  printed  in  the  gazette  of  that 
week,  which  I  my  felt  read.  Now  the  fire  break 
ing  out  on  the  fecond,  made  ail  people  conclude, 
that  there  was  a  defign  fome  time  before  on  foot 
for  doing  it. 

It  was  The  Papifls   were   generally  charged  with   it. 

charged     One  Hubert,  a  French  Papiil,  was  feized  in  EflTex, 

on  the      as  he  was  getting  out  of  the  way  in  great  confufion. 

Papifts.     ]i-je  confefied,  he  had  begun  the  fire,  and  perfiiled 
in  his  confefllon  to  his  death  j  for  he  was  hanged 

upon 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E.S  IL 

upon  no 'other  evidence  but  that  of  his  own  confer!" - 
On.  kis  true,  he  gave  fo  broken  an  account  of  the 
whole-matter,  that  he  was  thought  mad.  Yet  he  was  ? 
blindfolded,  and  carried  to  leveral  places  of  the 
City:  And  then,  his  eyes  being  opened,  he  w.as_ 
aiked^  if  that  was  the  place  :  And  he  being  caV^r 
ried  to  wrong  places,  alter  he  looked  round  about 
for  fome  time,  he  faid,  that  was  riot  the  place  : 
But  when  he  was  brought  to  the  place  where; J£ 
firil  broke  out,  he  affirmed  that  was  the  true  place. 
And  Tillotfon  told  me,  that  Howell,  then  the' re 
corder  of  London,  was  with  him,  and  had  much" 
difcourfe  with  him  -,  and  that  he  concluded,  it  was 
irnpoilible  that  it  could  be  a  melancholy  dream :. 
The  honour  of  the  fact,  and  the  terrour  of  death, 
and  perhaps  fome  engagements  in  confeffion,  might 
put  him  in  fuch  dilbrder,  that  it  was  not  poffible 
to  draw  a  clear  account  of  any  thing  from  him, 
but  of  what  related  to  himfelf.  Tillotfon,  who 
believed  that  the  City  was  burnt  on  defign,  told 
me  a  circumftance,  that  made  the  Papifts  employ 
ing  fuch  a  crazed  man,  in  fuch  a  fervice,  more 
credible.  Langhorn,  the  Popiih  counfellor  at  law, 
who  for  many  years  pafs'cl  for  a  Proteftant,  was 
difpatching  a  half-witted  man  to  manage  elections 
in  Kent  before  the  Reftoration.  Tillodbn,  being 
prefent,  and  obferving  what  a  fort  of  man  he  was, 
afked  Langhorn,  how  he  could  employ  him  in 
fuch  fervices.  Langhorn  anfwered,  it  was  a  maxim 
with  him,  in  dangerous  fervices  t©  employ  none 
but  half-witted  men,  if  they  could  be  but  fecret 
and  obey  orders :  For  if  they  fiaould  change  their 
minds,  and  turn  informers  inflead  of  agents,  it 
would  be  eafy  to  difcredit  them,  and  to  carry  off 
the  weight  of  any  difcoveries  they  could  make,  by 
(he-vying  they  were  mad-men,  and  fo  not  like  to  be 
trufted  in  critical  things. 

The  mod  extraordinary  pafiage,  tho'  it  is  but  a  A  ilrong 

prefumption,  was  told  me  by  Doctor  Lloyd  and  p^eiump- 

Y  2  •  t,et.0,cf«. 


*4  :  The  H  i  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

666.  '"the  Conntefs  of  Clarendon.     The  latter  hadagrejit 
eftate  in  the  new  river,  that  is  brought  from  Ware 
to  London,"  which  is  brought  together  at  Iflington, 
where  there  is  a  great  room  full  of  pipes,  that  con 
vey  it  thro'  all  the  ftreets  of  London.     The  con- 
ftant  order  of  that  matter  was,    to  fet  all  the  pipes 
a  running  on  Saturday  night,  that  ib  the  cifterns 
might  be  all  full  by  Sunday  morning,  there  being  a 
more  than  ordinary  confumption  of  water  on  that 
day.     There  was  one  Grant,  a  Papift,  under  whofe 
name  Sir  William  Pettyt  publifhed  his  obfervations 
On  the  bills  of  mortality  :  He  had  fome  time  before 
applied  himfelf  to  Lloyd,  who  had  great  credit  with 
the  Countefs  of  Clarendon  ;  and  faid,  he  could  raife 
that  eitate  considerably,  if  fhe  would  make  him  a 
truftee  for  her.    His  fchemes  were  probable  :  And 
he  was  made  one  of  the  board  that  governed  that 
matter  :  And  by  that  he  had  a  right  to  come,  as 
oft  as  he  pleafed,  to  view  their  works  at  Iflington. 
He  went  th'ither  the  Saturday  before  tire  fire  broke 
out,  and  called  for  the  key  of  the  place  where  the 
heads  of  the  pipes  were,  and  turned  all  the  cocks 
that  were  then  open,    and  ftopt   the  water,    and 
went  away,  and  carried  the   keys  with  him.     So 
when  the  fire  broke  out  next  morning,  they  opened 
the  pipes  in  the  ilreets  to  find  water,  but  there  was 
none.     And  fome  hours  were  loft  in  fending  to 
Iflington,  where  the  door  was  to  be  broke  open, 
and  the  cocks  turned.     And  it  was  long  before  the 
water  got  to  London.     Grant  indeed  denied  that 
he  had  turned  the  cocks.     But  the  officer  of  the 
works  affirmed,  that  he  had,  according  to  order, 
fet  them  all  a  running,  and  that  no  perfon  had  got 
the  keys  from  him,  befides  Grant  •,  who  confeffed 
he  had  carried  away  the  keys,  but  pretended  he 
did  it  without  defign.     There  were  many  other 
flories  fet  about,    as  that  the   Papifls   in  feveral 
places  had  afked,  if  there  was  no  news  of  the  burn 
ing  of  London,  and  that  it  was  talked  of  in  many 

parts 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  325 

parts  beyond  Tea,  long  before  the  news'  could  get  1666. 
thither  from  London.  In  this  matter  I  was  much 
determined  by  what  Sir  Thomas  Littleton,  the  fa 
ther,  told  me.  He  was  a  man  of  a  ftrong  head, 
and  found  judgment.  He  had  juft  as  much  know 
ledge  in  trade,  "hiftory,  the  difpofition  of  Europe, 
and  the  conftitution  of  England,  as  ferved  to  feed 
and  direct  his  own  thoughts,  and  no  more.  He 
lived  all  the  fumrner  long  in  London,  where  I  was 
his  next  neighbour,  and  had  for  feven  years  a  con- 
flant  and  daily  converfation  with  him.  He  was 
Treafurer  ©f  the  Navy  in  conjunction  with  Ofborn, 
who  was  afterwards  Lord  Treafurer,  who  fup- 
planted  him  in  that  pofi,  and  got  it  all  into  his 
own  hands.  Fie  had  a  very  bad  opinion  of  the 
King  -,  and  thought,  that  he  had  worfe  intentions 
than  his  brother,  but  that  he  had  a  more  dextrous 
way  of  covering  and  managing  them  ;  only  his  la- 
zinefs  made  him  lefs  earned  in.  profecuting  them. 
He  had  generally  the  character  of  the  ableil  Par 
liament  man  in  his  time.  His  chief  eftate  lay  in 
the  City,  not  far  from  the  place  where  the  fire 
broke  out,  tho'  it  did  not  turn  that  way.  He  was 
one  of  the  Committee  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons, 
that  examined  all  the  preemptions  of  the  City's 
being  burnt  on  defign  :  And  he  often  afTured  me, 
that  there  was  no  clear  prefumption  made  out 
about  it,  and  that  many  (lories,  which  were  pub- 
lifhed  with  good  afTu ranee,  came  to  nothing  upon 
a  ilrict  examination.  He  was  at  that  time,  that 
the  inquiry  was  made,  in  employment  at  Court. 
So,  whether  that  biaiTed  him,  or  not,  I  cannot 
tell.  There  was  lo  great  a  diverfity  of  opinions 
in  the  matter,  that  I  muft  leave  it  under  the  fame 
uncertainty  in  which  I  found  it.  If  the  French 
and  Dutch  had  been  at  that  time  defigning  an  im- 
prefTion  elfe where,  it  might  have  been  more  rea- 
fonable  to  luppofe  it  was^done  on  defign  to  diftract 
our  affairs.  But  it  fell  out  at  a  dead  time,  when 
no  advantage  could  be  made  of  it.  And  it  did  not 
Y  3  fecm 


326  .,      The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1666.  Teem  probable,  that  the  Papifts  had  engaged  irt 
«-orw  the  defign,  merely  to  impoverim  and  ruin  the  Na 
tion  ;  tor  they  had  nothing  ready  then  to  graft, 
upon  the  contufion  that  this  put  all  the  people  in. 
Above  twelve  thoufand  honies  were  burnt  down, 
with  the  greateft  part  of  the  furniture  and  mer 
chandize  that  was  in  them.  All  means  ufed  to 
flop  it  proved  ineffectual  ;  tho*  the  blowing  up  of 
Eoufes  was  the  mod  effectual  of  any.  But  the 
wind  was  fo  high,  that  fleaks  of  fire  and  burning 
matter  were  carried  in  the  air  crofs  feveral  ftreets. 
So  that  the  fire  fpread  not  only  in  the  next  neigh 
bourhood,  but  at  a  great  diftance.  The  King  and 
the  Duke  were  aim  oft  all  the  day  long  on  horfe- 
back  with  the  guards,  feeing  to  all  that  could  be 
done,  either  foi  quenching  the  fire,  or  for  carry 
ing  off  perfoiis  and  goods  to  the  fields  all  about 
London.  The  rnofl  aftonifhing  circumftance  of 
that  dreadful  conflagration  was,  that,  notwith- 
ftanding  the  great  deftruftion  that  was  made,  and 
.the  greut  cou.ufion  in  the  ftreets,  I  could  never 
hear  of  any  one  perfoo  that  was  either  burnt,  or 
trodden  to  death.  The  King  was  never  obferved 
to  be  fo  much  ilruck  with  any  thing  in  his  whole 
life,  as  with  this.  But  the  citizens  were  not  fo 
.  well  fatisfied  with  the  Duke's  behaviour.  They 
'thought  he  looked  too  gay,  and  too  little  con 
cerned.  A  jealoufy  of  his  being  concerned  in  it 
was  fpread  about  with  great  induftry,  but  with 
very  little  appearance  of  truth.  Yet  it  grew  to 
be  generally  believed,  chiefly  after  he  owned  he 
was  a  Papift. 
DiforJers  In  Scotland  the  fermentation  went  very  high. 

in  Scot-     Burner  was   fent  again  into  the  Weil  in  October 
land.  .  t> 

this  year  :  And  he  began  to  treat  the  country  at 

the  old  rate.  The  people  were  alarmed,  and  faw 
they  were  to  be  undone.  They  met  together,  and 
talked  with  fome  fiery  Minifters.  Semple,  Max 
well,  Welfh,  and  Guthry  were  the  chief  incendi 
aries.  Two  Gentlemen  that  had  ferved  in  the  wars, 

one 


of  King  CHARLE^  II. 

one  a  Lieutenant  Colonel,  Wallace,  and  the  other 
that  had  been  a  Major,  Lear  moth,  were  the  beft 
officers  they  had  to  rely  on.  The  chief  Gentlemen 
of  thofe  Counties  were  all  clapt  up  in  priibn,  as 
was  formerly  told.  So  that  preferved  them  : 
Otherwife  they  muft  either  have  engaged  with  the 
people,  or  have  loft  their  intereft  among  them. 
The  people  were  told,  that  the  fire  of  London  had 
put  things  in  that  confufion  at  Court,  that  any  vi 
gorous  attempt  would  difortfer  all  the  King's  af- 
iairs.  If  the  new  levied  troops  had  not  flood  in 
their  way,  they  would  have  been  able  to  have  car 
ried  all  things  again  ft  them  :  For  the  two  troops 
of  guards,  with  the  regiment  of  foot  guards,  would 
not  have  been  able  to  have  kept  their  ground  be 
fore  them.  The  people,  as  fome  of  them  told  me 
afterwards,  were  made  to  believe  that  the  whole 
Nation  was  in  the  fame  difpofition.  So  on  the 
thirteenth  of  November  they  ran  together  :  And 
two  hundred  of  them  went  to  Dumfreis,  where 
Turner  then  lay  with  a  few  foldiers  about  him  •, 
the  greateft  part  of  his  men  being  then  out  in  par 
ties,  for  the  levying  of  fines.  So  they  furprifed 
him  before  he  could  get  to  his  arms  :  Otherwife, 
he  told  me,  he  would  have  been  killed  rather  than 
taken,  fince  he  expecled  no  mercy  from  them. 
With  himfelf  they  feized  his  papers  and  inftruc- 
tions,  by  which  it  appeared  he  had  been  gentler 
than  his  orders  were.  So  they  refoived  to  keep 
him,  and  exchange  him  as  occafion  fhould  be  of 
fered.  But  they  did  not  tell  him  what  they  in 
tended  to  do  with  him  :  So  he  thought,  they  were 
keeping  him,  till  they  might  hang  him  up  with 
the  more  folemnity.  There  was  a  confiderable 
cam  in  his  hands,  partly  for  the  pay  of  his  men, 
partly  of  the  fines  which  he  had  raifed  in  the  coun 
try,  that  was  feized  :  But  he,  to  whom  they  truft- 
ed  the  keeping  of  it,  ran  away  with  it.  They  fpread 
a  report,  which  they  have  fmce  printed,  and  it 
pafled  for  fome  time  current,  that  this  rifing  was 
Y-4  tfte 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
the  effect  of  a  fudden  heat,  that  the  country  was 
put  into,  by  feeing  one  of  their  neighbours  tied 
on  a  horfe  hand  and  foot,  and  carried  away,  only 
becaufe  he  could  not  pay  a  high  fine  that  was  fee 
upon  him  \  and  that  upon  this  provocation  the 
neighbours,  who  did  not  know  how  foon  fuch 
ufage  would  fall  to  their  own  turn,  ran  together, 
and  refcued  him  ;  and  that,  fearing  fome  fevere- 
ufage  for  that,  they  kept  together,  and  that,  others 
coming  into  them,  they  went  on,  and  feized  Tur 
ner.  But  this  was  a  ftory  made  only  to  beget 
compailion  :  For,  after  the  infurreclion  was  quanYd, 
the  Privy  Council  fent  fome  round  the  country,  to 
examine  the  violences  that  had  been  committed, 
particularly  in  the  parifh  where  it  was  given  out 
that  this  was  done.  I  read  the  report  they  made 
to  the  Council,  and  all  the  depofitions  that  the 
people  of  the  country  made  before  them  :  But 
this  was  not  mentioned  in  any  one  of  them. 
A  rebel-  The  news  of  this  rifmg  was  brought  to  Edin- 
the  burgh,  fame  emcreafmg  their  numbers  to  fome 
thoufands.  And  this  happening  to  be  near  Car- 
lifle,  the  Governour  of  that  place  fent  an  exprefs  to 
Court,  in  which  the  ftrength  of  the  party  was  mag 
nified  much  beyond  the  truth.  The  Earl  ofRothes 
was  then  at  Court,  who  had  affured  the  King,  that 
all  things  were  fo  well  managed  in  ScotlancJ,  that 
they  were  in  perfect  quiet.  There  were,  he  laid, 
fome  itubborn  Fanaticks  ftill  left,  that  would  be 
foon  fubdued :  But  there  was  no  danger  from  any 
thing  that  they  or  their  party  could  do.  He  gave 
no  credit  to  the  exprefs  from  Carlifle :  But,  two 
days  after,  xhe  news  was  confirmed  by  an  exprefs 
from  Scotland,  Sharp  was  then  at  the  head  of  the 
government :  So  he  managed  this  little  war,  and 
gave  all  the  orders  and  directions  in  it,  Dalziel 
was  commanded  to  draw  all  the  forces  they  had 
together,  which  lay  then  difperfed  in  quarters. 
When  that  was  done,  he  marched  Weftward.  A 
$  great  many  ran  to  the  rebels,  who  came  to  be 

called 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  329 

called  Whiggs.     At  Lanerick  in  Cliddifdale  they   1666. 
had  a  folemn  fail  day,  in  which  after  much  pray-  <****-+*> 
ing  they  renewed  the  Covenant,  and  fet  out  their 
manifefto  :  In  which  they  denied,  that  they  rofe 
againil  the  King  -9  they  complained  of  the  oppref- 
iion  under  which,  they  had  groaned  ;  they  defired 
that  Epifcopacy   might   be  put  down,  and   that 
Preibytery,  and  the   Covenant,  might  be  fet  up, 
and  their  Minifters  reftored   again  to  them ;  and 
then  they  promifed,  that  they  would  be  in  all  other 
things  the   King's    moil  obedient  fubjects.     The 
Earl  of  Argile   raifed  fifteen    hundred  men,  and 
wrote  to  the  Council  that  he  was  ready  to  march 
upon  order.     Sharp  thought,  that  if  he  came  into 
the  country,  either  he  or  his  men  would  certainly 
join  with  the  rebels :  So  he  fent  him  no  order  at  all. 
But  he  was  at  the  charge  of  keeping  his  men  to 
gether  to  no  purpofe.     Sharp  was  all  the  while  in 
a  dreadful  confter nation,   and  wrote  difmal  letters 
to   Court,  praying  that  the  forces  which  lay  in 
the  North  of  England   might  be  ordered  down : 
For,  he  wrote,    they   were   fur  rounded  with   the 
rebels,  and  did   not  know   what  was  become  of 
the  King's  forces.     He  alib  moved,  that  the  Coun 
cil  would  go,  and  fhut  themfelves  up  in  the  Caftle 
of  Edinburgh.     But /that  was  oppofed  by  the  reft 
of  the  board,  as  an  abandoning  of  the  Town,  and 
the  betraying  an  unbecoming  fear,  which  might 
very  much  encourage  the  rebels,  and   fuch  as  in 
tended  to  go  over  to  them.     Orders  were  given 
out  for  raifmg  the  country  :  But  there  was  no  mi 
litia  yet  formed.     In  the  mean  while  Dalziel  fol 
lowed  the  rebels  as   clofe  as  he   could.     He  pub- 
limed  a  proclamation  of  pardon,  as  he  was  order 
ed,  to  all  that  mould   in  twenty  four  hours  time 
return  to  their  houfes,  and  declared  all  that   con 
tinued  any  longer  in  arms  rebels.     He  found  the 
country  was  fo  well  affected  towards  them,  that  he 
could  get  no  fort  of  intelligence,  but   what  his 
own   parties    brought  in  to   him.     The  Whiggs 

marched 


$3°  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1666.  marched  towards  Edinburgh,  and  came  within 
<— - v— '  two  miles  of  the  Town.  But,  finding  neither  Town 
nor  Country  declare  for  them,  and  that  all  the 
hopes  their  leaders  had  given  them  proved  falfe, 
they  loft  heart.  From  being  once  above  two  thou- 
iand  they  were  now  come  to  be  not  above  eight 
or  nine  hundred.  So  they  refolved  to  return  back 
to  the  Weil,  where  they  knew  the  people  were  of 
their  fide  ;  and  where  they  could  more  eafily  dif- 
perie  themfelves,  and  get  either  into  England  or 
Ireland.  The  Minifters  were  very  bufy  in  all  thofe 
Counties,  plying  people  of  rank  not  to  for  fake 
their  brethren  in  this  extremity.  And  they  had 
got  a  company  of  about  three  or  fourfcore  Gen 
tlemen  together,  who  were  marching  towards  them, 
when  they  heard  of  their  defeat :  And  upon  that 
The  ce  they  difperfed  themfelves.  The  rebels  thought  to 
feat  given  have  marched  back  by  the  way  of  Pentland  Hill, 
at  Pent-*8  ^ey  were  not  much  concerned  for  the  few  horfes 
land  Hill.  tneY  nac^  And  they  knew  that  Dalziel,  whofe 
horfe  was  fatigued  with  a  fortnight's  conftant 
march,  could  not  follow  them.  And  if  they  had 
gained  but  one  night  more  in  their  march,  they 
had  got  out  of  his  reach.  But  on  the  twenty 
eighth  of  November,  about  an  hour  before  fun-fet, 
he  came  up  to  them.  They  were  polled  on  the 
top  of  a  hill :  So  he  engaged  with  a  great  difad- 
vantage.  They,  finding  they  could  not  get  ofF, 
ilopt  their  march.  Their  Minifcers  did  all  they 
could  by  preaching  and  praying  to  infufe  courage 
into  them  :  And  they  fung  the  feventy  fourth  and 
the  feventy  eighth  Pfalms.  And  fo  they  turned 
on  the  King's  forces.  They  received  the  firft 
charge  that  was  given  by  the  troop  of  guards  very 
refolutely,  and  put  them  in  diibrder.  But  that 
.was  all  the  action  ;  for  immediately  they  loft  all 
order,  and  ran  for  their  lives.  It  was  now  dark  : 
About  forty  were  killed  on  the  fpot,  and  a  hun 
dred  and  thirty  were  taken.  The  reft  were  favour 
ed  by  the  darknefs  of  the  night,  and  the  wearinefs  of 

5  the 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

the  King's  troops,  that  were  not  in  cafe  to  pur- 
fue  them,  and  had  no  great  heart  to  it :  For  they 
were  a  poor  harmlefs  company  of  men,  become 
mad  by  oppreffion  :  And  they  had  taken  nothing 
during  all  the  time  they  had  been  together,  but 
what  bad  been  freely  given  them  by  the  coun 
try  peopie.  The  rebellion  was  broken  with  the 
lofs  of  only  five  on  the  King's  fide.  The  Gene 
ral  came  next  day  into  Edinburgh  with  his  pri- 
foners. 

The  two  Archbimops  were  now  delivered  out  Severe 
of  all  their  fears  :  And  the  common  obfervation,  Proceed- 
that  cruelty  and  cowardife  go  together,  was  too  *gf  Lit  the 
vifibly  verified  on  this  occafion.  Lord  Rothes  priibners. 
came  down  full  of  rage  :  And  that  being  inflamed 
by  the  two  Archbimops,  he  reiblved  to  proceed 
with  the  utmoft  feverity  againft  the  prifoners. 
Burnet  advifed  the  hanging  of  all  thofe  who  would 
not  renounce  the  Covenant,  and  promife  to  con 
form  to  the  laws  for  the  future :  But  that  was 
thought  too  fevere.  Yet  he  was  fentup  to  Lon 
don,  to  procure  of  the  King  an  inftruction,  that 
they  mould  tender  the  Declaration  renouncing  the 
Covenant  to  all  who  were  thought  difaffected  •,  and 
proceed  againft  thofe  who  refufed  that,  as  againft 
feditious  perfons.  The  beft  of  the  Epifcopal  Cler 
gy  fet  upon  the  Bifhops,  to  lay  hold  on  this  op 
portunity  for  regaining  the  affections  of  the  coun 
try,  by  becoming  intercefTors  for  the  prifoners, 
and  for  the  country,  that  was  like  to  be  quartered 
on  and  eat  up,  for  the  favour  they  had  exprefted 
to  them.  Many  of  the  Bifhops  went  into  this, 
and  particularly  Wifhart  of  Edinburgh,  tho'  a 
rough  man,  and  fharpened  by  ill  ufage.  Yet 
upon  this  occafion  he  expreffed  a  very  Chriftian 
temper,  fuch  as  became  one  who  had  felt  what 
the  rigours  of  a  prifon  had  been  ;  for  he  fent  every 
day  very  liberal  fupplies  to  the  prifoners  :  Which 
was  indeed  done  by  the  whole  Town,  in  fo  boun 
tiful  a  manner,  that  many  of  them>  who  being 

fhut 


532  The  HISTORY  of  the,, Reign 

1666.  fliut  up  had  neither  air  nor  exercife,  were  in  greater 
danger  by  their  plenty,  than  they  had  been  by  all 
their  unhappy  campaign.     But  Sharp  could  not 
be  mollified.     On  the  contrary  he  encouraged  the 
Minifters,  in  the  difaffected  Counties,  to  bring  in 
all  the  informations  they  could  gather,  both  $gainft 
the  prifoners,  and  againft  all  thofe  who  had  been 
among  them,  that  they  might  be  fought  for,  and 
proceeded  agairift.     Moft   of  thofe   got   over  to 
Ireland.     But  the  Minifters  in   thofe  parts  acted. 
fo  ill  a  part,  fo  unbecoming  their  characters,  that 
the  averfion  of  the  country  to  them  was  increafed 
to   all  poffible    degrees  :    They  looked   on  them 
now  as  wolves,  and  not  as  fhepherds.     It  was  a 
moving  fight,  to  fee  ten  of  the  prifoners  hanged 
upon  one  gibbet  at  Edinburgh :  Thirty  five  more 
were  fent  to  their  countries,  and  hanged  up  before 
their   own  doors  ;  their  Minifters    all    the   while 
ufmg  them  hardly,  and  declaring  them  damned 
for  their  rebellion.     They  might  all    have  faved 
their  lives,  if  they  would  have  renounced  the  Co 
venant  :  So  they  were  really  a  fort  of  martyrs  for 
it.     They  did  all  at  their  death   give  their  tefti- 
mony,  according    to   their  phrafe,  to   the  Cove 
nant,  and  to  all  that  had  been  done  purfuant  to 
it :  And  they  expreiTed  great  joy  in  their  fuffer- 
ings.     Moft >  of  them  were  but  mean  and  incon- 
fiderable  men  in  all  refpects  :  Yet  even  thefe  were 
firm  and  inflexible  in  their  perfuafions.     Many  of 
them    efcaped,  notwithftanding   the  great  fearch 
was  made   for  them.     Guthry  the  chief  of  their 
preachers   was    hid  in    my  mother's  houfe,  who 
was   bred  to  her   brother  Warifton's   principles, 
and  could  never   be  moved  from  them  :  He  died 
next  fpring.     One  .Maccail,  that  was  only  a  pro 
bationer  preacher,  and  who  had  been  chaplain  in 
Sir  James  Steward's  houfe,  had  gone  from  Edin 
burgh  to  them.     It  was  believed,  he  was   fent  by 
the  party  in  town,  and  that  he  knew  their  corref- 
pondents.     So  he  was  put  to  the  torture,  which  in 

Scotland 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  333 

Scotland  they  call  the  boots;  for  they  put  a  pair   1666. 
of  iron  boots  clofe  on  tht  leg,  and  drive  wedges  <— v-w 
between  thefe  and  the  leg.     The  common  torture 
was   only  to  drive  thefe  in  the  calf  of  the  leg : 
But  I  have  been  told  they  were  fometimes  driven 
upon  the  fhin  bone.     He  bore  the  torture  with 
great  conftancy  :  And  either  he  could  fay  nothing, 
or  he  had  the  firmnefs  not   to  difcover  thofe  who 
trufted  him.     Every   man  of  them   could  have 
faved  his  own  life,  if  he  would  accufe  any  other  : 
But  they  were  all  true  to  their  friends.     Maccail, 
for  all  the  pains  of  the  torture,  died  in  a  rapture 
of  joy:  His  laft  words  were,  farewel  fun,  moon 
and  ffars,    farewel    kindred   and   friends,  farewel 
world  and   time,  farewel  weak   and   frail   body, 
welcome  eternity,    welcome   Angels   and  Saints, 
welcome  Saviour  of  the  world,  and  welcome  God 
the  Judge  of  all  •,  which  he  fpoke  with  a  voice 
and  manner  that  (truck  all  that  heard  it. 

His  death  was  the  more  cried  out  on,  becaufe   1667. 
it  came  to  be  known  afterwards,  that  Burnet,  who  ^ 
had  come  down  before  his  execution,  had  brought  / 
with  him  a   letter  from  the  King,  in  which   he  gentle 
approved  of  all  that  they  had  done  ;  but  added,  than  the 
that  he  thought  there  was  blood  enough  med,  and 
therefore  he  ordered  that  fuch  of  the  prifoners,  as 
mould  promife  to  obey  the   laws   for  the   future, 
mould  be  fet  at  liberty,  and  that  the  incorrigible 
mould  be  fent  to  the  Plantations.     Burnet  let  the 
execution   go  on,  before   he  produced  his  letter, 
pretending  there  was  no  council-day  between.    But 
he,  who  knew  the  contents  of  it,  ought  to  have 
moved  the  Lord  Rothes  to  call  an  extraordinary 
Council  to  prevent  the  execution.     So  that  blood 
was  laid  on  him.     He  was,  contrary  to  his  natu 
ral  temper,  very  violent  at  that  time,   much  in 
flamed  by  his  family,  and  by  all  about  him.  Thus 
this  rebellion,  that  might  have  been  fo  turned  in 
the  conclufion  of  it,  that  the  Clergy  might  have 

6  gained 


534  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1667.  gained  reputation  and  honour  by  a  wife  and  met- 
ciful  conduct,  did  now  exafperate  the  country 
more  than  ever  againft  the  Church.  The  forces 
were  ordered  to  lye  in  the  Weft,  where  Dalziel 
acted  the  Mufeovite  too  grofsly.  He  threatened 
to  fpit  men,  and  to  roaft  them  :  And  he  killed 
fome  in  cold  blood,  or  rather  in  hot  blood  ;  for 
he  was  then  drunk,  when  he  ordered  one  to  be 
hanged,  becaufe  he  would  not  tell  where  his  fa 
ther  was,  for  whom  he  was  in  fearch.  When  he 
heard  of  any  that  did  not  go  to  Church*  he  did 
not  trouble  himfelf  to  let  a  fine  upon  him  :  But 
he  fet  as  many  foldiers  upon  him,  as  ihould  eat 
him  up  in  a  night.  By  this  means  all  people  were 
flruck  with  fuch  a  terror,  that  they  came  regular 
ly  to  Church.  And  the  Clergy  were  fo  delighted 
with  it,  that  they  ufed  to  fpeak  of  that  time,  as 
the  poets  do  of  the  golden  age.  They  never  in 
terceded  for  any  compaffion  to  their  people  ;  nor 
did  they  take  care  to  live  more  regularly,  or  to 
labour  more  carefully.  They  looked  on  the  fol- 
diery  as  their  patrons :  They  were  ever  in  their 
company,  complying  with  them  in  their  excefles  : 
And,  if  they  were  not  much  wronged,  they  ra 
ther  led  them  into  them,  than  check'd  them  for 
them.  Dalziel  himfelf  and  his  officers  were  fo 
difguiled  with  them,  that  they  encreafed  the  com 
plaints,  that  had  now  more  credit  for  them,  than 
from  thofe  of  the  country,  who  were  looked  on 
as  their  enemies.  Things  of  fo  flrange  a  pitch 
in  vice  were  told  of  them,  that  they  feemed  fcarce 
credible.  The  perfon,  whom  I  believed  the  bed 
as  to  all  fuch  things,  was  one  Sir  John  Cunning 
ham,  an  eminent  lawyer,  who  had  an  eilate  in  the 
country,  and  was  the  moft  extraordinary  man  of 
his  profeffion  in  that  Kingdom.  He  was  Epifco- 
pal  beyond  moft  men  in  Scotland,  who  for  the  far 
greateft  part  thought,  that  forms  of  government 
were  in  their  own  nature  indifferent,  and  might  be 
either  good  or  bad  according  to  the  hands  in  which 

they 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 
they  fell  ;  whereas  he  thought  Epifcopacy  was  of  1667. 
a  divine  right,  fettled  by  Chrift.  He  was  not  <—  —  sr^-* 
only  very  learned  in  the  civil  and  canon  law,  and 
in  the  philofophical  learning,  but  was  very  uni- 
verfal  in  all  other  learning  :  He  was  a  great  di 
vine.  and  well  read  in  the  Fathers,  and  in  eccle- 
fiaftical  hiftory.  He  was  above  all,  a  man  of  emi 
nent  probity,  and  of  a  fweet  temper,  and  indeed 
one  of  the  pioufeft  men  of  the  Nation.  The  ftate 
of  the  Church  in  thofe  parts  went  to  his  heart  : 
For  it  was  not  eafy  to  .  know,  how  to  keep  an 
even  hand  between  the  perverfenefs  of  the  people 
on  the  one  fide,  and  the  vices  of  the  Clergy  on 
the  other.  They  looked  on  all  thofe  that  were 
fenfible  of  their  mifcarriages,  as  enemies  of  the 
Church.  It  was  after  all  hard  to  believe  all  that 
was  fet  about  againft  them. 

The  King's  affairs  in  England   forced  him  to  A  change 

foften  his  government  every  where.     So  at  this  of  counfcl 
i      T-     i        r  ^         11  i  T^-  !•  and  more 

time  the  Earls  or  Tweedale  and  Kincardm  went  Inodera- 


ton 


to  Court,  and  laid  before  the  King  the  ill  ftate 
the  country  was  in.  Sir  Robert  Murray  talked  Govern- 
often  with  him  about  it.  Lord  Lauderdale  was  ™ 
more  cautious  by  reafon  of  the  jealoufy  of  his 
being  a  Prefbyterian.  Upon  all  which  the  King 
refolved  to  put  Scotland  into  other  hands.  A 
Convention  of  Eftates  had  been  called  the  year 
before,  to  raife  money  for  maintaining  the  troops, 
This  was  a  very  ancient  practice  in  the  Scotim 
conftitimon  :  A  Convention  was  fummoned  to 
meet,  within  twenty  days:  They  could  only  levy 
money,  and  petition  for  the  redrefs  of  grievances  ; 
but  could  make  no  new  laws  -,  and  meddle  only 
with  that  for  which  they  were  brought  together. 
In  the  former  Convention  Sharp  had  prefided,  be 
ing  named  by  the  Earl  of  Rothes  as  the  King's 
Commiflioner.  In  the  winter  1666,  or  rather  in 
the  fpring  1667,  there  was  another  Convention 
called,  in  which  the  King  by  a  fpecial  letter  ap 
pointed  Duke  Hamilton  to  prefide,  And  the 

King 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

King  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Rothes  ordered  him  to 
write  to  Sharp  to  flay  within  his  diocefs,  and  to 
come  no  more  to  Edinburgh.     He  upon  this  was 
{truck  with  fo  deep  a  melancholy,  that  he  ihewed 
as  great  an  abjectnefs  under  this  flight  difgrace,  as 
he  had  mewed  infolence  before,  when  he  had  more 
favour.     The  Convention  continued  the  afTefTment 
for  another  year  at  6000  pounds  a  month.     Sharp, 
finding  he  was  now  under  a  cloud,  fludied  to  make 
himfelf  popular,  by  looking  after  the  education, 
of  the  Marquis  of  Huntley,  now  the  Duke  of  Gor 
don.     He  had  an  order  long  before  from  the  King 
to  look  to  his  education,  that  he  might  be  bred  a 
Proteftant-,  for  the  ftrength  of  Popery  within  that 
Kingdom  lay  in  his  family.     But,  tho'  this  was 
ordered  during  the  Earl  of  Midletoun's  miniftry, 
Sharp  had  not  all  this  while  looked  after  it.     Hie 
Earl  of  Rothes's  miflrefs  was  a  Papifl,  and  nearly 
related  to  the  Marquis  of  Huntly.     So  Sharp,  ei 
ther  to  make  his  court  the  better,  or  at  the  Lord 
Rothes's  defire,  had  neglected  it  thefe  four  years  : 
But  now  he  called  for  him.     He  was  then  above 
15,  well  hardened  in  his  prejudices  by  the  lofs  of 
fo  much  time.     What  pains  was  taken  on  him,  I 
know  not.     But,  after   a   trial   of  fome  months, 
Sharp  faid,  he  faw  he  was  not  to  be  wrought  on, 
and  fent  him  back  to  his  mother.     So  the  intereft 
that  popery  had  in  Scotland,  was  believed  to  be 
chiefly  owing  to  Sharp's  compliance  with  the  Earl 
of  Rothes's  amours.     The   neglect  of  his  duty  in 
fo  important   a  matter  was  much  blamed :    But 
the  doing  it  upon  fuch  a  motive  was  reckoned  yet 
more  infamous.     After  the  convention  was  over, 
Lord  Rothes  fent  up  Drumond  to  reprefent  to  the 
King  the  ill  affections  of  the  weflern  parts.     And, 
to  touch  the  King  in  a  fenfible  point,  he  faid,  the 
Covenant  ftuck  fo  deep  in   their  hearts,  that  no 
good  could  be  done  till  that  was  rooted  out.     So 
he  propofed,  as  an  expedient,  that  the  King  would 
give  the  Council  a  power,  to  require  all  whom 

they 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  337 

they  jfufpe6ted  to  renounce  the  Covenant,  and  to  1667. 
proceed  againft  fuch  as  refufed  it  as  traitors.  Dru-  ' 
mond  had  yet  too  much  of  the  air  of  Ruffia  about 
him,  tho'  not  with  Dalziel's  fiercenefs  :  He  had  a 
great  rneafure  of  knowledge  and  learning,  and 
fome  true  imprefTions  of  religion  :  But  he  thought, 
that  upon  fuch  powers  granted,  there  would  be 
great  dealing  in  bribes  and  confiscations.  A  flight 
accident  happened,  which  raifed  a  jeft  that  fpoiled 
his  errand.  The  King  flung  the  cover  of  the  let 
ter  from  Scotland  into  the  fire,  which  was  car 
ried  up  all  in  a  flame,  and  fet  the  chimney  on  fire  : 
Upon  which  it  was  laid,  that  the  Scotch  letter 
had  fired  Whitehall :  And  it  was  anfwerecl,  the 
cover  had  almoil  fet  Whitehall  on  fire,  but  the 
contents  of  it  would  certainly  fet  Scotland  all  in 
a  flame.  It  was  laid,  that  the  law  for  renouncing 
the  Covenant,  inferring  only  a  forfeiture  of  em 
ployments,  to  thofe  whe  refufed  it,  the  itretching 
it  fo  far  as  was  now  propofed  would  be  liable  to 
great  exception.  Yet  in  compliance  with  a  pub- 
hck  mdfage  the  inilruc~tion  was  lent  down  as  it 
was  defired  :  But  by  a  private  letter  Lord  Rothes 
was  ordered  to  make  no  ufe  of  it,  except  upon  a 
fpecial  command  •,  fince  the  King  had  only  given 
way  to  what  was  defired,  to  itrike  a  terror  into  the 
ill  affeded.  The  fecret  of  it  broke  out :  So  it 
had  no  effect,  but  to  make  the  Lord  Rothes  and 
his  party  more  odious.  Burnet,  upon  Sharp's 
difgrace,  grew  to  be  more  coniidered.  So  he  was 
fent  up  with  a  propofition  of  a  very  extfaordmary 
nature,  that  the  weitern  Counties  mould  be  can 
toned  under  a  fpecial  government,  and  peculiar, 
taxes,  together  with  the  quartering  ot  foldiers 
upon  them.  It  was  faid,  that  thofe  Counties  put 
the  nation  to  the  charge  of  keeping  up  fuch  a 
force  :  And  therefore  it  feemed  reafonable  that  the 
charge  rtiould  lye  wholly  on  them.  He  alfo  pro 
pofed,  that  a  fpecial  Council  Ihould  be  appointed 
to  fit  at  Glafgow  :  And,  among  other  reafons  to 
VOL.  I.  Z  enforce 


The  HISTO  RY  of  the  Reign 
enforce   that  motion,   he  laid  to  the  King,    and 
afterwards    to    Lord  Lauderdale,    that  feme    at 
the  Council  board  were  ill  affected  to  the  Church, 
land  favoured   her  enemies,  and  that  traitors  had 
been  pleaded  for  at  that  board.     Lord  Lauderdale 
writ  down  prefently  to  know  what  ground  there 
was  for  this  ;  fmce,  if  it  was  not  true,  he  had  Bur- 
net  at  mercy  for  lealing-making,  which  was  more 
criminal  when  the  whole   Council  was  concerned 
in  the  lie  that  was  made.     The  only  ground  for 
this  was,  that  one  of  the  rebels,  excepted  in  the 
indemnity  that  was  proclaimed  forne  time  before, 
being  taken,  and,  it  being  evident  that  his  brain 
was  turned,  it  was  debated  in  Council,  whether 
he  lliould  be  proceeded  againft,  or  not :  Some  ar 
gued  againfl  that,  and  faid,  it  would  be  a  reproach 
to   the   Government  to  hang   a   madman.     This 
could  in  no  fort  juftify  fuch  a  charge  :  So  Lord 
Lauderdale  refolved  to  make  ufe  of  it  in  due  time. 
The  propofition  itielf  was  rejected,  as  that  which 
the  King  could  not  do  by  law.     Burnet  upon  this 
went  to  the  Lord  Clarendon,  and  laid  before  him 
the    fad  eftate  of  their   affairs    in  Scotland.     He 
ipoke  to  the  King  of  it :  And  he  took  care  to  let 
the  Englifh  Biihops  on  the  King,  with  whom  Bur- 
net  had  more  credit,  as  more  entirely  theirs,  than 
ever  Sharp  had.     The  Earl  of  Clarendon's  credit 
was   then   declining  :  And  it  was  a  clear  fign  of 
it,  when  the  King  told  Lord  Lauderdale  all  that 
he  had  laid  to  him  on   Scotch  affairs,  which  pro 
voked  him   extreamly.     Burnet   was   fent   down 
with  good  words  :  But  the  King  was  refolved  to 
put  the  affairs  of  Scotland  under  another  manage 
ment.     Lord  Kincardin  came  down  in  April,  and 
told  me,  that  Lord  Rothes  was  to  be  ilript  of  all 
his  places,  and  to  be  only  Lord  Chancellour.  The 
Earl  of  Tweedale  and  Sir  Robert  Murray  were  to 
have  the  fecret  in  their  hands.     He  told  me,  the 
peace  was  as  good  as  made  :  And  when 'that  was 
done,  the  army  would  be  difbanded ;  and  things 

would 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

Would  be  managed  with  more  temper,  both  in 
Church  and  State.  This  was  then  fo  great  a  fe- 
cret,  that  neither  the  Lord  Rothes,  nor  the  two 
Archbifhops,  had  the  leaft  hint  of  it.  Some  time 
after  this  Lord  Rothes  went  to  the  North  :  Upon 
which  an  accident  happened  that  haftened  his  fall-. 

The  Scots  had  during  the  war  fet  out  many  pri 
vateers  ;  and  thefe  had  brought  in  many  rich  prizes. 
The  Dutch,  being  provoked  with  this,  fent  Van  The 
Gheudt  with  a  good  fleet  into  the  Frith,  to  burn  Dutch 
the  coaft,  and  to  recover  fuch  mips  as  were  in  that  ?' 2t  c,ame 
part.  He  came  into  the  Frith  on  the  firil  of  May.  pridu 
If  he  had  at  firft  hung  out  Engiiih  colours,  and 
attacked  Leith  harbour  immediately,  which  was 
then  full  of  fhips,  he  might  have  done  what  mif- 
chief  he  pleaied  :  For  all  were  fecurc,  and  were 
looking  for  Sir  Jeremy  Smith  with  .fome  frigats, 
for  the  defence  of  the  coaft,  fmce  the  King  had 
fet  out  no  fleet  this  year.  There  had  been  fuch  a 
diffipation  of  treafure,  that,  for  all  the  money  that 
was  given,  there  was  not  enough  left  to  fet  out  a 
fleet.  But  the  Court  covered  this  by  faying,  the 
peace  was  as  good  as  concluded  at  Breda,  where 
the  Lord  Hoilis  and  Sir  William  Coventry  were 
treating  about  it  as  Plenipotentiaries :  And,  tho' 
no  cefTation  was  agreed  on^  yet  they  reckoned  on. 
it  as  fure.  Upon  this,  a  faying  of  the  Earl  of 
Northumberland's  was  much  repeated  :  When  it 
was  faid,*  that  the  King's  miftrefs  was  like  to  ruin 
the  Nation,  he  faid,  it  was  me  that  laved  the  Na 
tion.  While  we  had  a  Houfe  of  Commons  that 
gave  all  the  money  that  was  afked,  it  was  better 
to  have  the  money  fquandred  away  in  luxury  and 
prodigality,  than  to  have  it  Lived  for  worfe  pur- 
pofes.  Van  Gheudt  did  nothing  in  the  Frith  for 
fome  hours  :  He  fhot  againfl  Bruntifland  without 
doing  any  mifchief.  The  country  people  ran  down 
to  the  coafl,  and  made  a  great  fhovv.  But  this 
was  only  a  feint,  to  divert  the  King  from  that 
which  was  chiefly  intended  :  For  he  failed  out, 
Z  2  and 


340  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1667.  and  joined  de  Ruyter  :  And  fo  the  fhameful  attack 
i-^v^^  was  made  upon  the  river  of  Medway :  The  chain 
And  went  at  t}ie  mouth  of  it,  which  was  then  all  its  fecurity, 

Sam   and  Was  br°ke  :    And  the  Dutch  fieet  failed  UP  to  Cha- 

burnt  our  tharn  :  Of  which  I  will  fay  no  more  in  this  place, 
Fleet.        but  go  on  with  the  affairs  of  Scotland. 

Lord  Rothes's  being  out  of  the  way  when  the 
country  was  in  ilich   danger,  was  feverely  aggra 
vated  by  the  Lord  Lauderdale,    and  did   bring 
on  the  change  fomewhat  the  fooner.     In  June  Sir 
Robert  Murray  came  down  with  a  letter  from  the 
King,  iuperfeding  Lord  Rothes's  commiflion,  put 
ting  the  Treafury  in  commiflion,  and  making  Lord 
Rothes  Lord  Chancellour.     He   excufed  himfelf 
from  being  raifed  to  that  poft  all  he  could  ;  and 
delired  to  continue  Lord-Treafurer  :  Buthe  flrug- 
gled  in  vain,    and  was  forced  to  fubmit  at  lait. 
Now  all  was  turned  to  a  more  fober,  and  more 
moderate  management.     Even  Sharp  grew  meek 
and  humble  :    And  faid  to  my  felf,  it  was  a  great 
happinefs  to  have  to  deal  with  fober  and  ferious 
men  -,    for  Lord  Rothes  and  his  crew  were  perpe 
tually  drunk.     When  the  peace  of  Breda  was  con 
cluded,    the  King  wrote  to  the  Scotch  Council, 
and  communicated  that  to  them  ;    and  with  that 
fignified,  that  it  was  his  pleafure  that  the  Army 
ihoiild  be  difbanded.     The  Earl  of  Rothes,  Bur- 
net,  and  all  the  officers  oppoied  this  much.     The 
rebellious  difpofition  of  the  weftern  Counties  was 
much  aggravated  :    It  feemed  neceffary  to  govern 
them    by  a  military  power.     Several  expedients 
were  propofed  on  the  other  hand.     Inftead  of  re 
nouncing  the  Covenant,  in  which  they  pretended 
there  were  many  points  of  religion  concerned,  a 
bond  was  propofed  for  keeping  the   peace,    and 
againft  rifing  in  arms.     This  feemed    the  better 
teft  ;    fince  it  fecured  the  pubSick  quiet,  and  the 
peace  of  the  Country,  which  was  at  prefent  the 
moil  necefiary  :  The  religious  part  was  to  be  left 
to  time,  and  good  management.     So  an  indemni 
ty 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  341 

ty  of  a  more  comprehenfive  nature  was  proclaim-    1667.  * 
ed  :  And  the  bond  was  all  the  fecurity  that  was 
demanded.     Many  came  into   the   bond  :    Tho* 
there  were  Ibme  among  them  that  pretended  fcru- 
pies  :  For,  it  was  laid,  peace  was  a  word  of  a  large 
extent :    It  might  be  pretended,   that  obeying  all 
the  laws  was  implied  in  it.     Yet  the  far  greater 
number  fubmitted  to  this.     Thofe  who  were  dif-  . 
turbed  with  fcruples  were  a  few  melancholy  irieon- 
liderable  perfons. 

In  order  to  the  difbanding  the  Army  with  more 
fecurity  it  was  propofed,  that  a  County  militia 
mould  be  raifed,  and  trained  for  fecuring  the  pub- 
lick  peace.  The  two  Archbilhops  did  not  like 
this:  They  faid,  the  Commons,  of  whom  the  mi 
litia  mud  be  compofed,  being  generally  ill  afiefted 
to  the  Church,  this  would  be  a  prejudice  rather 
than  a  fecurity.  But,  to  content  them,  it  was 
concluded,  that  in  Counties  that  were  ill  affected 
there  mould  be  no  foot  raifed,  and  only  ibme, 
troops  of  horfe.  Burnet  complained  openly,  that 
he  faw  Epifcopacy  was  to  be  pulled  down,  and 
that  in  fuch  an  extremity  he  could  not  look  on, 
and  be  filent.  He  writ  upon  thefe  matters  a  long 
and  forrowful  letter  to  Sheldon  :  And  upon  that 
Sheldon  writ  a  very  long  one  to  Sir  R.  Murray; 
which  I  read,  and  found  more  temper  and  mode* 
ration  in  it,  than  I  could  have  cxpeded  from  him. 
Murray  had  got  fo  far  into  his  confidence,  and 
he  feemed  to  depend  fo  entirely  on  his  fincerity^ 
that  no  informations  againft  him  could  work  upon 
Sheldon.  Upon  Burners  carrying  things  fo  high, 
Sharp  was  better  ufed,  and  was  brought  again  tq 
the  Council  board,  where  he  began  to  talk  of  mo 
deration  :  And  in  the  debate  concerning  the  dif 
banding  the  Army,  he  faid,  it  was  better  to  ex- 
pofe  the  Biihops  to  whatioever  might  happen,  than 
to  have  the  Kingdom  governed  for  their  fakes 
by  a  military  power.  Yet  in  private  he  flu-? 
died  to  poffefs  all  people  with  prejudices  againft 
Z  3  the 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
the  perfons  then  employed,  as  the  enemies  of- 
the  Church.  At  that  time  Lprd  Lauderdale 
got  the  King  to  write  to  the  Privy  Council, 
letting  them  know  that  he  had  been  informed, 
traitors  had  been  pleaded  for  at  that  board.  This 
was  levelled  at  Burner.  The  Council  in  their 
anfwer,  as  they  denied  the  imputation,  fo  they  de- 
fired  to  know,  who  it  was  that  had  fo  afperfed 
them.  Burnet,  wjhen  the  letter  was  offered  to  him 
to  be  figned  by  him,  faid,  he  could  not  fay  traitors, 
had  never  been  .pleaded  fqr  at  that  board,  fmce  he 
himfelf  had  once  pleaded  for  one,,  and  put  them  in 
mind  of  the  particular  cafe.  .After  this  he  faw 
how  much  he  had  expofed  himfelf,  and  grew 
tamer.!  The  Army  was  .  difbanded :  So  l.qrd 
Rothes's  authority  as  General,  as-  well  as  his  com - 
mifTicn,  was  now  at  an  end*  ;  after  it  had  lafted 
three  years.  The  pretence  of  his  commiffion  was, 
the  preparing  matters  for  a  National  Synod  :  Yet 
in  ail  that  time  there  was  not  .one  ftep  made  to 
wards  one :  For  the  Bifnops  feemed  concerned  on,-, 
ly  for  their  .authority,  and  their  revenues,  and 
took  no  care  of  regulating,  either  the  worfhip,  or 
the  difcipline.  The  Earls  of  Rothes  and  Tweedaje. 
went  to  Court.  The  former  tried,  what  he  could 
do  by  the  Duke  of  Monmquth's  means,  who  had 
married  his  niece  :  But  he  was  then  young,  and 
was  engaged  in  a  mad-ramble  after  pleafure,  and 
minded  no  bulinefs.  So  Lord  Rothes  faw  the  ne- 
ceflity  of  applying  himfelf  to  Lord  Lauderdale: 
And  lie  did  diiTemble  his  difcontent  fo  dextroufly, 
that  he  feemed  well  pleafed  to  be  freed  from  the 
load  of  bufmefs,  that  lay  fo  heavy  upon  him.  He 
moved  to  have  his  accounts  of  the  Treafury  pafs'd, 
to  which  great  exceptions  might  have  been  made ; 
and  to  have  an  approbation  pafs'd  under  the  Great 
Seal  of  all  he  had  done  while  he  was  the  King's 
Commiffioner.  Lord  Tweedale  was  againfl  both  ; 
and  moved,  that,  he  mould  be  for  fome  time  kept 
Under  the  lafn  ;  He  knew,  that,  how  humble  fo- 

ever 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

ever  he  was  at  that  time,  he  would  be  no  fooner 
fecured  from  being  called  to  an  account  for  what  was 
pafs'd,  than  he  would  fet  up  a  cabal  in  oppofition 
to  every  thing;  whereas  they  were  fureof  his  good 
behaviour,  as  long  as  he  continued  to  be  fo  ob 
noxious.  -The  King  loved  Lord  Rothes  :  So  the 
Earl  of  Lauderdale  confented  to  all  he  afked.  But 
they  quickly  faw  good  caufe  to  repent  of  their 
forwardnefs. 

At  this  time  a  great  change  happened  in  the  A  great 
courfe  of  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale's  life,  which  made  chanp  i 
the  latter  part  of  it  very  different  from  what  the 'faies* 
former  had  been.     Mr.  Murray  of  the  bedcham-  temper. 
ber   had  been  page  and  "whipping   boy  to   King 
Charles  I ;  and  had  great  credit  with  him,  not  on 
ly  in  procuring  private  favours,    but   in  all  his 
counfels.     He  was  well  turned  for  a  Court,  very 
infinuating,  but  very  falle  -,  and  of  fo  revengeful 
a  temper,  that  rather  than  any  of  the  counfels  given 
by  his  enemies  fhould  fucceed,  he  would  have  re 
vealed  them,    and    betrayed  both   the  King  and 
them.     It  was  generally  believed,  that  he  had  dif-.. 
covered  the  molt  important  of  all  his  fecrets  to  his, 
enemies.      He  had  one  particular   quality,    that., 
when  he  was  drunk,  which  was  very  often,  he  was 
upon  a  mofb  exact  referve,  tho'  he  was  pretty  open 
at  all  other  times.     He  got  a  warrant  to  be  an 
Earl,  which  was  figned  at  New-Caftle.     Yet  he 
got  the  King  to  antedate  it,  as  if  it  had  been  figned: 
at  Oxford,  to  get  the  precedence  of  fome  whom 
he  hated  :   But  he  did  not  pafs  it  under  the  Great 
Seal  during  that  King's  life ;  but  did  it  after  his 
death,  fo  his  warrant,  not  being  pafs'd,  died  with 
the  King.     His  eldcft  daughter,  to  whom  his  ho 
nour,  fuch  as  it  was,  defcended,  married  Sir  Lio 
nel  Tallmafh  of  Suffolk,  a  man  of  a  noble  family. 
After  her  father's  death,  me  tpok  the  title  of  Conn-- 
tefs  of  Dyfert.     She  was  a  woman  of  great  beauty, 
but  of  far  greater   parts.     She  had   a  wonderful 
cjujcknefs  of  apprehenfion,  andi  an  amazing  viva- 
Z  4 


344  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1667.  city  in  converfation,  She  had  ftudied  not  only  du 
vinity  and  hiftory,  but  mathematicks  and  philofo- 
phy.  She  was  vehement  in  everything  me  let 
about,  a  violent  friend,  but  a  much  more  violent 
enemy.  She  had  a  reftlefs  ambition,  lived  at  a 
vaft  expence,  and  was  ravenoutly  covetous  ;  and 
would  have  (tuck  at  nothing  by  which  me  might 
compafs  her  ends.  She  had  been  early  in  a  corref- 
pondence  with  Lord  Lauderdale,  that  had  given 
occafion  to  cenfure.  When  he  was  prifoner  atter 
Woroelter  fight,  me  made  him  believe  he  was  in 

treat  danger  of  his  life,  and  that  me   faved  it  by 
er  intrigues   with  Cromwell :    Which  was  not  a 
little   taken'  notice    of.     Cromwell  was  certainly 
fond  of  her,  and  (he  took  care  to  entertain'- him  "in : 
it ;  till  he,  finding  what  was  faid  upon  it,  broke 
it  off.     Upon  the  King's  Reftoration,  me  thought 
that  Lord  Lauderdale  made  not  thole  returns  that 
fhe  expected.     They  lived  for  ibme  years  at  a  dif- 
tance.     But  upon  her  hufband's  death  (he  made  up 
all  quarrels:    So  that  Lord  Lauderdale  and  me 
lived  fp  much  together,  that  his  Lady  was  offend 
ed  at  it,  and  went  to  Paris,  where  fhe  died  about 
three  years  after.     The  Lady  Pyfert  came  to  have 
fo  much  power  over  the  Lord  Lauderdale,  that  it 
lefTened  him  much  in  the  efteem  of  all  the  world  ; 
for  he  delivered  himfelf  up  to  all  her  humours  and 
paffions.     All  applications  were  made  to  her  :  She 
took  upon  her  to  determine  every  thing  :  She  fold 
all  places,  and  was  wanting' in  no  methods  that 
could  bring  her  money,  which  fhe  lavifhed  out  in 
a  moft  profufe  vanity.     As  the  conceit  took  her, 
Ihe  made  him  fall  out  with  all  his  friends,  one  after 
another:    Will  the  Earls  of  Argile,  Tweedale, 
and  Kincardin,  with  Duke  Hamilton,  the  Mar 
quis  of  Athol,  and  Sir  Robert  Murray,  who  all 
Jiad    their  turns,  in  her  difpleafure,    which    very 
qujckly  drew  Lord  Lauderdale9 s  after  it.     If  after 
fuch  names  it  is  not  a  prefumption  to  name  my 
I  had  my  fhare  likewife.     From  that  time,- 

W 


of  King  C  H  A  p.  L  E  s  II. 

to  the  end  of  his  days,   he  became  quite  another 
fort  of  man  than  he  had  been,    in  all  the  former 
parts  of  his  life.     Sir  Robert  Murray  had  been  de- 
figned  by  her  father  to  be  her  hufband,  and  was 
long  her  true  friend.     She  knew  his  integrity  was 
proof  againft  all  attempts.     He  had  been  hitherto 
the  Lord  Lauderdale's  chief  friend,  and  main  fup- 
port.     He  had  great  efteem  paid  him,  both  by  the 
King,  and  by  the  whole  Court :  And  he  employed 
it  all  for  the   Earl  of  Lauderdale's  fervice.     He 
ufed  great  freedom  with  him  at  proper  times  -,  aad 
\yas  a  faithful  advifer,  and  reprover  as  far  as  the 
other  could  bear  it.     Lady  Dyfert  laid  hold  on  his 
abfence  in  Scotland   to   make  a  breach  between 
them.     She  made   Lord  Lauderdale  believe,  that 
Murray  aiTumed  to  himfelf  the  praife  of  all  that 
was  done,  and  was  not  ill  pleafed  to  pafs  as  his 
Governour.     Lord  Lauderdale's  pride  vyas   foon 
fired  with.thofe  ill  impreffions. 

The -government  of  Scotland  had  now  another  Scotland 
face.     All  payments  were  regularly  made  :  There  was  ver/ 

was  an  overplus  of  10000  1.  of  the  revenue  faved        %?' 

r  A  i          1-1    vernecL 

every  year  :   A  magazine  or  Arms  was  bought  with 

it :  And  there  were  feveral  projects  fet  on  foot  for 
the   encouragement  of  trade   and   manufactures. 
Lord  Tweedale  and  Sir  Robert  Murray  were  fo 
entirely  united,  that,  as  they  never  difagreed,  fo 
all  plied  before  them.     Lord  Tweedale  was  made 
a  Privy  Counfellor  in  England:    And,    his  foil 
having  married    the  Earl   of  Lauderdale's  only 
child,  they  feemed  to  be  infeparably  united.    When 
he  came  down  from  London,  he  brought  a  letter 
from  the  King  to  the  Council,  recommending  the 
concerns  of  the  Church  to  their  care  :  In  particular, 
he  charged  them  to  fupprefs  Conventicles,  which 
began  to  fpread  generally  thro'  the  weftern  Coun 
ties  !    For'  upon  the  difbanding  the  Army,    the 
country,  being  delivered  from  that  terror,  did  now 
fbrfake  their  Churches,  and  got  their  old  Miniflers 
SQ  some  among  them  *y  and  they  were  not  wanting 

" 


346  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1667.  in  holding  Conventicles  from  place  to  place.  The 
King  wrote  alfo  by  him  a  letter  to  Sharp  with  his 
own  pen,  in  which  he  allured  him  of  his  zeal  For 
the  Church,  and  .  of  his  favour  to  himfelf.  Lord 
Tweedale  hoped  tliis  would  have  gained  him  to  his 
fide:  But  he  was  deceived  in  it.  Sharp  quickly 
returned  to  his  former  infolence.  Upon  the  Earl 
of  Tweedale's' return,  there  was  a  great  application 
to  publick  bufmefs  :'  No  vice  was  in  reputation  : 
Juftice  was  impartially  adminiflred  :  And  a  com- 
miffion  was  fent  to  the  weflern  Counties  to  exa 
mine  into  all  the  complaints  of  unjuft  and  illegal 
oppreffions  by  Turner,  Dalziel,  and  others.  Tur 
ner's  warrants  had  been  feized  with  himfelf:  And, 
tho*  upon  the  defeat  given  the  Whiggs  he  was  left 
by  them,  fo  that,  beyond  all  nien's  expectations, 
he  efcaped  out  of  their  hands,  yet  he  had  nothing 
tcrjilflify  himfelf  by.  The  truth  is,  this  enquiry 
was  chiefly  levelled, at  Lord  Rothes  and  Burner., 
to  caft  the  odium  of  the  late  rebellion  on  their  in- 
juftice  and  ill  conduct.  And  it"  was  intended  that 
Turner  mould  accufe  them  :  But  he  had  no  vouch 
ers  to  mew.  Thefe  were  believed  to  be  withdrawn 
by  an  artifice  of  the  Lord  Rothes.  But,  before, 
the  matter  was  quite  ended,  thofe  in  whofe  hands 
His  papers  were  left,  fent  them  fealed  up  to  his 
lodgings.  But  he  was  by  that  time  broken:  So, 
Itnce  the  government  had  ufed  him  hardly,  her> 
who  was  a  man  of  fpirit,  would  not  fllew  his 
vouchers,  nor  expofe'his  friends.  "So  that  matter 
was  carried  no  farther.  And  the  people  of  the 
country  cried  out  againft  thofe  cenfures.  It  was 
faid,  that  when  by  fuch  violent  proceedings  men 
had  been  inflamed  to  a  rebellion,  upon  which  fo 
much  blood  was  fried,  all  the  reparation  given 
was,  that  an  officer  or  two  were  broken ;  and  a 
great  man  was  taken  down  a  little  upon  it, 
without  making  any  publick  examples  for  the  de 
terring  others. 

•a? 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  347 

Sir  Robert  Murray  went  thro'  the  weft  of  Scot-  1667. 
land.  When  he  came  back,  he  told  me,  the  Cler- 
gy  were  iuch  a  fet  of  men,  fo  ignorant,  and  fo 
fcandalous,  that  it  was  not  poffible  to  fupport 
them,  unlefs  the  greateft  part  of  them  could  be  made  of 
turned  out,  and  better  men  found  to  be  put  in  their  tn-  Cler- 
places.  But  it  was  not  eafy  to  know  how  this  ^* 
could  be  done.  Burnet  had  placed  them  all :  And 
he  thought  himfelf  in  fome  fort  bound  to  fupport 
them.  The  Clergy  were  fo  linked  together,  that 
none  of  them  could  be  got  to  concur  in  getting 
proofs  of  crimes  brought  againft  their  brethren. 
And  the  people  of  the  country  pretended  fcruples. 
They  laid,  to  accufe  a  Mimiler  before  a  Bifhop 
was  an  acknowledging  his  jurifdiftion  over  his 
Clergy,  or,  to  ufe  a  hard  word  much  in  life  among 
them,  it  was  homologating  his  power.  So  Mur 
ray  propofed,  that  a  Court  mould  be  conftituted 
by  a  fpecial  commifllon  from  the  King,  made  up 
of  fome  of  the  Layity  as  well  as  the  Clergy,  to  try 
the  truth  of  thefe  fcandalous  reports  that  went  up 
on  the  Clergy  :  And  he  writ  about  it  to  Sheldon* 
who  approved  of  it.  Sharp  alfo  feemed  well  pleafed 
with  it,  tho'  he  abhorred  it  in  his  heart :  For  he- 
thought  it  ftruck  at  the  root  of  their  authority* 
and  was  Eraftianifm  in  the  higheft  degree.  Burnet 
faid,  it  was  a  turning  him  out  of  his  Bifhopricfe, 
and  the  declaring  him  either  incapable  of  judging 
his  Clergy,  or  unworthy  of  that  truft.  His  Cler 
gy  cried  out  upon  it;  and  faid,  it  was  a  delivering 
them  up  to  the  rage  of  their  enemies,  who  hated 
them  only  for  the  fake  of  their  functions,  and  for 
their  obedience  to  the  laws ;  and  that,  if  irregular 
jnethods  were  taken  to  encourage  them,  they 
would  get  any  thing,  true  or  falfe,  to  be  fworn 
againft  them.  The  difficulties  that  arofe  upon 
this  put  a  flop  to  it.  And  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale's 
averfion  to  Sir  Robert  Murray  began  a  disjointing 
pf  all  the  counfel'S  of  Scotland.  Lord  Tweedale 
|iad  the  chief  confidence :  And  next  him  Lord 

Kincardin 


348  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1667.  Kincardin  was  moft  trufted.     The  Prefbyterians, 
-*v^    feeing  a  foftening  in  the  execution  of  the  law,  and 
obferving   that   the  Archbifhops  were  jealous  of 
Lord  Tweedale,  fancied  he  was  theirs  in  his  heart. 
Upon  that  they  grew  very  infolent.     The  Clergy 
was  in  many  places  ill  ufed  by  them.     They  del- 
paired  of  any  farther  protection  from  the  Govern 
ment.     They  faw   defigns  were  forming  to  turn 
them  all  out :  And,    hearing  that  they  might  be 
better  provided  in  Ireland,    they  were  in  many 
places  bought  out,  and  prevailed  on  to  defert  their 
cures.     The  people  of  the  country  hoped,  that, 
upon  their  leaving  them,    they  might  have  their 
old  Miniiters  again  •,  and  upon  that  were  willing 
enough  to  enter  into  thofe  bargains  with  them : 
And  ib  in  a  very  little  time  there  were  many  vacan 
cies  made   all  over  thofe  Counties.     The    Lord 
Tweedale  took  great  pains  to  engage  Leightoun 
into  the  fame  counfels  with  him.     He  had  magni 
fied  him  highly  to  the  King,  as  much  the  greateft 
man  of  the  Scotch  Clergy.     And  the  Lord  Twee- 
dale's  chief  aim,  with  relation  to  Church  matters, 
was  to  fet  him  at  the  head  of  them  :  For  he  often 
faid  to  me,  that  more  than  two  parts  in  three  of* 
the  whole  bufmefs  of  the  government  related  to 
the  Church.     So  he  ftudied   to  bring  in  a  fet  of 
Epifcopal  men  of  another  flamp,  and  to  fet  Leigh 
toun  at  their  head.     He  ftudied  to  draw  in  Mr. 
Charteris.     But  he  had  fuch  fad  thoughts  of  man 
kind,  and  fuch  humble  ones  of  himielf,    that  he 
thought  little  good  could  be  done,  and  that  as  to 
that  little  he  was  not  a  proper  inflrument.    Leigh 
toun  was  prevailed  on  to  go  to  London,  where, 
as  he  told  me,  he  had  two  audiences  of  the  King. 
He  laid  before  him  the  madnefs  of  the  former  ad- 
miniftration  of  Church  affairs,    and  the  neceffi- 
ty  of  turning  to  more  moderate  counfels :  In  par 
ticular,  he  propofed  a  comprehenfion  of  the  Pref- 
byterian  party,  by  altering  the  terms  of  the  laws  a 
little,  and  by  fuch  abatements  as  might  preftrve 

'  the 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  349 

the  whole  for  the  future,    by  granting  fomewhat    1667. 
for  the  prefent.     But  he  entered  into  no  expedi-  «^-v*fc 
ents  :  Only  he  fbudied  to  fix  the  King  in  the  de- 
fign  that  the  courfe  of  his  affairs  led  him  to,  tho' 
contrary  to  his  own  inclinations,  both  in  England 
and  Scotland.     In  order  to  the  opening  this  I  muft 
change  the  fcene. 

The  Dutch  war  had  turned  fo  fatally  on  the  Affairs  ia 
King,  that  it  made  it  neceffary  for  him  to  try  how  England. 
to  recover  the  affections  and  efleem  of  his  people. 
He  found  a  flackeriing  the  execution  of  the  law- 
went  a  great  way,  in  the  city  of  London,  and  with 
the  trading  part  of  the  Nation.  The  Houfe  of 
Commons  continued  {till  in  their  fiercenefs,  and 
averfion  to  all  moderate  propofitions  :  But  in  the 
intervals  of  Parliament  the  execution  was  foftened. 
The  Earl  of  Clarendon  found  his  credit  was  de-  ciaren- 
cliriing,  that  all  the  fecrets  of  State  were  trufted  to  don's  dif- 
Bennet,  and  that  he  had  no  other  mare  in  them  Srace* 
than  his  poft  required.  The  Lady  Caftlemain  fet 
her  felf  moil  violently  againft  him.  And  the  Duke 
of  Buckingham,  as  often  as  he  was  admitted  to 
any  familiarities  with  the-King,  iludied  with  all  his 
wit  and  humour  to  make  Lord  Clarendon  and  all 
his  counfels  appear  ridiculous.  Lively  jefls  were 
at  all  times  apt  to  take  with  the  King.  The  Earl 
of  Clarendon  fell  under  two  other  misfortunes  be 
fore  the  war  broke  out.  The  King  had  granted 
him  a  large  piece  of  ground  near  St.  James's  to 
build  a  houfe  on :  He  intended  a  good  ordinary 
houfe  :  But,  not  understanding  thofe  matters  him- 
felf,  he  put  the  managing  of  that  into  the  hands  of 
others ;  who  run  him  into  a  vaft  charge,  of 
about  50000!.  three  times  as  much  as  he  had 
defigned  to  lay  out  upon  it.  During  the  war,  and 
in  the  plague  year,  he  had  about  three  hundred 
men  at  work,  which  he  thought  would  have  been 
an  acceptable  thing,  when  fo  many  men  were  kept 
at  work,  and  fo  much  money,  as  was  duly  paid, 
circulated  about.  But  it  had  a  contrary  effect 

It 


350  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1667.  It  raifed  a  great  outcry  againft  him.  Some  called 
w-v^o  it  Dunkirk  houfe,  intimating  that  it  was  built  by 
his  mare  of  the  price  ot  Dunkirk.  Others  called 
it  Holland  houfe,  becaufe  he  was  believed  to  be 
no  friend  to  the  war  :  So  it  was  given  out,  that 
he  had  the  money  from  the  Dutch.  It  was  vifi- 
ble,  that  in  a  time  of  publick  calamity  he  was 
building  a  very  noble  palace.  Another  accident 
was,  that  before  the  war  there  was  fome  defigns 
on  foot  for  the  repairing  of  St.  Paul's  :  And  many 
Hones  were  brought  thither.  That  project  was 
laid  afide  during  the  war.  He  upon  that  bought 
the  (tones,  and  made  ufe  of  them  in  building  his 
own  houfe.  This,  how  (light  ibever  it  may  feem 
to  be,  yet  had  a  great  effect  by  the  management 
of  his  enemies. 

South-  Another  misfortune  was,  that  he  loft  his  chief 
ampton's  friend,  to  whom  he  trufted  moft,  and  who  was  his 
death.  greateft  fupport,  the  Earl  of  Southampton.  The 
pain  of  the  ftone  grew  upon  him  to  fuch  a  degree* 
that  he  had  refolved  to  be  cut :  But  a  woman 
came  to  him,  who  pretended  me  had  an  infallible 
fecret  of  dhTolving  the  ftone,  and  brought  fuch 
vouchers  to  him,  that  he  put  himfelf  into  her  hands. 
The  medicine  had  a  great  operation,  tho'  it  ended 
fatally :  For  he  paffed  great  quantities  of  gravel^ 
that  looked  like  the  coats  of  a  ftone  fliced  off. 
This  encouraged  him  to  go  on,  till  his  pains  en- 
creafed  io,  that  no  man  was  ever  feen  to  die  in 
fuch  torments ;  which  made  him  oft  tremble  all 
over,  fo  that  the  bed  fhook  with  it :  Yet  he  bore 
it  with  an  aftomfhing  patience.  He  not  only  kept 
himfelf  from  faying  any  indecent  thing,  but  ena 
dured  all  that  mifery  with  the  firmnefs  of  a  grea?, 
man,  and  the  fubmifllon  of  a  good  chriftian.  The 
caufe  of  all  appeared  when  he  was  opened  after 
his  death  :  For  the  medicine  had  ftripp'd  the  ftone 
of  its  outward  (limy  coats,  which  made  it  lay  foft 
and  eafy  upon  the  mufcles  of  the  bladder  ;  where* 
as  when  thefe  were  diflblved,  the  inner  and  harder 

parts 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  351 

parts  of  the  ftone,  that  were  all  ragged  by  the  1667, 
diflblution  that  was  begun,  lay  upon  the  neck  of  <**~r+j 
the  bladder,  which  railed  thofe  violent  pains  of 
which  he  died.  The  Court  was  now  delivered  of 
a  great  man,  whom  they  did  not  much  love,  and 
who  they  knew  did  not  love  them.  The  Trea- 
fury  was  put  in  commiflion  :  And  the  Earl  of 
Clarendon  had  no  intereft  there.  He  faw  the  war, 
tho*  managed  by  other  counfels,  yet  was  like  to 
end  in  his  ruin  :  For  all  errors  were  call  on  him. 
The  bufmefs  of  Chatham  was  a  terrible  blow: 
And  tho'  the  lofs  was  great,  the  infamy  was  greater. 
The  Parliament  had  given  above  five  millions  to 
wards  the  war  :  But,  thro'  the  luxury  and  wafte 
of  the  Court,  this  money  was  fo  fquandred  away, 
that  the  King  could  neither  fet  out  a  fleet,  nor  de 
fend  his  coafls.  Upon  the  news  of  the  Dutch 
fleet's  being  in  the  river,  the  King  did  not  ride 
down  himfelf,  nor  appear  at  the  head  of  his  peo-r 
pie,  who  were  then  in  fuch  imminent  danger.  He 
only  fent  the  Duke  of  Albemarle  down,  and  was 
intending  to  retire  to  Windfor.  But  that  looked 
fo  like  a  flying  from  danger,  that  he  was  prevailed 
on  to  flay.  And  it  was  given  out,  that  he  was 
very  chearful  that  night  at  (upper  with  his  Mif- 
treifes,  which  drew  many  libels  upon  him,  that 
were  writ  with  as  much  wit  as  malice,  and  brought 
him  under  a  general  contempt.  He  was  compar 
ed  to  Nero,  who  fung  while  Rome  was  burning. 
A  day  or  two  after  that  he  rode  thro'  London,  acr 
compared  with  the  moft  popular  men  of  his  Court! 
and  allured  the  citizens  he  would  live  and  die  wkn 
his  people,  upon  which  there  were  fome  acclama 
tions  :  But  the  matter  went  heavily.  The  City 
was  yet  in  aflies :  And  the  jealoufy  of  burning  it 
on  defign  had  got  fo  among  them,  that  the  King 
hirnfelf  was  not  free  from  fufpicion.  If  the  Dutch 
Jiad  purfued  their  advantage  in  the  firft  confter  - 
nation,  they  might  have  done,  more  mifchief,  and 
have  come  a  great  way  up  the  Thames,  and  burnt 
4  many 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
1667.  many  merchant  fhips  :  But  they  thought  they  had 
^•v**-'  done  enough,  and  fo  they  failed  away.  The  Court 
was  at  a  ftand  what  to  do  :  For  the  French  had  af- 
fured  them  the  treaty  was  as  good  as  rimmed. 
Whether  the  French  fet  this  on,  as  that  which 
would  both  weaken  the  fleet  of  England,  and  ali 
enate  the  King  fo  entirely  from  the  Dutch  that  he 
would  be  eafiiy  engaged  into  new  alliances  to  re 
venge  this  affront,  as  many  believed,  I  cannot  pre 
tend  to  determine. 

The  Earl  of  Effex  was  at  this  time  in  Paris,  on 
his  way  home  from  the  waters  of  Bourbon  :  And 
he  told  me,  the  Queen-mother  of  England  fent 
for  him,  as  being  one  of  her  fon's  Privy  Council ; 

Thelrifti  an<^  to^  mm'  tne  ^r^m  had  fent  over  iome  to  the 
fought  the  Court  of  France,  defiring  money  and  arms  with 
protection  fome  officers,  and  undertook  to  put  that  ifland  in- 
of  France.  tQ  ^  hands  of  the  French<  He  tojd  me5  he  found 

the  Queen  was  in  her  inclinations  and  advices  true 
to  her  fon's  intereft  :  But  he  was  amazed  to  fee, 
that  a  woman,  who  in  a  drawing-room  was  the 
livelieft  woman  of  the  age,  and  had  a  vivacity  of 
imagination  that  furprized  all  who  came  near  her, 
yet  after  all  her  practice  in  affairs  had  fo  little  ei 
ther  of  judgment  or  conduct :  And  he  did  not  won 
der  at  the  mifcarriage  of  the  late  King's  counfels, 
fmce  me  had  fuch  a  (hare  in  them.  But  the  PVench 
had  then  greater  things  in  view.  The  King  of 
Spain  was  dead.  And  now  after  the  French  had 
managed  the  war  fo,  that  they  had  been  at  no  part 
of  the  expence  of  it,  nor  brought  a  fhip  to  the 
afliftance  of  the  Dutch  in  any  engagement,  and 
that  both  England  and  Holland  had  made  .'  great 
lofs  both  in  mips  and  treafure ;  they  refolv^d  to 
manage  the  peace  fo,  as  to  oblige  the  King  by 
giving  him  a  peace,  when  he  was  in  no  condition 
to  carry  on  a  war.  I  enter  not.  into  our  negotia 
tion  with  the  Bifhop  of  Munfter,  nor  his  treache 
rous  departing  from  his  engagements,  fmce  I  know 
nothing  of  that  matter,  but  what  is  in  print. 

As 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  353 

As  loon  as  the  peace  was  made,  the  King  faw  1667. 
with  what  difadvantage  he  was  like  to  meet  his  «— — y~- 
Parliament.  So  he  thought,  the  difgracing  a  pub- 
lick  Minifter,  who  by  his  being  long  in  fo  high 
a  poft  had  drawn  upon  himfelf  much  envy,  and 
many  enemies,  would  cover  himfelf  and  the  reft  of 
his  Court.  Other  things  concurred  to  fet  this  for 
ward.  The  King  was  grown  very  weary  of  the 
Queen  :  And  it  was  believed,  he  had  a  great  mind 
to  be  rid  of  her.  The  load  of  that  marriage  was 
caft  on  the  Lord  Clarendon,  as  made  on  defign  to 
raife  his  own  grandchildren.  Many  members  of  the 
Houfe  of  Commons,  fuch  as  Clifford,  Ofborn,  Ker* 
Littletoun,  and  Seimour,  were  brought  to  the  King  ; 
who  all  allured  him,  that  upon  his  Reftoration  they 
intended  both  to  have  railed  his  authority,  and  to 
have  encreafed  his  revenue ;  but  that  the  Earl  of 
Clarendon  had  difcouraged  it,  and  that  all  his  crea 
tures  had  poiTeffed  the  Houfe  with  fuch  jealoufies 
of  the  King,  that  they  thought  it  was  not  fit  to  truft 
him  too  much,  nor  too  far.  This  made  a  deep  im* 
preflion  on  the  King,  who  was  weary  of  Lord  Cla 
rendon's  impofing  way,  and  had  a  mind  to  be  freed 
from  the  authority,  to  which  he  had  been  fo  long 
accuflomed,  that  it  was  not  eafy  to  keep  him  with 
in  bounds. 

Yet  the  King  was  fo  afraid  to  engage  himfelf  too  The 
deep  in  his  own  affairs,  that  it  was  a  doubt  whether  Duke  of 
he  would  difmifs  him  or  not,  if  a  concern  of  or\e  m^~*s 
of  his  amours   had  not   fharpened  his  refentment ;  marriage, 
fo  chat  what  other  confiderations  could  not  do,  was 
brought  about  by  an  ill  grounded  jealoufy.     Miflrefs 
Steward  had  gained  fo  much  on  the  King,  and  yet 
had  kept  her  ground  with  fo  much  firmnefs,  that 
the  King  feemed  to  defign  if  poilible  to  legitimate 
his  addrefTes  to  her>  when  he  faw  no  hope  of  fuc- 
ceeding  any  other  way.     The  Duke  of  Richmond, 
'  being  a  widower,  courted  her.     The  King  feemed 
'to  give  way  to  it ;  and  pretended  to  take  fuch  care 
of  her,  that  he  would  have  good  fettlements  made 
*     VOL,  L  A  a  for 


354  The  Hi  STORY  of  the  Reign 

1667.- for  "her.     He  hoped  by   that   means  to  have  broke 
c*-v~  the  matter  decently  ;j  for  he  knew  the  Duke  of  Rich-. 
mond's  affairs  were   in  diforder.     So  the  King  or 
dered  Lord  Clarendon  to  examine  the  eftate  he  pre 
tended  to  fettle.     But  he  was    told,  whether  true 
Qr  fa  lie  1  cannot  tell,  that  Lord  Clarendon  told  her, 
that  ther  Duke  of  Richmond's  affairs,   it  was  true, 
were  not  very  clear  >,  but  that  a  family  fo  near  re 
lated  to  the  King  could  never  be  left  in  diftrefs,  and 
that  fuch  a  match  would  not  come  in  her  wTay  evefy^ 
day;  fo  fhe  had  bell  confider  well,  before  ihe  re- 
jeded  it.     This  was  carried  to  the  King,  as  a  defign 
he- had  that,  the    Crown  might  dcfccnd  to  his  own 
godchildren  •,  and  that  he  was  afraid,  lefl  ftrange 
methods  mould  be  taken  to  -get  rid  of  the  Queen, 
and  to  make  way  for  her.     \Vhcn  the  King  faw  that 
'flje-had  a  mind  to  marry  the  Duke  of  Richmond, 
ha  coffered  to  make  her  a  Dutchefs,-  and  to  fettle  an 
eftate  on  her.,    .Upon  this  fhe  laid,  ihe  faw  fhe  muft 
either  marry  him,  -pr  fuffer  much ^ in  the    opinion 
of, the  world.  --And  fhe  was  prevailed  on  by  the 
Duke   of  Richmond,  who  was  pafllonately  in  love 
with -her,  to  go  privately  from  WhifcehalJ,  and  mar 
ry  him  without  giving  the  King  notice.     The  Earl 
of  Clarendon's  fon,  the  Lord  Cornbury,  was  going 
to    her  lodgings,  upon   fome    affignation    that  fhe 
•j.' •;    had  given  him  about  her  affairs,  knowing  nothing 
' -of  her  intentions.     He  met   the   King  in  the  door 
coming  out  full  of  fury.     And  he,  fufpecting  that 
Lord  Cornbury  was  in  the  defign,  fpoke  to  him  as 
one  in  a  rage  that  forgot  all  decency,  and  for  fome 
tune  would  not  hear  Lord  Cornbury  fpeak  in   his 
own  defence.     In  the  afternoon    he  heard  him  with 
more  temper,  as  he  himfelf  told  me.     Yet  this  made 
Ib  deep  an  impreflion,  that  he  refolved  to  take  the 
-  feals  from  his  father.     The  King,  faid   to  the  Lord 
Laiiderdale,  that  he  had  talked  of  the  matter  with 
Sheldon  ;  and  that   he   convinced  him,  that  it  was 
necefTary  to  remove  Lord  Clarendon  from  his  pofl. 
And,,  as  foon  as  it  was  done,  the  King  fent  for 

Sheldon, 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

Sheldon,  and  told  him  what  he  had  done.  But  he 
anfwered  nothing.  When  the  King  infilled  to  oblige 
him  to  declare  himfelf,  he  laid,  "  Sir,  I  wifh  you 
"  would  put  away  this  woman  that  you  keep."  The 
Kino;  upon  that  replied  fharply,  why  had  he  never 
talked  to  him  of  that  fooner,  but  took  this  occafion 
now  to  fpeak  of  it.  Lauderdale  told  me,  he  had 
all  this  Irom  the  King :  And  that  the  King  and 
Sheldon  had  gone  into  fuch  expoilulations  upon  it, 
that  from  that  day  forward  Sheldon  could  never  re 
cover  the  King's  confidence. 

The  feals  were  given  to  Sir  Orlando  Bridgman,  B  idg 
Lord  Chief  Juitice  of  the  Common  Pleas,  then  in  made 
great  efteem,  which  he  did  not  maintain  long  after  ^ 
his  advancement.  His  liudy  and  practice  lay  fo 
intlrely  in  the  Common  law,  that  he  never  feemecl 
to  apprehend  what  equity  was  :  Nor  had  he  a  head 
made  for  bufmefs,  or  for  fuch  a  Court.  He  was  a 
man  of  great  integrity,  and  had  very  ferious  im> 
prelnons  of  religion  on  his  mind.  He  had  been, 
always  on  the  fide  of  the  Church  :  Yet  he  had  great 
rendernefs  for  the  Non-conformifts  :  And,  the  Bi- 
fhops  having  all  declared  for  Lord  Clarendon,  ex 
cept  one  or  two,  he  and  the  new  fcene  of  the  Mi- 
niltry  were  inclined  to  favour  them.  The  Duke 
of  Buckingham,  who  had  been  in  high  difgrace 
before  Lord  Clarendon's  fall,  came  upon  that  into 
high  favour,  and  let  up  for  a  patron  of  liberty  of 
confcience,  and  of  all  the  feels.  The  See  of  Chefter 
happened  to  fall  vacant  foon  after  :  And  Doctor 
Wilkin  was  by  his  means  promoted  to  that  See. 
It  was  no  fmall  prejudice  to  him,  that  he  was  re 
commended  by  fo  bad  a  man.  Wilkins  had  a  cou 
rage  in  him  that  could  (land  againlt  a  current,  and 
againfl  all  the  reproaches  with  which  ill-natured 
Clergymen  iludied  to  load  him.  He  faid,  he  was 
called  for  by  the  King,  without  any  motion  of  his 
own,  to  a  publick  ftation,  in  which  he  would  en 
deavour  to  do  all  the  good  he  could,  without  con- 
fidering  the  ill  effects  that  it  might  have  on  him- 
A  3  2  felf. 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
felf.  The  King  had  fuch  a  command  of  himfelf, 
that  when  his  intereft  led  him  to  ferve  any  end,  or 
to  court  any  fort  of  men,  he  did  it  fo  dextroufly, 
and  with  fuch  an  air  of  fincerity,  that  till  men  were 
well  practifed  in  him,  he  was  apt  to  impofe  on  them. 
He  feemed  now  to  go  into  moderation  and  com- 
prehenfion  with  fo  much  heartinefs,  that  both  Bridg- 
rnan  and  Wilkins  believed  he  was  in  earned  in  it ; 
ThoJ  there  was  nothing  that  the  Popiih  counfels 
were  more  fixed  in,  than  to  oppofe  all  motions  of 
that  kind.  But  the  King  faw,  it  was  necefTary  to 
recover  .the  affections  of  his  people.  And,  fince 
the  Church  of  England  was  now  gone  off  from  him, 
upon  Lord  Clarendon's  difgrace,  he  refolved  to  mew 
fome  favour  to  the  feds,  -both  to  foften  them,  and 
to  force  the  others  to  come  back  to  their  dependence 
upon  him. 

The  p^e  began  ajfo  to  exprefs  his  concerns  in  the  af- 

Kin^  ^rs  0*  £ur°Pe  :  And  he  brought  about  the  peace 
preten-  between  Spain  and  Portugal.  The  French  King 
fions  to  pretended,  that  by  the  law  of  Brabant  his  Queen, 
*  landers.  as  t^e  jiejr  of  tne  iate  King  of  Spain's  firft  marriage, 
tho'  a  daughter,  was  to  be  preferred  to  the  young 
King  of  Spain,  the  heir  of  the  fecoiad  venter,  with 
out  any  regard  to  the  renunciation  of  any  fucceflion 
to  his  Queen,  (tipulated  by  the  peace  of  the  Py 
renees  ',  and  was  upon  that  pretenfion  like  to  over 
run  the  Netherlands.  Temple  was  fent  over  to  en 
ter  into  an  alliance  with  the  Dutch,  by  which  fome 
parts  of  Flanders  were  yielded  up  to  France,  but  a 
barrier  was  preierved  for  the  fecurity  of  Holland. 
Into  this  the  King  of  Sweden,  then  a  child,  was  en 
gaged  :  So  it  was  cdled  the  Triple  Alliance.  I  will 
fay  no  more  of  that  fince  fo  particular  an  account 
is  given  of  it  by  him,  who  could  do  it  beft,  Temple 
himielf.  It  was  certainly  the  mafterpiece  of  King 
Charles's  life  :  And,  if  he  had  ftuck  to  it,  it  would 
have  been  both  che  ftrength  and  the  glory  of  his 
reign.  This  difpofed  his  people  to  forgive  all  that 
was  pafs'd,  an4  to  renew  their  confidence  in  him, 

which 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  $ej 
which  was  much  fhaken  by  the  whole  conduct  of  1667. 
the  Dutch  war.  ' * — - 

The  Parliament  were  upon  their  firft  opening  fet  Ciaren- 
on  to  deftroy  Lord  Clarendon.  Some  of  his  friends  don'r 
went  to  him  a  few  days  before  the  Parliament  met ; tesm 
and  told  him,  many  were  at  work  to  find  out  mat 
ter  of  accufation  againft  him.  He  beft  knew,  what 
could  be  brought  againft  him  with  any  truth  ;  for 
fallehood  was  infinite,  and  could  not  be  guefled  at. 
They  deiired,  he  would  truft  fome  of  them  with 
what  might  break  out,  fmce  probably  nothing  could 
lye  concealed  againft  fo  ftrict  a  fearch.  And  the  me- 
thod  in  which  his  friends  muft  manage  for  him,  if 
there  was  any  mixture  or  allay  in  him,  was  to  be 
very  different  from  that  they  could  ufe,  if  he  was  fure 
that  nothing  could  be  brought  out  againft  him.  The 
Lord  Burlington  and  Bifhop  Morley  both  told  me, . 
they  talked  to  this  purpofe  to  him.  Lord  Claren 
don  upon  that  told  them,  that,  if  either  in  matters 
of  juftice,  or  in  any  negotiations  abroad,  he  had 
ever  received  a  farthing,  he  gave  them  leave  to  dif- 
own  all  friendfhip  to  him.  The  French  King  hear 
ing  he  had  fent  for  all  the  books  of  the  Louvre  im- 
preflion,  had  fent  thele  to  him,  which  he  took,  as 
thinking  it  a  trifle,  as  indeed  it  was :  And  this  was 
the  only  preient  he  ever  had  from  any  foreign  prince : 
He  had  never  taken  any  thing  by  virtue  of  his  office., 
but  that  which  his  predeceflbrs  had  claimed  as 
a  right.  But  now  a  hue  and  cry  was  fent  out  againi-i 
him  :  And  all  perfons,  who  had  heard  him  lay  any 
thing  that  could  bear  an  ill  conftructian,  were  ex 
amined.  Some  thought,  they  had  matters  of  grear 
weight  againft  him  :  And,  when  they  were  told 
thele  would  not  amount  to  high  treafon,  they  defired 
to  know  what  would  amount  to  it. 

When  twenty  three  articles  were  brought  into  the  He  wr.< 
Houfe  againft  him,  the  uext  day  he  deiired  his  fe-imp«"a;:: 
cond  fon,  the  now  Earl  or  Rochefter,  to  acquaint  p.^V'/ 
the    Houfe,    that   he,  hearing    what  articles  wcrecom-' 
brought  againft  him,  did  in  order  to   the  difpatehmons. 
A  a  3  qf 


35$  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1667.   of  the  bufmeis,  defire  that  thofe,   who   knew  beft 
what  their  evidence  was,  would  lingle  out  any  one 
of  the  articles,  that    they  thought    could    be    beft 
proved  j  and,  if  they  could  prove  that,  he  would 
fubmit  to  the  cenfure  due  upon  them  all.     But  thofe, 
who  had  the  fecret  of  this  in  their  hands,  and  knew 
they  could  make  nothing  of  it,  refolved  to  put  the 
matter  upon  a  preliminary,  in  which  they  hoped  to 
find  cauie  to  hang  up  the  whole  affair,  and  fix  upon 
the  Lords  the  demal  of  juflice.     So,  according  to 
fome  few  and  late  precedents,  they  lent  up  a  gene 
ral  impeachment  to  the  Lords  bar  of  high  treafon, 
without    any    fpecial   matter  y  and  demanded,  that 
upon  that  he  might  be  committed  to  prifbn.     They 
had  reafbn  to   believe  the    Lords  would  not  grant 
this :  And  therefore  they  refolved    to  infift   on  it  •, 
and  reckoned,  that,  when  fo  much  money  was  to  be 
given,  the    King   would  prevail    with   the  Lords. 
Upon  this  occafion  it  appeared,  that  the  private  ani- 
mofities  of  a  Court  could  carry  them  to   eftablifh 
the  moil  definitive  precedent,  that  could  have  been 
thought   on.     For  if   this   had   pafs'd,  then  every 
Miniiter  upon  a   general   impeachment  was  to  be 
ruined,  tho*  no  fpecial  matter  was  laid  againfthim. 
Yet  the  King  hirnfelf  preffed  this  vehemently.     It 
was  faid,  the  very   fufpicions  of  a  Houfe  of  Com- 
rnons,  efpecially  luch  a  one  as  this  was,  was  enough 
to  blaft  a  man,  and  to  have  him  fecured  :  For  there 
-was  reafon  to  think,  that  every   perfon  fo  charged 
would  run  away,  if  at  liberty.     Lord  Clarendon's 
enemies  had    now  gone  far:    They  thought,  they 
were  not  fate  till  his  head  was  off :  And  they  appre- 
bended,  that,  if  he  were  once  in  prifon,  it  would 
be  eafy  either  to  find,  or  at  lead  to  bring  witnefTes 
#gainft  him.     This  matter  is  all  in  print :  So  I  will 
go  no  farther  in  the  particulars.     The  Duke  was  at 
this  time  taken  with  the  fmall-pox  :  So  he  was  out 
pf  the  whole  debate.     The  Peers  thought,  that  a 
general  accufation  was  only    a  clamour,  and  that 
|hejr   dignities   fignified   little,  if   a   clamoqr  was 

enough 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

enough  to  fend  them  to  prifon.  All  the  Earl  of 
Clarendon's  friends  preffed  the  King  much  on  his 
behalf,  that  he  might  be  fuffered  to  go  off  gently, 
and  without  cenfure,  fince  he  had  ferved  both  his 
father  and  himfelf  ib  long,  fo  faithfully,  and  with 
fuch  fuccefs.  But  the  King  was  now  fo  fharpened 
againft  him,  that,  tho'  he  named  no  particulars,  he 
expreffed  a  violent  and  irreconcilable  averfion  to 
him ;  which  did  the  King  much  hurt,  in  the  opinion 
of  all  that  were  not  engaged  in  the  party.  The  af 
fair  of  the  King's  marnage  was  the  moft  talked  of, 
as  that  which  indeed  was  the  only  thing,  that  could 
in  any  fort  juftify  fuch  a  feverity.  Lord  Clarendon 
did  proteft,  as  fome  that  had  it  from  himfelf  told 
me,  that  he  had  no  other  hand  in  that  matter,  than 
as  a  Counfellor  :  And  in  that  he  appealed  to  the 
King  himfelf.  After  many  debates,  and  conferen 
ces,  and  protections,  in  which  the  whole  Court 
went  in  vifibly  to  that,  which  was  plainly  deilruc- 
tive  both  to  the  King  and  to  thelMiniftry,  the  ma 
jority  of  the  Houfe  flood  firm,  and  adhered  to  their 
rirft  refolution  againft  commitment.  The  Com 
mons  were  upon  that  like  to  carry  the  matter  far 
againft  the  Peers,  as  denying  juftice.  The  King  xhe  King 
feeing  this  fpoke  to  the  Duke,  to  perfuade  Lore!  deiu-ed  he 
Clarendon  to  go  beyond  fea,  as  the  -only  expedient  *'°-lc]  s° 
that  wa's  left,  to  make  up  the  breach  between  the^c 
two  Houfes  :  And  he  let  fall  fome  words  of  kind  - 
nefs,  in  cafe  he  mould  comply  with  this.  The  Earl 
of  Clarendon  was  all  obedience  and  fubmifiion  *, 
and  was  charmed  with  chofe  tender  words,  that  the 
King  had  faid  of  him.  So,  partly  to  ferve  the  King, 
and  lave  himfelf  and  his  family,  but  chierly  that  he 
might  not  be  the  occafion  of  any  difference  between 
the  King  and  the  Duke,  who  had  heartily  efpouied 
his  intereft,  he  went  privately  beyond  fea  •,  and 
writ  a  letter  from  Calais  10  the  Houfe  of  Lords, 
protefting  his  innocence  in  all  the  points  objected  to 
him,  and  that  he  had  not  c;one  out  of  the  Kingdom 

J  •* 

for  fear,  or  out  of  any  con fciou fuels  of-  guilt,  but 
A  a  4  only 


360  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1667.  only  that  he  might  not  be  the  unhappy  occafion  of 
*— v"—'  any  difference  between  the  two  Houfes,  or  of  ob- 
ftructing  publick  bufmefs.  This  put  an  end  to  the 
difpute.  But  his  enemies  called  it  a  confefilon  of 
guilt,  and  a  flying  from  juftice  :  Such  colours  will 
people  give  to  the  moft  innocent  actions. 
He  was  A  Bill  was  brought  in,  banifhing  him  the  King's 
ban  fl-ud  Dominions  under  pain  of  treafon  if  he  fhould  return  : 
Parlia-  °  -^n^  lt  was  ma<^e  treafon  to  correfpond  with  him, 
pent.  without  leave  from  the  King.  This  Act  did  not 
pafs  without  much  oppofuion.  It  was  fajd,  there 
was  a  known  courfe  of  law  when  any  man  fled  from 
juftice  :  And  it  feemed  againfl  the  common  courfe 
of  juftice,  to  make  all  correfponding  with  him  trea 
fon,  when  he  himfelf  was  not  attainted  of  treafon  ; 
JsTor  could  it  be  juft  to  banifb  him,  unlefs  a  day 
were  given  him  to  come  in  :  And  then,  if  he  did 
not  come  in,  he  might  incur  the  punifhment  upon 
contempt.  The  Duke,  whom  the  King  had  em 
ployed,  to  prevail  with  him  to  withdraw  himfelf, 
thought  he  was  bound  in  honour  to  prefs  the  mat 
ter  home  on  the  King ;  which  he  did  fo  warmly, 
that  lor  fome  time  a  coldnefs  between  them  was  ve 
ry  vifible.  The  part  the  King  had  acted  in  this 
matter  came  to  be  known  •,  and  was  much  cen- 
fured,  as  there  was  juft  caufe  for  it.  The  ve 
hemence  that  he  fhewed  in  this  whole  matter 
was  imputed  by  many  to  very  different  caufes, 
Thofe  who  knew  him  beft,  but  efteemed  him 
leaft,  faid  to  me  on  this  occafion,  that  all  the  in 
dignation,  £hat  appeared  in  him  on  this  head, 
was  founded  on  no  reaibn  at  all  •,  but  was  an  effect 
of  that  eafinefs,  or  rather  lazjnefs  of  nature,  that 
made  him  comply  with  every  perfon  that  had  the 
greateft  credit  with  him.  The  Miftrefs,  and  the 
whole  Bedchamber,  were  perpetually  railing  at  him. 
£Thi5  by  a  fort  of  infection  poifefled  the  Sing,  who, 
without  giving  himfelf  the  trouble  of  much  think- 
jng,  did  commonly  go  into  any  thing  that  was  at 
fhe  prefent  time  the  eafieft,  without  confidering 

what 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  1  s  II.  361 

what  might  at  any  other  time  follow  on  it.  Thus  1667. 
the  Lord  Clarendon  fell  under  the  common  fate  of  <^y-^ 
great  Minifters  -,  whofe  employment  expofes  them 
to  envy,  and  draws  upon  them  the  indignation  of 
all,  who  are  difappointed  in  their  pretenfions. 
Their  friends  do  generally  fhew,  that  they  are  only 
the  friends  of  their  fortunes  :  And  upon  the  change 
of  favour  they  not  only  forfake  them  in  their  extre 
mity,  but,  that  they  may  fecure  to  themfelves  the 
protection  of  a  new  favourite,  they  will  labour  to 
redeem  all  that  is  pafs'd,  by  turning  as  violently 
againft  them,  as  they  formerly  fawned  abjectly  up 
on  them  :  And  Princes  are  fo  little  fenfible  of  me 
rit  or  great  fervices,  that  they  facririce  their  bed 
fervants,  not  only  when  their  affairs  feem  to  require 
it,  but  to  gratify  the  humour  of  a  miltrefs,  or  the 
paflion  of  a  rifing  favourite. 

I  will  end  this  relation  of  Lord  Clarendon's  fall  The  cha- 
with  an  account  of  his  two  fons.  The  eldeil,  now  ^  ^r  ° 
the  Earl  of  Clarendon,  is  a  man  naturally  fincere  :  <-ons. 
He  is  a  friendly  and  good  natured  man.  He  keeps 
an  exact  journal  of  all  that  pafles,  and  is  punctual  to 
tedioufnefs  in  all  that  he  relates.  He  was  very  early 
engaged  in  great  fecrets  :  For  his  father,  apprehend 
ing  of  what  fatal  confequence  it  would  have  been  to 
the  King's  affairs,  if  his  correfpondence  had  been 
difcovered  by  unfaithful  Secretaries,  engaged  him 
when  very  young  to  write  all  his  letters  to  England 
in  cypher,  fo  that  he  was  generally  half  the  day 
writing  in  cypher,  or  clecyphering,  and  was  fo  dif- 
creet,  as  well  as  faithful,  that  nothing  was  ever  dif 
covered  by  him.  He  continued  to  be  ilill  the  per- 
fon  whom  his  father  trufted  moft  :  And  was  the  moll 
beloved  of  all  the  family  -,  for  he  was  humble  and 
obliging,  tho'  fometimes  peevifh.  His  judgment 
was  not  to  be  much  depended  on  ;  for  he  was  much 
carried  away  by  vulgar  prejudices,  and  falfe  noti 
ons.  He  was  much  in.  the  Queen's  favour,  and 
was  her  Chamberlain  long.  His  father's  being  fo 
yjplently  prpfecutcd  on  the  account  of  her  marriage, 

made 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

made  that  fhe  thought  herfelf  bound  to  protect  him 
in  a  particular  manner.  He  was  fo  provoked  at 
the  ill  ufage  his  father  met  with,  that  he  ftruck  in 
violently  with  the  party  that  oppofed  the  Court : 
And  the  King  fpoke  always  of  him  with  great  iharp- 
nefs,  and  much  fcorn.  His  brother,  now  Earl  of 
Rochefter,  is  a  man  of  far  greater  parts.  He  has 
a  very  good  pen,  but  fpeaks  not  gracefully.  He 
was  thought  the  fmootheft  man  in  the  Court :  And 
during  all  the  difpute  concerning  his  father,  he 
made  his  Court  fo  dextrouily,  that  no  refentments 
ever  appeared  on  that  head.  When  he  came  into 
bufmefs,  and  role  to  high  pods,  he  grew  violent : 
But  was  thought  an  incorrupt  man.  He  has  high 
notions  of  Government,  and  thinks  itmuft  be  main 
tained  with  great  feverity.  He  delivers  up  his  own 
notions  to  his  party,  that  he  may  lead  them. 
He  pafies  for  a  fincere  man,  and  feems  to  have 
too  much  heat  to  be  falfe.  Morley  was  long 
Dean  of  the  Chapel  :  But  he  ftuck  fo  to  the 
Lord  Clarendon,  that  he  was  fent  into  his  dio- 
cefe  :  And  Crofts  Bifhop  of  Hereford  was  made 
Dean  in  his  room.  Crofts  was  a  warm  devout  man, 
but  of  no  difcretion  in  his  conducl :  So  he  loft 
ground  quickly.  He  ufed  much  freedom  with  the 
King  j  but  it  was  in  the  wrong  ^lace,  not  in  pri 
vate,  but  in  the  pulpit. 

The  Km?      ^e  King  was  highly  offended  at  the  behaviour 

was  much  of  moft  of  the   Bilhops  :  And  he  took  occafion  to 

offended    vent  it  at  the  Council-board.     Upon  the  complaints 

with  the   tkat  were  macle  of  fome  diforders,  and  of  fome  Con- 

hops<    venticles,  he  faid,  the  Clergy  were  chiefly  to  blame 

for  thefe  diforders  ;  for  if  they  had  lived  well,  and 

had  gone  about  their  parifhes,  and  taken  pains  to 

convince  the  Non-conformiils,    the  Nation  might 

have  been  by  that  time  well  fettled.      But  they 

thought  of  nothing,  but  to  get  good  benefices,  and 

to  keep  a  good  table.     This  I  read  in  a  letter  that 

Sir  Robert  Murray  writ  down  to  Scotland  :  And  it 


agrees 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  IL  363 

agrees  with  a  converfation,  that  the  King  was  pleafed  1667. 
to  have  with  my  felf  once,  when  I  was  alone  with  v^v*^ 
him  in  his  clofet.  While  we  were  talking  of  the 
ill  ftate  the  Church  was  in,  I  was  Itruck  to  hear  a 
Prince  of  his  courfe  of  life  fo  much  difgufted  at  the 
ambition,  covetoufnefs,  and  the  fcanclals  of  the 
Clergy.  Pie  faid,  if  the  Clergy  had  done  their 
part,  it  had  been  an  eafy  thing  to  run  down  the 
Non-conformifts  :  But  he  added,  they  will  do  no 
thing,  and  will  have  me  do  every  thing :  And  mofl 
of  them  do  worfe  than  if  they  did  nothing.  He 
told  me,  he  had  a  Chaplain,  that  was  a  very  honeil 
man,  but  a  very  great  blockhead,  to  whom  he  had 
given  a  living  in  ouffolk,  that  was  full  of  that  fort 
of  people  :  He  had  gone  about  among  them  from 
houfe  to  houfe  ;  tho'  he  could  not  imagine  what  he 
could  fay  to  them  ;  for  he  faid  he  was  a  very  filly 
Fellow:  But  that,  he  believed,  his  nonfenfefuited  their 
nonferife,  for  he  had  brought  them  all  to  Church : 
And,  in  reward  of  his  diligence,  he  had  given  him 
a  Bifhoprick  in  Ireland. 

Bridgman  and  Wilkins  feton  foot  a  treaty,  for  a    1668. 
comprehenfion  of  fuch  of  the  Diflenters  as  could  be  v_*~v^ 
brought  into  the  communion  of  the  Church,  and  a  A  treanr 
toleration  of  the  reft.     Hale,  then  Chief  Juiticc,  u""*co™ 
concurred   with    them   in   the  defign.     TiJloribn,  f^T 
StiUingrleet,  and  Burton  joined  alfo  in  it.     Bates, 
Manton,  and  Baxter  were  called  for  on  the  fide  of  i 
the  Prefbyterians.     And  a  project  was  prepared, 
confiding  chiefly  of  thofe  things  that  the  King  had 
promifecl  by  his  declaration  in  the  year  1660.     On 
ly  in  the  point  of  re-ordination  this  temper  was  pro-1 
poied,  that  thofe  who  had  Prefbyterian  ordination 
fhould  be  received  to  ferve  in  the  Church  by  an  im- 
poiltion  of  hands,  accompanied  with  words  which 
imported,  that  the  perfon  fo  ordained  was  received 
to  ferve  as  a  Minifter  in  the  Church  of  England. 
This  treaty  became  a  common  fubject  of  difcourfe. 
All  Lord  Clarendon's  friends  cried  out,    that  the 

Church 


on  or  me 


364  ^ne  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1 668.  Church  was  undermined  and  betrayed  :  It  was  faid, 
k^"v^»  the  caufe  of  the  Church  was  given  up,  if  we  yielded 
any  of  thofe  points,  about  which  there  had  been 
fo  much  difputing  :  If  the  Sectaries  were  humble 
and  modeft,  and  would  tell  what  would  fatisfy 
them,  there  might  be  fome  colour  for  granting 
fome  conceflions :  But  it  was  unworthy  of  the 
Church  to  go  and  court,  or  treat  with  enemies ; 
when  there  was  no  reafon  to  think,  that  after  we 
had  departed  from  our  grounds,  which  was  to  con- 
fefs  we  had  been  in  the  wrong,  that  we  fhould  gain 
much  by  it,  unlefs  it  was  to  bring  fcorn  and  con 
tempt  on  our  felves.  On  the  other  hand  it  was  faid, 
the  Non •  conformifts  could  not  legally  meet  toge 
ther,  to  offer  any  fchemes  in  the  name  of  their  par 
ty  :  It  was  well  enough  known,  what  they  had  al 
ways  excepted  to,  and  what  would  probably  bring 
over  moft  of  the  Prefbyterians :  Such  a  yielding  in 
fome  lelfer  matters  would  be  no  reproach,  but  an 
honour  to  the  Church  -,  that,  how  much  Ibever  me 
might  be  fuperiour,  both  in  point  of  argument  and 
of  power,  me  would  yet  of  her  own  accord,  and 
for  peace  fake,  yield  a  great  deal  in  matters  indif 
ferent  :  The  Apoftles  complying  with  many  of  the 
obfervances  of  the  Jews,  and  the  offers  that  the 
Church  of  Africk  made  to  the  Donatifts,  were  much 
infilled  on  :  The  fears  of  Popery,  and  the  progrefs 
that  Atheifm  was  making,  did  alarm  good  and  wife 
men :  And  they  thought,  every  thing  that  could  be 
done  without  fin,  ought  to  be  done  towards  the 
healing  our  divifions.  Many  books  were  upon  that 
account  writ,  to  expofe  the  Prefbyterians,  as  men 
of  falfe  notions  in  religion,  which  led  to  Antinomi- 
anifm,  and  which  would  foon  carry  them  into  a  dif- 
folution  of  morals,  under  a  pretence  of  being  jufti- 
fyed  by  faith  only,  without  works.  The  three  vo 
lumes  of  the  Friendly  Debate,  tho'  writ  by  a  very 
good  man,  and  with  a  good  intent,  had  an  ill  effect 
in  iharpening  peoples  fpirits  too  much  againft  them. 
But  the  moft  virulent  of  all  that  writ  againft  the 

feels 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  365 

fedbs  was  Parker,  afterwards  rn^de  Bifliop  of  Ox-  1668. 
ford  by  King  James  ;  who. was  full  of  fatyrical  vi 
vacity,  and  was  considerably  learned ;  but  was  a 
man  of  no  judgment,  and  of  as  little  virtue,  and 
as  to  religion  rather  impious.  After  he  had  for 
fome  years  entertained  the  Nation  with  feveral  viru 
lent  books,  writ  with  much  life,  he  was  attacked 
by  the  livelier!  droll  of  the  -age,  who  writ  in  a  bur- 
lefque  ftrain,  but  with  fo  peculiar  and  fo  entertain 
ing  a  conduct,  that,  from  the  King  down  to  the 
tradefman,  his  books  were  read  with  great  pleaflirei 
That  not  only  humbled  Parker,  but  the  whole  par 
ty  :  For  the  author  of  the  Rehearfal  Tranfprofed 
had  all  the  men  of  wit  (or,  as  the  French  phrafe  it, 
all  the  Laughers)  on  his  fide.  But  what  advantages 
foever  the  men  of  comprehenfion  might  have  in  any 
other  refpecl,  the  majority  of  the  Houfe  of  Com 
mons  was  fo  pofTerTed  againft  them,  that  when  it 
was  known  in  a  fucceeding  feflion,  that  a  bill  was 
ready  to  be  offered  to  the  Houfe  for  that  end,  a  ve 
ry  extraordinary  vote  pafs'd,  that  no  bill  to  that 
purpofe  mould  be  received. 

An  Act  pafs'd  in  this  feflion  for  rebuilding  the  The  City 
City  of  London,  which  gave  Lord  Chief  JufticeofLondo1* 
Hale  a  great  reputation  :  For  it  was  drawn  with  fo rebullt* 
true  a  judgment,  and  fo  great  fo  relight,  that  the  whole 
City  was  raifed  out  of  its  afhes,  without  any  fuits 
of  law  •,  which,  if  that  bill  had  not  prevented  them, 
would  have  brought  a  fecond  charge  on  the  City, 
not  much  lefs  than  the  fire  it  felf  had  been.  And 
upon  that,  to  the  amazement  of  all  Europe,  Lon 
don  was  in  four  years  time  rebuilt,  with  fo  much 
beauty  and  magnificence,  that  we  who  faw  it  in 
both  Hates,  before  and  after  the  fire,  cannot  reflect 
on  it  without  wondring  where  the  wealth  could  be 
found,  to  bear  fo  vaft  a  lofs  as  was  made  by  the 
fire,  and  fo  prodigious  an  expence  as  was  laid  out 
in  the  rebuilding  it.  This  did  demonilrate,  that 
the  intrinfick  :wealth  of  the  Nation  was  very  high, 
when  it  could  anfwer  fuch  a  dead  charge. 

I  return 


The  HISTORY  of  tile  Reign 
I  return  to  the  intrigues  of  the  Court.  Lord 
v^v>-»  Clarendon's  enemies  thought  they  were  not  fafe,  as 
J)efigns  iong  as  tne  Duke  had  fo  much  credit  with  the  King, 
iin/away  anc*  c^e  Dutchefs  ^iac^  f°  much  power  over  him  : 
the*  So  they  fell  on  proportions  of  a  ftrange  nature  to 
Queen,  ruin  them.  The  Duke  of  Buckingham  preffed  the 
King  to  own  a  marriage  with  the  Duke  of  Mon- 
mouth's  mother :  And  he  undertook  to  get  wit- 
nefTes  to  atteft  it.  The  Duke  of  York  told  me,  in 
general,  that  there  was  much  talk  about  it :  But  he 
did  not  deicend  to  particulars.  The  Earl  of  Car-, 
lifle  offered  to  begin  the  matter  in  the  Houfe  of 
Lords.  The  King  would  not  content  to  this  :  Yet 
he  put  it  by  in  fuch  a  manner,  as  made  them  all 
conclude,  he  wifhed  it  might  be  done,  but  did  npt 
know:  how  to  bring  it  about.  Thefe  difcourfes 
were  all  carried  to  the  Duke  of  Monmouth,  and 
got  fatally  into  his  head.  When  the- Duke  talked 
of  this  matter  to  me  in  the  year  feventy  three,  I 
afked  tiim,  if  he  thought  that  the  King  had  flili 
the  fame  inclinations  ?  He  faid  he  believed  not :  He 
thought,  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  had  not  fpirit 
enough  to  think  of  it :  And  he  commended  the 
Dutchefs  of  Monmouth  fo  highly  as  to  fay  to  me, 
that  the  hopes  of  a  Crown  could  not  work  on  her 
to  do  an  unjuft  thing.  I  thought  he  gave  that  mat 
ter  too  much  countenance,  by  calling  the  Duke  of 
Monmouth  nephew  :  But  he  faid,  it  pleafed  the, 
King.  When  the  party  law  they  could  make  no 
thing  of  the  bufmefs  of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth, 
they  tried  next  by  what  methods  they  could  get  rid 
of  the  Queen  •,  that  fo  the  King  might  marry  ano 
ther  wife  :  For  the  King  had  children  by  fo  many 
different  creatures,  that  they  hoped  for  iflue,  if  he; 
had  a  wife  capable  of  any.  Some  thought,  the 
Queen  and  he  were  not  legally  married  :  But  the 
avowing  a  marriage,  and  the  living  many  years  in 
that  Hate,  did  certainly  fupply  any  defect  in  point 
pf  form.  Others  pretended,  me  was  barren  from  a 
natural  caufe,  and  that  feemed  equivalent  to  impo- 
4  tence 


,„  -of  King  CHARLES  II. 

cence  in  men.  But  the  King  often  faid,  he  was  fure 
{he  had  once  mifcarried.  This,  tho*  not  over 
thrown  by  fuch  an  evidence,  could  never  be  proved ; 
unlefs  the  having  no  children  was  to  be  concluded 
a  barrennefs  :  And  the  diifolving  a  marriage  on 
fuch  an  account  could  neither  be  juftifyed  in  law 
nor  confcience.  Other  ftories  were  given  out  of 
the  Queen's  perfon,  which  were  falfe  :  For  I  faw  in 
a  letter  under  the  King's  own  hand,  that  the  mar 
riage  was  con fum mated.  Others  talked  of  poly 
gamy  :.  And  officious  perfons  were  ready  to  thru  ft 
themfelves  into  any  thing,  that  could  contribute  to. 
their  advancement.  Lord  Lauderdale  and  Sir  Ro 
bert  Murray  aiked  my  opinion  of  thefe  things.  I  . 
faid, '  I  knew  fpeculative  people  could  fay  a  great 
deal,  .in  the  way  of  argument  for  polygamy,  and 
divorce:  Yet  thefe  things  were  fo  decried,  that 
they  were  rejected  by  all  Chriflian  focicries  :  So  that 
all  fuch  propofitions  would  .throw  .us  into  great  con- 
vulfions  ;  and  entail  war'  upon  us,  if  any  iifue  came 
from  a  marriage  fo  grounded. 

An  accident  happened  at  that  time,  that  made  A  divorce 
the  difcourfing  of  thole  matters,  the  common  fubjed  enafte4. 
of  convcrfation.     The  Lord  Roos,  afterwards  Earl  [°Jf 
of  Rutland,  brought  proofs  of  adultery  again  ft  his  ^' 
wife  •,  and  obtained  a  fentence  of  divorce  in  the  SpU 
ritual  Court :    Which  amounting  only  to  a  feparati- 
bn.  from  bed  and  board,  he   moved  for'  a  bill  dif 
folving  the  bond,- 'and  enabling  him  to  marry  ano 
ther  wife.     The  Duke  anc-1  all  his  party  apprehend- 
,ed  the  confluences  of  a  Parliamentary  divorce  :  So 
they  oppofed  this  with,  great  heat  :   And  almoft  all 
the  Rilhops.  we're  of  that  fide  :  Only  Cofmsand  Wil- 
; kins',  the  Bifhops  .of  Durham  -and  Ghefler,  were  for 
-it.     And  the  King  was  .  as^earneft  in  the  fetting  it 
on,    as    the  Duke,  "was  in  oppofing  it.     The  zeal 
which  the  two  brothers  exprelfed  on  that  occafibn 
made  all  people  conclude,  that  they  had  a  particu- 
Tar  concern  "in   the  "matter.     The.  bill  pals'd  :  And 
that  precedent  feme  moved  'the  King,  that  he 

would 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

would  order  a  bill  to  be  brought  in  to  divorce  him 
from  the  Queen.  This  went  fo  far,  that  a  day  was 
agreed  on  for  making  the  motion  in  the  Houfe  of 
Commons,  as  Mr.  May  of  the  privy  purfe  told  me ; 
(who  had  the  greateil  and  longed  (hare  in  the  King's 
fecret  confidence  of  any  man  in  that  time  ;  for  it 
was  never  broke  off,  tho'  often  fhaken,  he  being  in 
his  notions  againft  every  thing  that  the  King  was 
for,  both  France,  Popery,  and  arbitrary  govern 
ment  -,  but  a  particular  fympathy  of  temper,  and 
his  ferving  the  King  in  his  vices,  created  a  confi 
dence  much  envied,  and  often  attempted  to  be  broke, 
but  never  with  any  fuccefs  beyond  a  fhort  coldnefs  :) 
But  he  added,  when  he  told  me  of  this  defign,  that 
three  days  before  the  motion  was  to  be  made,  the 
King  called  for  him,  and  told  him,  that  matter  muft 
be  let  alone,  for  it  would  not  do.  This  difturbed 
him  much ;  for  he  had  engaged  himfelf  far  in  laying 
the  thing,  and  in  managing  thofe  who  were  to  un 
dertake  the  debate. 

great  At  tnis  time  tne  Court  fell  into  much  extravagance 
'moralT  *n  Hiafqticrading,  both  King  and  Queen,  and  all  the 
Court.  Court,  went  about  mafked,  and  came  into  houfes 
unknown,  and  danced  there  with  a  great  deal  of 
wild  frolick.  In  all  this  people  were  fo  difguifed', 
that  without  'being  in  the  fecret  none  could  diftin- 
guifh  them.  They  were  carried  about  in  hackney 
chairs.  Once  the  Queen's  chairmen,  not  knowing 
who  me  was,  went  from  her  :  So  fhe  was  alone, 
and  was  much  difturbed,  and  came  to  Whitehall  ifi 
a  hackney  coach  :  Some  fay  it  was  in  a  cart.  The 
Duke  of  Buckingham  propofed  to  the  King,  that 
he  would  give  him  leave  to  fteal  her  away,  and 
fend  her  to  a  plantation,  where  fhe  mould  be  well 
and  carefully  looked  to,  but  never  heard  of  any 
more  :  So  it  fhould  be  given  out,  that  fhe  had  de- 
-ferted  :  And  upon  that  it  would  fail  in  with  fomc 
principles  to  carry  an  ac~b  for  a  divorce,  grounded 
upon  the  pretence  of  a  wilful  defertion.  Sir  Robert 
Murray  told  me,  that  the  King  himfelf  rejected 

this 


of  King  CHARLES  II*  $6$ 

this  with  horror.     He  faid,  it  was  a  wicked  thing    1668. 
t©  mafce  a  poor  lady  miferable,    only  becaufe  fhe 
was  his  wife,  and  had  no  children  by  him,  which 
was  no  fault  of  hers.     The  hints  of  this  broke  out : 
For  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  could  conceal  no 
thing.     And  upon  that  the  Earl  of  Manchefter,  then 
Lord  Chamberlain,  told  the  Queen,  it  was  neither 
decent,  nor  iafe  for  her  to  go  about  in  fuch  a  man 
ner  as  fhe  had  done  of  late  :  So  me  gave  it  over. 
But  at  laft  all  thefe  fchemes  fettled  in  a  proportion, 
into  which  the  King  went  •,  which  was  to  deal  with 
the  Queen's  ccnfelfor,  that  he  might  perfuade  her 
to  leave  the  world,  and  to   turn   religious  :  Upon 
which  the  Parliament  would  have  been  eafily  pre 
vailed  on  to   pals  a   divorce.      This  came   to   be 
known  :  But  what  fteps  were  made  in  it  were  never 
known.     It  was  believed,  that  upon  this  theDutch- 
efs  of  York  fent  an  exprefs  to  Rome  with  the  no 
tice  of  her  converfion  }  and  that  orders  were  fent 
from  Rome  to  all  about  the  Queen  to  perfuade  her 
againft  fuch  a  proportion,  if  any  mould  fuggeft  it 
to  her.     She   hcrfelf  had  no  mind  to  be  a  Nun  : 
And   the  Dutchefs  was   afraid   of   feeing   another 
Queen :    And    the   Miftrefs    created   at   that   time 
Dutchefs  of  Cleveland,  knew  that  fhe  m Lift  be  the 
firft  facrifice  to  a  beloved  Queen  :  And  fhe  recon 
ciled  herfelf  upon  this  to  the  Dutchefs  of  York.  The 
Duke  of  Buckingham   upon   that  broke  with  her, 
and   fttidied   to   take   the  King  from  her  by  new 
amours:   And  becaufe  he  thought  a  gaity  of  hu 
mour  would  take  much  with  the  King,  he  engaged 
him   to  entertain   two   players   one   after  another, 
Davies  and  Gwyn.     The  firft  did  not  keep  her  hold 
long  :  But  Gwyn,  the  indifcreeteft  and  wildeft  crea 
ture  that  ever  was  in  a  Court,  continued  to  the  end 
of  the  King's  life  in   great  favour,  and  was  main 
tained  at  a  vaft  expence.     The  Duke  of  Bucking 
ham  told  me,  that  when  fhe  was  firft  brought  to  the 
King,  fhe  afked  only  five  hundred  pounds  a  year ; 
And  the  King  refufed  it.     But  when  he  told  me  this, 
VOL.  I.  B  b  about 


The  H  i  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 
about,  four  years  after,  he  faid,  fhe  had  got  of  the 
w~r^j  King  above  iixty  thoufand  pounds.     She  acted  all 
perfons  in  fo  lively  a  manner,  and  was  fuch  a  con- 
itant  diveriion  to  the  King,  that  even  a  new  miftrefs 
could  not  drive  her  away.     But  after  all  he  never 
treated  her  with  the  decencies  of  a  miftrefs.     The 
King  had  another   miftrefs,  that  was   managed  by 
Lord  Shaftfbury,  who  was  the  daughter  of  a  Cler 
gyman,  Roberts  ;  in  whom  her  firft  education  had 
fo  deep  a  root,  that,  tho*  fhe  fell   into  many  fcan- 
dalous   diforders,  with  very  difmal    adventures  in 
them  all,  yet  a  principle  of  religion  was  fo  deep 
laid  in  her,  that,  tho'  it  did  not  reftrain  her,  yet  it 
kept  alive  in  her  fuch  a  conftant  horror  at  fin,  that 
fhe  was  never  eafy  in  an  ill  courfe,  and  died  with  a 
great  fenfe  of  her  former  ill  life.     I  was  often  with 
her  the  laft  three  months  of  her  life.     TheDutchefs 
of  Cleveland,  finding   that  flie  had  loft  the  King, 
abandoned  herfelf  to  great  diforders  :  One  of  which, 
by  the    artifice  of  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  was 
difcovered  by  the  King  in  perfon,  the  party  COR- 
Many  11-   cerned  leaping  out  of  the  window.     She  alfo  fpoke 
of  the   King   to  all  people  in  fuch  a  manner,  as 
brought  him  under  much  contempt.     But  he  feem- 
ed  infenfible  :  And  tho'  libels   of  all  forts  had  then 
a  very  free  courfe,  yet  he  was  never  difturbed  at  it. 
The  three  moft   eminent  wits   of  that  time,  on 
whom  all  the  lively  libels  were  faftened,  were  the 
Earls  of  Dorfet,  and   Rochefter,  and   Sir  Charles 
Sidley.     Lord  Dorfet  was  a  generous  good  naturcd 
man.     He  was  fo  oppreffed  with  phlegm,  that  till 
he  was  a  little  heated  with  wine  he  fcarce  ever  fpoke  : 
But  he  was  upon  that  exaltation  a  very  lively  man. 
Never  was   fo   much  ill  nature  in   a  pen  as  in  his, 
joined  with  fo  much  good  nature  as  was  in  himfelt, 
even  to  excels  j  for  he  was  againft  all  puni filing, 
even   of  malefactors.     He  was  bountiful,  even  to 
run  himfelf  into  difficulties :  And  charitable  to  a 
fault  ^  for  he  commonly  gave  all  he  had  about  him, 
when  he  met  an,  object  that  moved  him.  But  he  was 

fo 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  371 

fo  lazy,  that,  tho*  the  King  feemed  to  court  him  1668. 
to  be  a  favourite,  he  would  not  give  himfelf  the 
trouble  that  belonged  to  that  poft.  He  hated  the. 
Court,  and  defpifed  the  King,  when  he  faw  he  was 
neither  generous,  nor  tender  hearted.  Wilmot  Earl 
of  Rochefter,  was  naturally  modeft,  till  the  Court 
corrupted  him.  His  wit  had  in  it  a  peculiar  bright- 
nefs,  to  which  none  could  ever  arrive.  He  gave 
himfelf  up  to  all  forts  of  extravagance,  and  to  the 
wildeft  frolicks  that  a  wanton  wit  could  devife.  He 
would  have  gone  about  the  ftreets  as  a  beggar,  and 
made  love  as  a  porter.  He  fet  up  a  ftage  as  an 
Italian  mountebank.  He  was  for  forne  years  al 
ways  drunk,  and  was  ever  doing  fome  mifchief. 
The  King  loved  his  company  for  the  diver fion  it 
afforded,  better  than  his  perfon  :  And  there  was  no 
love  loft  between  them.  He  took  his  revenges  in 
many  libels.  He  found  out  a  footman  that  knew 
all  the  Court,  and  he  furnifhed  him  with  a  red  coat 
and  a  mufket  as  a  centinel,  and  kept  him  all  the 
winter  long  every  night,1  at  the  doors  of  fuch  ladies, 
as  he  believed  might  be  in  intrigues.  In  the  Court 
a  centinel  is  little  miricied,  and  is  believed  to  be 
pofted  by  a  captain  of  the  Guards  to  hinder  a  com 
bat  :  So  this  man  faw  who  walked  about,  and  vifit- 
ed  at  forbidden  hours.  By  this  means  Lord  Ro 
chefter  made  many  difcoveries.  And  when  he  was 
well  furnifhed  with  materials,  he  ufed  to  retire  into 
the  country  for  a  month  or  two  to  write  libels : 
Once  being  drunk  he  intended  to  give  the  King  a 
libel  that  he  had  writ  on  fome  ladies  :  But  by  a 
miftake  he  gave  him  one  written  on  himfelf.  He 
fell  into  an  ill  habk  of  body  :  And  in  feveral  fits  of 
ficknefs  he  had  deep  remorfes  ;  for  he  was  guilty 
both  of  much  impiety,  and  of  great  immoralities. 
But  as  he  recovered  he  threw  thefe  off,  and  turned 
again  to  his  former  ill  courfes.  In  the  laft  year  of 
his  life  I  was  much  with  him,  and  have  writ  a  book 
or  what  pafs'd  between  him  and  me.  I  do  verily 
believe,  he  was  then  fo  entirely  changed,  that,  if  he 
B  b  2  had 


372  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1668.   had  recovered,  he  would  have  made  good  all  his  re* 
v^-v"*^  folutions.     Sidley  had  a  more  iudden  and  copious 
wit,  which  furnifhed  a  perpetual  run  of  difcourfe  : 
But  he  was  not  fo  correct  as  Lord  Dorfet,  nor  fo 
fparkiing  as  Lord  Rochefter.     The  Duke  of  Buck 
ingham  loved  to  have  thefe  much  about  him  :  And 
he  gave  himfelfupto  a  monftrous  courfe  of  ftudied 
immoralities  of  the  worfl  kinds  :  He  was  fo  full  of 
mercury,  that  he  could  not  fix  long  in  any  friend- 
Ihip,  or  to   any  defign.     Bennet,  now  made  Lord 
Arlington,  and  he  fell  out  :  Bennet  was  all  cunning 
and  artifice,  and  fo  could  not  hold  long  with  him, 
who  was  fo  open  that  he  difclofed  every  thing.  Lord 
Arlington  was  engaged  in    a  great  intimacy  with 
Clifford,  Littletoun,  and  Duncomb.     I  have  already 
given  fome  account  of  the  two  firft.     Duncomb  was 
a  judicious  man,  but  very  haughty,  and  apt  to  raife 
enemies  againfl  himfelf  :  He  was  an  able  Parlia 
ment  man  :  But  could  not  go  into  all  the  defigns 
of  the  Court  ;  for  he  had  a  ienfe  of  religion,  and  a 
zeal  for  the  liberty  of  his  country.     The  Duke  of 
Buckingham's  chief  friends  were  the  Earls  of  Shaftf- 
bury  and  Lauderdale,  but   above  all   Sir  Thomas 
Ofborn,  raifed  afterwards  to  be  Lord  Treafurer  and 
EarlofDanby,  and  fince  made  Duke  of  Leeds  by 
the  late  King. 
Sir  Wil-        The  King  took  Sir  William  Coventry  from  the 

° 


vemr   s  5          Put  ^lim  m  t^ie  Treafury.     He  was  in  a 

charafter.  fair  way  to  be  the  chief  Minifter,  and  deferved  it 
more  than  all  the  reft  did.  But  he  was  too  honeft 
to  engage  in  the  defigns,  into  which  the  Court  was 
refolved  to  go,  as  foon  as  it  had  recovered  a  little 
reputation  •,  which  was  funk  very  low  by  the  ill 
management  of  the  Dutch  war,  and  the  fquandring 
away  of  the  money  given  for  it.  He  was  a  man  of 
the  fineft  and  the  belt  temper  that  belonged  to  the 
Court.  The  Duke  of  Buckingham  and  he  fell  out, 
I  know  not  for  what  reafon  :  And  a  challenge  pafs'd 
between  them,  upon  which  Coventry  was  forbid  the 
And  he  upon  that  feerned  to  retire  very 

willingly  : 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  373 

willingly  :  And  he  was  become  a  very  religious  man    1668. 
when  I  knew  him.     He  was  offered  after  that  the  v-~v>^ 
belt  pods  in   the  Court,  oftner  than  once :  But  he 
would  never  engage  again.     JHe  faw  what  was  at 
bottom,  and  was  refolved  not  to  go  through  with 
it  j  and  fo  continued  to  his  death  in  a  retired  courfe 
of  life. 

The  Duke  of  Ormond  continued  dill  in  the  Go-  Thc  Go 
vernment  of  Ireland,  tho'  feveral  interefts  joined  to-  ^"^nt 

n  i  •  mt      T-      i         ,-  ^  j  -n       °*  Ireland 

gether  again  ft  him.     The  Earls  or  Orrery  and  Ra-  changed. 
jielagh  on  the  one  hand,  and  Talbot  on  the  other. 
Lord  Orrery  loved  to  appear  in  bufmefs  •,  but  dealt 
fo  much  under  hand,  that  he  had  not  much  credit 
with  any  fide.     Lord  Ranelagh  was   a  young  man 
of  great  parts,  and  as  great  vices  :  He   had  a  plea- 
iantncis  in   his  conversation  that  took  much  with 
the  King,  and  had   a  great  dexterity  in   bufmefs. 
Many  complaints  were  fecretly  brought  againft  the 
Duke  of  Ormond.     The  King  loved  him  :  And  he 
accommodated  himfelf  much  to  the  King's  humour. 
Yet  the  King  was,  with  much  difficulty,  prevailed 
on  to  put  an  end  to  his  government  of  Ireland,  and 
to  put  Lord  Roberts,  afterwards  made  Earl  of  Rad 
nor,  in  his  place  ;  who  was  a  morofe  man,  believ 
ed  to  be  feverely  juit,  and  as  wife  as  a  cynical  hu 
mour  could  allow  him  to  be.     The  manner  of  re 
moving  the  Duke  of  Ormond  will  give  a  particular 
character  of  the  King's  temper.     He  lent  Lord  Ar 
lington  to  him  for  his  commiflion.     The  Duke  of 
Ormond  faid,  he  had  received  it  from  the  King's 
own  hands,  and  he  would  go  and  deliver  it  to  him. 
When  he  carried  it  to  the   King,  the  King  denied 
he  had  fent  him  any  Inch  meifage.     Two  days  after 
that  Lord  Arlington  was  fent  again  with  the  fame 
meffage :  And  he  had  the  fame  anfwer :  And  the 
King  difowned  it  again  to  the  Duke.     So  the  King 
declared  in  the  Privy  Council  the  change   of  the 
Government   of  Ireland,  and  made  Roberts  Lord 
Lieutenant.     And  it  flew  abroad  as  a  piece  of  news. 
The  Duke  of  Ormond  hearing  that,  came  to  the 
B  b  3  King 


3  74  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1668.  King  in  great  warmth,  to  expoflulate  upon  it.     But 
W-Y^  the  King  denied  the  whole  thing,  and  ft- nt  him  away  : 
But  he  lent  for  Fitzpatrick,  who  had  married  his 
filler,  and  who  told  me  the  whole  ftory,  and  fent 
him  to  the  Duke  of  Ormond,   to  tell  him,  the  King 
had  denied  the  matter,  tho'  it  was  true,  for  he  ob- 
ferved  he  was  in  fuch  a  heat,  that  he  was  afraid  he 
might  have  faid  indecent  things  :   And  he  was  re- 
folved  not  to  fill  out  with  him  :  For,  tho'  his  af 
fairs  made  it  neceflary  to  change  the  Government 
of  Ireland,  yet  he  would  (till  be  kind  to  him,  and 
continue  him  Lord  Steward.     Lord  Radnor  did  not 
continue    long  in  Ireland  :  He  was   cynical  in   his 
whole   adminiftration,  and  uneafy  to  the  King  in 
•  every  thing:   And  in  one  of  his  peevifh  humours  he 
writ  ro  the  King,  that  he  had  but  one  thing  to  afk 
of  him,  which  if  it  might  be  granted,  he  would 
never  afk  another,  and  that  was  to  be  difcharged  of 
his   employment.      The  Lord   Berkley   fucceeded 
him,  who  was    brother  to  the  Lord  Fitzharding, 
and   from  fmall   beginnings    had   rifen  up   to   the 
greateft  pofl  a  fubjecl  was  capable  of.     In  the  war 
he  was  Governour  of  Exeter  for  the  King,  and  one 
of  his  Generals.     He  was  named  by  him  Governour 
to  the  Duke  of  York.     He  was  now  made  Lord 
Lieutenant  of  Ireland;  and  afterwards  fent  Ambaf- 
fadour  to   France,  and   Plenipotentiary   to  Nime- 
guen.     He  was   a  man   in  whom  it  appeared  with 
how   little  true  judgment  Courts  djflribute  favours 
and  honours.     He  had  a  pofitive  way  of  undertak 
ing  and  determining  in  every  thing,  but  was  a  very 
weak  man,  and  not  incorrupt. 

The  Com-  The  Court  delivered  itfelf  up  to  vice.  And  the 
mittee  of  Houfe  of  Commons  loft  all  refpect  in  the  Nation  \ 
Brook-  for  tjiey  gave  fan  ajj  tjie  money  that  was  afked. 

Yet  thofe  who  oppofed  the  Court  carried  one  great 
point,  that  a  Committee  mould  be  named  to  exa 
mine  the  accounts  of  the  money  that  was  given 
during  the  Dutch  war.  It  was  carried,  that  they 
fho.uld  be  all  men  out  of  the  Houfe.  Lord  Bre- 

reton 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

reton  was  the  chief  of  them,  and  had  the  chair. 
He  was  a  philofophical  man,  and  was  all  his  life 
long  in  fearch  of  the  philofophers  (lone,  by  which 
he  neglected  his  own  affairs  ;  but  was  a  man  of 
great  integrity,  and  was  not  to  be  gained  by  the  flat 
teries,  hopes,  or  threatnings  of  the  Court.  Sir 
William  Turner  was  another  of  the  Committee, 
who  had  been  Lord  Mayor  of  London  the  former 
year,  under  whofe  wife  and  juft  adminiftration  the 
rebuilding  'of  the  City  advanced  fo  fad,  that  he 
would  have  been  chofen  Lord  Mayor  for  the  enfu- 
ing  year,  if  he  had  not  declined  it.  Pierpoint  was 
likewife  of  this  Committee  :  So  was  Sir  James 
Langham,  a  very  weak  man,  famed  only  for  his 
readmefs  of  fpeaking  florid  Latin,  which  he  had 
attained  to  a  degree  beyond  any  man  of  the  age  ; 
but  his  flyle  was  too  poetical,  and  full  of  Epithets 
and  Figures. 

I  name  Sir  George  Saville  laft,  becaufe  he  de- 
ferves  a  more  copious  character.  He  rofe  after- 
wards  to  be  Vifcount,  Earl,  and  Marquis  of  Hali 
fax.  He  was  a  man  of  a  great  and  ready  wit ;  full 
of  life,  and  very  pleafant  •,  much  turned  to  fatyr. 
He  let  his  wit  run  much  on  matters  of  religion  : 

C-) 

So  that  he  pafled  for  a  bold  and  determined  Atheift  -, 
tho'  he  often  propelled  to  me,  he  was  not  one  ;  and 
laid,  he  believed  there  was  not  one  in  the  world  : 
He  confefled,  he  could  not  (wallow  down  every 
thing  that  divines  impofed  on  the  world  :  He  was  a 
Chriftian  in  fubmifli.>n  :  He  believed  as  much  as  he. 
could,  and  he  hoped  that  God  would  not  lay  it  to 
his  charge,  if  he  could  not  difgeft  iron,  as  an 
oftrich  did,  nor  take  into  his  belief "things  that  mull 
burft  him  :  If  he  had  any  fcruples,  they  were  not 
fought  far,  nor  cherifhed  by  him  ;  for  he  never  read 
an  atheiftical  book,  In  a  fit  of  ficknefs,  I  knew 
him  very  much  touched  with  a  fenfe  of  religion.  I 
was  then  often  with  him.  He  feemed  full  of  good 
purpofes  :  But  they  went  off  with  his  ficknefs.  He 
was  always  talking  of  morality  and  friendship.  He 
B  b  4  was 


37*?  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1668.  was  pundhial  in  all  payments,  and  juft  in  all  his 
v^v^  private  dealings.  But,  with  relation  to  the  pub- 
lick,  he  went  backwards  and  forwards,  and  changed 
fides  fo  often,  that  in  conclufionno  fide. trailed  him. 
He  feemed  full  of  Common- wealth  notions :  Yet 
he  went  into  the  word  part  of  King  Charles's  reign. 
The  livelinefs  of  his  imagination  was  always  too 
hard  for  his  judgment.  A  fevere  jeft  was  preferred 
by  him  to  all  arguments  whatibever.  And  he  was 
endlefs  in  confutations :  For  when  after  much  dif- 
courfe  a  point  was  fettled,  if  he  could  find  a  new 
jeft,  to  make  even  that  which  was  fuggeiled  by 
himfelf  feem  ridiculous,  he  could  not  hold,  but 
would  ftudy  to  raife  the  credit  of  his  wit,  tho'  it 
made  others  call  his  judgment  in  quedion.  When 
he  talked  to  me  as  a  philoibpher  of  his  contempt  ot 
the  world,  I  afked  him,  what  he  meant  by  getting 
fo  many  new  titles,  which  I  call'd  the  hanging  him 
felf  about  with  bells  and  tinfel.  He  had  no  other 
excufe  for  it,  but  this,  that,  fince  the  world  were 
fuch  fools  as  to  value  thofe  matters,  a  man  mull:  be 
a  fool  for  company  :  He  coniidered  them  but  as 
rattles  :  Yet  rattles  pleafe  children  :  So  thefe  might 
be  of  ufe  to  his  family.  His  heart  was  much  fet  on 
raifing  his  family.  But,  tho'  he  made  a  vail  eftate 
for  them,  he  buried  two  of  his  fons  himfelf,  and 
almoft  all  his  grandchildren.  The  fon  that  fur- 
vived  was  an  honeft  man,  but  far  inferior  to  him. 
I  do  not  remember  who  befides  thefe  were  of  that 
Committee,  which  becaufe  it  fate  in  Brook-houfe, 
was  called  by  the  name  of  that  houfe. 

1669.        The  Court  was  much  troubled  to  fee  an  enquiry 

v-^v^  of  this  kind  fet  on  foot.     It  was  faid,  the  King  was 

Many       bafely  treated,  when  all  his  expence  was  to  be  look- 

m^men  CC*  *nt°'      ^n  t^ie  Ot^er   ^anC^    'lt  WES  an^wered»   that 

trained  by  tne  Parliament  did  not  look  into  his  revenue,  but 

fhe  Court,  only  to  the  diftribution   of  that .  treafurc   that  was 

trufted  to  him  for  carrying  on  the  war.     I  was  told, 

that,  after  all  the  mofl  fharneful  items  that  could 

be 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

be  put   into  an  account,  there  was  none  offered  for 
about  800000 1.     But  I  was  not  then  in  England  : 
So  I  was  very  imperfectly  informed  as  to  this  mat 
ter.     The  chief  men  that  promoted  this  were  taken 
off,  fas  the  word  then  was  for  corrupting  members,) 
in  which  the  Court   made  fo  great  a  progrefs,  that 
it  was  thought  the  King  could  never  have  been  pre 
vailed  on,  to  part  with  a  Parliament  fo  much  prac- 
tifed  on,  and  where  every  man's  price  was  known  ; 
for  as  a   man  rofe  in  his  credit  in  the  Houfe,  he 
raifed  his  price,  and  expected  to  be  treated  accord 
ingly.     In  all  this  enquiry  the  careleflhefs  and  luxury 
of  the  Court  came  to  be  fo  muc.  ,  xpofed,  that  the 
King's   fpirit  was    much  iharpened  upon   it.     All 
the  flatterers  about  him  magnified  foreign  govern 
ments,  where   the  Princes   were   abfolute,  that  in 
France  more  particularly.    Many  to  pleafe  him  faid, 
it  was  a  very  eafy  thing  to  lhake  off  the  rcftraints 
of  law,  if  the  King  would  but  fet  about  it.  .  The 
Crown  of  Denmark  was  elective,  and  fubject  to  a 
Senate,  and  yet  was  in  one  day,  without  any  vifi- 
blc  force,  changed  to   be  both  hereditary  and  abfo 
lute,  no  rebellion  nor  convuliion  of  ftate  toilowing 
on  it.     The  King  loved  the  project  in  general ;  but 
would  not  give  himielf  the  trouble  of  laying  or  ma 
naging  it.     And  therefore,  till  his  affairs  were  made 
eafier,    and   the  project  grew    clearer,    he   refoiv- 
cd    to  keep    all   things    clofe  within  hirnfelf ;  and 
went  on  in  the  common  maxim,  to  balance  party 
againil  party,  and  by  doing  popular  things  to  get 
money  of  his  Parliament,  under   the   pretence  of 
fupporting    the    Triple    Alliance.     So  money-bills 
palled  eaiiiy  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons  :  Which  by 
a  ilrange  reverfe  came  to  be  oppofed  in  the  Houfe 
of  Lords  ;  who  began  to  complain,  that  the  money- 
bills  came  up  fo   thick,  that   it  was  laid,  there  was 
no  end  of  their  giving.     End  fignifying   purpofe, 
zs  well  as  a  meafure,  this  pafs'd  as  a  feverejeft  at 
that  time.     Sir  John  Coventry  made  a  grofs  reflec 
tion  on  the  King's  amours.     He  was  one  of  thofe 

who 


yy%  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1669.  who  ftruggled  much  againft  the  giving  money. 
«— - v»o  The  common  method  is :  After  thofe  who  oppofe 
fuch  bills  fail  in  the  main  vote,  the  next  thing  they 
endeavour  is,  to  lay  the  money  on  funds  that  will 
be  unacceptable,  and  will  prove  deficient.  So  thefe 
men  propofed  the  laying  a  tax  on  the  Play-houfes, 
which  in  fo  diiTolute  a  time  were  become  nefts  of 
proflitution.  And  the  ftage  was  defiled  beyond  all 
example,  Dryden,  the  great  matter  of  Dramatick 
Poefy,  being  a  monfter  of  immodefly,  and  of  im 
purity  of  all  forts'*.  This  was  oppofed  by  the 
Court :  It  was  faid,  the  Players  were  the  King's  fer- 
vants,  and  a  part  of  his  pleafure.  Coventry  afked, 
whether  did  the  King's  pleafure  lie  among  the  men, 
or  the  women  that  acted  ?  This  was  carried  with 
great  indignation  to  the  Court.  It  was  faid,  this  was 
the  firft  time  that  the  King  was  perfonally  reflected 
on  :  If  it  was  parTed  over,  more  of  the  fame 
kind  would  follow  •,  and  it  would  grow  a  famion  to 
talk  fo  :  It  was  therefore  fit  to  take  fuch  fevere  no 
tice  of  this,  that  no  body  fhould  dare  to  talk  at 
that  rate  for  the  future.  The  Duke  of  York  told 
me,  he  faid  all  he  could  to  the  King  to  divert  him 
from  the  refolution  he  took ;  which  was  to  fend 
fome  of  the  Guards,  and  watch  in  the  ftreets  where 
Sir  John  lodged,  and  leave  a  mark  upon  him.  Sands 
and  Obrian,  and  fome  others,  went  thither :  And 
as  Coventry  was  going  home,  they  drew  about  him. 
He  Hood  up  to  the  wall,  and  fnatched  the  flambeau 
out  of  his  fervant's  hands  :  And  with  that  in  one 
hand,  and  his  fword  in  the  other,  he  defended  him- 
felf  fo  well,  that  he  got  more  credit  by  it,  than  by 
all  the  actions  of  his  life.  He  wounded  fome  of 
Coven-  them  ^  but  was  foon  difarmed  :  And  then  they  cut 
try's noie  his  nofe  to  the  bone,  to  teach  him  to  remember 
what  refpecl  he  owed  to  the  King  :  And  fo  they  left 

*  .This  inuil:  be  underftood  of  his  performances  for  the  Stage, 
for  as  to  his  perfonai  character,  there  was  nothing  remarkably  vi 
cious  in  it,  but  his  plays  arc  fome  of  ilion.  the  hiit'di  of  obfcenily 
of  ajny  HOW  extant. 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

him,  and  went  back  to  the  Duke  of  Monmouth's, 
where  Obrian's  arm  was  dreffed.  That  matter  was 
executed  by  orders  from  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  : 
For  which  he  was  fe merely  cenfured,  becauie  he  lived 
then  in  profefiions  of  friendfhip  with  Coventry  -,  fo 
that  his  fubjedlion  to  the  King  was  not  thought  an 
excufe,  for  directing  fo  vile  an  attempt  on  his  triend, 
without  fending  him  fecret  notice  of  what  was  de~ 
figned.  Coventry  had  his,  nofe  fo  well  fevved  up, 
that  the  fear  was  fcarce  to  be  difcerned.  This  put 
the  Houfe  of  Commons  in  a  furious  uproar.  They 
pafTed  a  bill  of  banimment  againft  the  adlors  of  it ; 
and  put  a  claufe  in  it,  that  it  fliould  not  be  in  the 
King's  power  to  pardon  them.  This  gave  great 
advantages  to  all  thole  that  oppofed  the  Court : 
And  was  often  remembred,  and  much  improved,  by 
all  the  angry  men  of  this  time.  The  names  of  the 
Court  and  Country  party,  which  till  now  had  feern- 
ed  to  be  forgotten,  were  again  revived. 

When  the  City  was  pretty  well  rebuilt,  they  be-  A  new 
gan  to  take  care  of  the  Churches,  which  had  lain  in  Prc 
afhes  fome  years.  And  in  that  time  Conventicles  Oi 
abounded,  in  all  the  parts  of  the  City.  It  was 
thought  hard  to  hinder  men  from  worshipping  God 
any  way  as  they  could,  when  there  were  no  Church 
es,  nor  Miniiiers  to  look  after  them.  But  they  be 
gan  to  raife  Churches  of  boards,  till  the  publick 
allowance  mould  be  raifed  towards  the  building  the 
Churches.  Thefe  they  called  Tabernacles  :  And 
they  fitted  them  up  with  pews  and  galleries  as 
Churches.  So  now  an  Adi  was  propofed,  reviving 
the  former  Adi  againil  Conventicles,  with  fome  new 
elaufes  in  it.  One  was  very  extraordinary,  that 
if  any  doubt  ihould  arife  concerning  the  meaning  of 
any  part  of  this  Adi,  it  was  to  be  determined  in  the 
fenfe  that  was  the  moil  contrary  to  Conventicles,  it 
being  the  intention  of  the  Houfe  to  reprefs  them  in 
the  rnoft  effectual  manner  poffible.  The  other  was, 
the  laying  a  heavy  line  on  fuch  Juftices  of  the  Peace, 
#s  fhoukl  not  execute  the  law,  when  informations 

were 


cut  i* 
Con 
venticles. 


38*  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1669.  were  brought  them.  Upon  this  many,  who  would 
«-*~y-*~>  not  be  the  inilruinents  of  fuch  feverities,  left  the 
bench,  and  would  fit  there  no  longer.  This  Act 
was  executed  in  the  City  very  fevereJy  in  Starling's 
Mayoralty  ;  and  put  things  in  fuch  diforder,  that 
many  of  the  trading  men  of  the  City  began  to  talk 
of  removing  with  their  flocks  over  to  Holland. 
But  the  King  ordered  a  flop  to  be  put  to  farther  fe 
verities.  Many  of  the  feds  either  difcontinued  their 
meetings,  or  held  them  very  iecretly  with  fmall 
numbers,  •  and  not  in  hours  of  publick  worfhip. 
Yet  informers  were  encouraged,  and  were  every 
where  at  work.  The  behaviour  of  the  Quakers  was 
more  particular,  and  had  fomething  in  it  that  look 
ed  bold.  They  met  at  the  fame'  place,  and  at  the 
fame  hour  as  before.  And  whsn  they  were  feized, 
none  of  them  would  go  out  of  the  way  :  They  went 
all  together  to  prifon :  They  flaid  there  till  they 
were  difmifs'd ;  for  they  would  not  petition  to  be  fet 
at  liberty,  nor  would  they  pay  their  fines  fet  on 
them,  nor  fo  much  as  the  jayi  fees,  calling  thefe 
the  wages  of  unrighteoufneis.  And  as  foon  as  they 
were  let  out,  they  went  to  their  meeting  houfes 
again  :  And,  when  they  found  thefe  were  fhut  up 
by  order,  they  held  their  meetings  in  the  ftreets, 
before  the  doors  of  thofe  houfes.  They  faid,  they 
would  not  difown,  or  be  afhamed  of  their  meeting 
together  to  worlhip  God  :  But  in  imitation  of  Da 
niel  they  would  do  it  the  more  publickly,  becaufe 
they  were  forbidden  the  doing  it.  Some  called  this 
obflinacy,  while  others  called  it  firmnefs.  But  by 
it  they  carried  their  point :  For  the  Government 
grew  weary  of  dealing  with  fo  much  perverfenefs, 
and  fo  began  to  let  them  alone. 

The  King      The  King  had  by  this  time  got  all  the  money  that 
non_  he  expected  from  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  and  that 

lv  uTthe   a^ter  great  practice  on  both  Lords  and  Commons. 

Houfe  of  Many  bones  of  contention  were  thrown  in,  to 
create  differences  between  the  two  Houfes,  to  try 
if  by  both  Houfes  infifting  on  them  the  money  bills 

might 


of  King  CHARLES  IL 

might  fall.  But,  to  prevent  all  trouble  from  the 
Lords,  the  King  was  advifed  to  go,  and  be  prefent 
at  all  their  debates.  Lord  Lauderdale  valued  him- 
felf  to  me  on  this  advice,  which  he  faid  he  gave. 
At  firft  the  King  fat  decently  on  the  throne,  tho' 
even  that  was  a  great  reftraint  on  the  freedom  of 
debate  ;  which  had  fome  effect  for  a  while  :  Tho' 
afterwards  many  of  the  Lords  feemed  to  fpeak  with 
the  more  boldnefs,  becaufe,  they  faid,  one  heard 
it  to  whom  they  had  no  other  accefs  but  in  that 
place;  and  they  took  the  more  liberty,  becaufe 
what  they  had  faid  could  not  be  reported  wrong. 
The  King,  who  was  often  weary  of  time,  and  did 
not  know  how  to  get  round  the  day,  liked  the  go 
ing  to  the  Houfe,  as  a  pleafant  diverfion.  So  he 
w,ent  conftantly.  And  he  quickly  left  the  throne, 
and  flood  by  the  fire  ;  which  drew  a  croud  about 
him,  that  broke  all  the  decency  of  that  Houfe  : 
For  before  that  time  every  Lord  fat  regularly  in  his 
place :  But  the  King's  coming  broke  the  order  of 
their  fitting  as  became,  Senators.  The  King's  go 
ing  thither  had  a  much  worfe  effect :  For  he  became 
a  common  folicitor,  not  only  in  publick  affairs,  but 
even  in  private  matters  of  juftice.  He  would  in  a 
very  little  time  have  gone  round  the  Houfe,  and 
fpoke  to  every  man  that  he  thought  worth  fpeaking 
to.  And  he  was  apt  to  do  that  upon  the  foiicitati- 
on  of  any  of  the  Ladies  in  favour,  or  of  any  that 
had  credit  with  them.  He  knew  well  on  whom  he 
could  prevail:  So  being  once  in  a  matter  of  juftice 
clcfired  to  fpeak  to  the  Earl  of  Effex,  and  the  Lord 
Hollis,  he  faid,  they  were  ftiff  and  fallen  men  : 
But  when  he  was  next  defired  to  folicit  two  others, 
he  undertook  to  do  it  •,  and  faid,  they  are  men  of 
no  confcience,  fo  I  will  take  the  government  of 
their  confcience.  into  my  own  hands.  Yet  when  any 
of  the  Lords  told  him  plainly,  that  they  could  not 
vote  as  he  defired,  he  feemed  to  take  it  well  from 
them.  When  the  Act  againft  Conventicles  was  de 
bated  in  that  Houfe*  Wilkins  argued  long  againil 

it. 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
it.  The  King  was  much  for  having  it  pafs,  not 
that  he  intended  to  execute  it,  but  he  was  glad  to 
have  that  body  of  men  at  mercy,  and  t6  force  them 
to  concur  in  the  defign  for  a  general  toleration.  He 
fpoke  to  Wilkins  not  to  oppofe  it.  He  anfwered, 
he  thought  it  an  ill  thing  both  in  confcience  and  po 
licy  :  Therefore,  both  as  he  was  an  Englifh  man, 
and  a  Bifhop,  he  was  bound  to  oppofe  it.  The 
King  then  defired  him  not  to  come  to  the  Houfe 
while  it  depended.  He  faid,  by  the  law  and  con- 
ititution  of  England,  and  by  his  Majefty's  favour, 
he  had  a  right  to  debate  and  vote  :  And  he  was  nei 
ther  afraid  nor  afhamed  to  own  his  opinion  in  that 
matter,  and  to  ad  purfuant  to  it.  So  he  went  on  : 
And  the  King  was  not  offended  with  his  freedom. 
But  tho'  he  bore  with  fuch  a  frank  refufing  to  com 
ply  with  his  defire,  yet  if  any  had  made  him  fuch 
general  anfwers,  as  led  him  to  believe  they  intended 
to  be  compliant,  and  had  not  in  all  things  done  as 
he  expeded,  he  called  that  a  juggling  with  him  ; 
and  he  was  apt  to  fpeak  hardly  of  them  on  that  ac 
count.  No  fooner  was  the  King  at  eafe,  and  had 
his  fleet  put  in  good  cafe,  and  his  ftores  and  maga 
zines  well  furnifhed,  than  he  immediately  fell  to  ne 
gotiating  with  France,  both  to  ruin  Holland,  and 
to  fubvert  the  government  of  England.  The  Brook- 
houfe  bufmefs,  as  well  as  the  burning  his  fleet,  ftuck 
as  deep  as  any  thing  could  do  in  his  heart.  He  re- 
folved  to  revenge  the  one,  and  to  free  himfelf  from 
the  apprehenfions  of  the  others  returning  upon  him  : 
Tho'  the  Houfe  of  Commons  were  fo  far  practifed 
on,  that  the  report  of  Brook-houfe  was  let  fall  ; 
and  that  matter  was  no  more  infilled  on.  Yet  he 
abhorred  the  precedent,  and  the  difcoveries  that  had 
been  made  upon  it. 
The  The  Prince  of  Orange  came  over  to  him  in  the 

Orange  wint5r  l662*  He  was  then  in  the  twentieth  year 
camc'to  °f  llis.  a§e  :  So  ne  came  over>  both  to  fee  how 
the  King,  the  King  intended  to  pay  the  great  debt  that  he 

owed 


of  King  CHARLES   II. 

owed  him,  which  had  been  contracted  by  his  father 
on  his  account,  and  likewife  to  try  what  offices  the 
King  would  do  in  order  to  his  advancement  to  the 
Stadtholderfhip.      The  King  treated   him  civilly. 
He  allured  him   him  he  would  pay  the  debt :  But 
did  not  lay  down  any  method  of  doing  it :  So  thefe 
were  only  good  words.     He  tryed  the  Prince,    as 
the  Prince  himfelf  told  me,  in  point  of  religion  :  He 
fpoke  of  all  the  Proteftants   as  a  factious    body, 
broken   among   themfelves,    ever   fince   they   had 
broken  off  from  the  main  body  j  and  wifhed,  that 
he  would  take   more    pains,    and  look  into   thefe 
things  better,  and  not  be  led  by  his  Dutch  block 
heads.     The  Prince  told  all  this  to  Zuylefteyn  his 
natural  uncle.     They  were  both  amazed  at  it ;  and 
wondered,  how  the  King  could  truft  fo  great  a  fe- 
cret,  as  his  being  a  Papift,  to  fo  young  a  perfon. 
The  Prince  told  me,,  that  he  never  fpoke  of  this  to 
any  other  perfon,  till  after  his  death  :  But  he  carri 
ed  it  always  in  his  own  mind,  and  could  not  hinder 
himfelf  from  judging  of  all  the  King's  intentions 
after  that,  from  the  difcovery  he  had  then  made  of 
his   own  fentiments.     Nor  did   he,    upon  his   net 
complying  with  that  proportion,    expect  any  real 
afliftance   of  the  King,    but   general  interceffions, 
which  fignifyed  nothing  :  And  that  was  all  he  ob 
tained. 

So  far  have  I  carried  on  the  thread  of  the  affairs  The  af- 
of  England,  down  from  the  peace  of  Breda  to  the  ^airs  of 
year  1670,  in  which  the  negotiation  with  the  Court  Scotland< 
of  France  was  fet  on  foot.     I  am  not  fare,  that  eve 
ry  thing  is  told  in  juft  order;  becaufe  I  was  all  the 
while  very  much  retired  from  the  world  and  from 
company.     But  T  am  confident,  1  have  given  a  true 
reprefentation  of  things  -9  fmce  I  had  moil  of  thefe 
matters  from  perfons  who  knew  them  well,  and  who 
were  not  like  to  deceive  me.     But  now  I  return  to 
my  own  country,  where  the  fame  fpirit  appeared  iia 
the  adminiftration. 

The 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
The  King  was  now  upon  meafures  of  moderation 
and  comprehenfioa:  So  thefe  were  alfo  purfued  in 
foranac-  Scotland.  Leightoun  was  the  only  perfon  among 
commo-  tne  Bi&ops  who  declared  for  thefe  methods  :  And 
dation  he  made  no  flep  without  talking  it  over  to  me.  A 
wuh  the  great  many  Churches  were  already  vacant.  The 
"  people  fell  off  entirely  from  all  the  Epifcopal  Clergy 


nans  in 


Scotland.  in  tne  weftern  Counties  :  And  a  fet  of  hot,  fiery, 
young  teachers  went  about  among  them,  inflaming 
them  more  and  more  :  So  it  was  neceffary  to  find  a 
remedy  for  this.  Leightoun  propofed,  that  a  trea 
ty  fhould  be  fet  on  foot  in  order  to  the  accommo 
dating  our  differences,  and  for  changing  the  laws 
that  had  carried  the  Epifcopal  authority  much  higher, 
than  any  of  the  Bifhops  themfelves  put  in  practice. 
He  faw  both  Church  and  State  were  rent :  Religion 
was  like  to  be  loft :  Popery,  or  rather  barbarity, 
was  like  to  come  in  upon  us  :  And  therefore  he 
propofed  fuch  a  fchemc,  as  he  thought  might  have 
taken  with  the  fobereit  men  of  Prefbyterian  princi 
ples  ;  reckoning  that,  if  the  fchifm  could  be  once 
healed,  and  order  be  once  reftored,  it  might  be  eafy  to 
bring  things  into  fuch  management,  that  the  concef- 
fions  then  to  be  offered  mould  do  no  great  hurt  in 
prefent,  and  mould  die  with  that  generation.  He 
obferved  the  extraordinary  conceflions  made  by  the 
African  Church  to  the  Donatifts,  who  were  every 
whit  as  wild  and  extravagant  as  our  people  were : 
Therefore  he  went  indeed  very  far  in  the  extenuating 
the  Epifcopal  authority  :  But  he  thought,  it  would 
be  eafy  afterwards,  to  recover  what  feemed  necefTary 
to  be  yielded  at  prefent. 

He  propofed,  that  the  Church  fhould  be  go 
verned  by  the  Bifhops  and  their  Clergy,  mixing 
together  in  the  Church  Judicatories  -,  in  which 
the  Bifliop  mould  act  only  as  a  prefident,  and 
be  determined  by  the  majority  of  his  Prefby- 
ters,  both  in  matters  of  jurifdiction  and  ordi 
nation  :  And  that  the  Prefbyterians  mould  be  allow 
ed,  when  they  fat  down  firft  in  thefe  Judicatories, 
6  to 


of  lung  CHARLES  II.  385 

to  ..declare,  that  their  fitting  under  a  Bifhop  was  fub-    i66n. 
mitted  to  by  them  only  for  peace  fake,  with  a  referv 
vation  of  their  opinion  with  relation  to  any  fuch*pre-» 
iidency  :  And  that  no  negative  vote  fliould  be  claim 
ed  by  the  bifhop  :  That  bifliops  fliould  go  to  the 
churches,  in  which  fuch  as  were  to  be  ordained  were 
to  fcrve,  and  hear  and  difcufs  any  exceptions  that 
were  made  to  them,  and  ordain  them  with  the  con 
currence  of  the  Prefbytery  :  That  fuch  as  were  to  be 
ordained  mould  have  leave  to  declare  their  opinion^ 
if  they  thought  the  Bifhop  was  only  the  head  of  the 
Prefbyters.     And  he  alfo  propofed,  that  there  fliould 
be  provincial  Synods,  to  fit  in  courfe  every  third 
year,  or  oftener,  if  the  King  mould  fummon  thern^ 
in  which  complaints  of  the  bifhops  mould  be  receiv 
ed,  and  they  fliould  be  cenfured  accordingly.     The 
laws  that  fettled  Epifcopacy,  and  the  authority  of  a 
National  Synod,  were  to  be  altered  according  to  this 
fcheme.     To  juftify,  or  rather  to  excufe  thefe  con- 
ceffions,  which  left  little  more  than  the  name  of  a 
bifliop,  he  faid,  as  for  their  protection,  it  would  be 
little  minded,  and  foon  forgotten  :  The  world  would 
fee  the  union  that  would  be  again  fettled  among  us, 
and  the  proteftation  would  lie  dead  in  the  books,  an<| 
die  with  thofe  that  made  it :  As  for  the  negative  vote, 
Bifhops  generally  managed  matters  fo,  that  they  had 
no  occafion  for  it ;  but,  if  it  fliould  be  found  necef- 
fary,  it  might  be  lodged  in  the  King's  name  with 
fome  fecular  perfon,  who  fliould  interpofe  as  often 
as  the  Bifliop  law  it  was  expedient  to  ufe  it :  And  if 
the  prefent  race-  could  be  but  laid  in  their  graves  in 
peace,  ail  thofe  heats  would  abate,  if  not  quite  fall 
off.     He  alfo  thought,  it  was  a  much  decenter  thing 
for  Bifhops  to  go  upon  the  place  where  the  minifler 
was  to  ferve,  and  to  ordain  after  folemn  fading  and 
prayer,  than  to  huddle  it  up  at  their  Cathedrals, 
with  no  foiemnity,  and  fcarce  with  common  decen 
cy.     It  feemed  alfo  reafonable,  that  bifhops  fhquld 
be  liable  to  cenfure,  as  well  as  other  people :  And 
that  in  a  fixed  court,  which  was  to  confifl  of  Bifhops, 
VOL.  1.  C  c  and 


386  The  HISTOEY  of  the  Reign 

1669.  and  Deans,  and  two  chofen  from  every  prefoyteryv 
The  liberty  offered  to  fuch  as  were  to  be  ordained, 
to  Declare  their  opinion,  was  the  hardeft  part  of  the 
•whole.  It  looked  like  the  perpetuating  a  factious 
and  irregular  humour.  But  few  would  make  ufe  of 
it.  All  the  Churches  in  the  gift  of  the  King,  or  of 
the  Bifhops,  would  go  to  men  of  other  principles. 
But  though  fome  things  of  an  ill  difgeftion  were  at 
fuch  a  time  admitted,  yet,  if  by  thefe  means  the 
fchifm  could  be  once  healed,  and  the  Nation  again 
fettled  in  a  peaceable  ftate,  the  advantage  of  that 
would  balance  all  that  was  loft  by  thofe  abatements, 
that  were  to  be  made  in  the  Epifcopal  authority  ; 
which  had  been  raifed  too  high,  and  to  correct  that, 
was  now  to  be  let  fall  too  low,  if  it  were  not  for 
the  good  that  was  to  be  hoped  for  from  this  Accom 
modation  :  for  this  came  to  be  the  word  as  Compre- 
henfion  was  in  England.  He  propofed  farther,  that 
a  treaty  might  be  fet  on  foot,  for  bringing  the  pref- 
byterians  to  accept  of  thefe  conceflions.  The  Earl 
of  Kincardin  was  againft  all  treating  with  them :  they 
were  a  trifling  fort  of  difputatious  people  :  they  would 
fall  into  much  wrangling,  and  would  fubdivide 
among  themfelves  :  and  the  young  and  ignorant  men 
among  them,  that  were  accuflomed  to  popular  de 
clamations,  would  fay,  here  was  a  bargain  made  to  fell 
Chrift's  kingdom,  and  his  prerogative.  He  therefore 
propofed,  that  fince  we  knew  both  their  principles 
and  their  tempers,  we  ought  to  carry  the  conceffi- 
ons  as  far  as  it  was  either  reafonable  or  expedient, 
and  pafs  thefe  into  laws :  and  then  they  would  fub- 
mit  to  a  fettlement,  that  was  made  and  that  could 
not  be  helped,  more  eafily  than  give  a  confcnt  before 
hand,  to  any  thing  that  feemed  to  entrench  on  that, 
which  they  called  the  liberty  of  the  Church.  Leigh- 
toun  did  fully  agree  with  him  in  this.  But  Lord 
Lauderdale  would  never  confent  to  that.  He  faid, 
a  law  that  did  fo  entirely  change  the  conftitution  of 
the  Church,  when  it  came  to  be  parTed  and  printed, 
would  be  conftrued  in  England  as  a  pulling  down  of 

Epifcopacy  j 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  387 

Epifcopacy ;  unlefs  he  could  have  this  to  fay  in  ex-    1669. 
cufe  tor  it,  that  the  Prefbytcrians  were  willing  to  «-*%-*-' 
come  under  that  model.     So  he  faid,  fmce  the  load 
of  what  was  to  he  done  in  Scotland  would  fall  heavi- 
eft  on   him,  he  would  not  expofe  himfelf  fo  much, 
as  the  pafTmg  any  fuch  act  muft  certainly  do,  till  he 
knew  what  effects  would  follow  on  it.     So  we  were 
forced  now  to  try  how  to  deal  with  them  in  a  treaty. 

I  was  fent  to  propofe  this  fcheme  to  Hutchinfon, 
who  was  efteemed  the  learnedeft  man  among  them. 
But  I  was  only  to  try  him,  and  to  talk  of  it  as  a  no 
tion  of  my  own.  He  had  married  my  coufm  ger- 
man  ;  and  I  had  been  long  acquainted  with  him. 
He  looked  on  it  as  a  project  that  would  never  take 
effect :  fo  he  would  not  give  his  opinion  about  it. 
He  faid,  when  thefe  concefTions  were  pailed  into 
laws,  he  would  know'what  he  fhould  think  of  them  : 
but  he  was  one  of  many,  fo  he  avoided  to  declare 
himfelf  The  next  thing  under  confideration  was, 
how  to  difpofe  of  the  many  vacancies,  and  how  to 
put  a  frop  to  Conventicles.  Leightoun  propofed, 
that  they  fhould  be  kept  ftill  vacant,  while  the 
treaty  was  on  foot  -,  and  that  the  Prefbyterians  fhould 
fee 'how  much  the  government  was  in  earneit,  in  the 
deflgn  of  bringing  them  to  ferve  in  the  Church, 
when  fo  many  places  were  kept  open  for  them. 

The  Earl  of  Tweed  ale  thought  the  treaty  would  An  Indul- 
run  into  a  great  length,  ana  to  many  niceties,  and  gence 
would  perhaps   come  to  nothing  in  conclufion.     So 
he  propofed  the  granting  lomeof  the  outed  minifters 
leave,  to  go  and  ferve  in  thofe  parifhes  by  an  act  of 
the  king's  indulgence,  from  whence  it  came  to  be 
called  the  Indulgence.     Leightoun  was  againfl  this. 

_.  C>  C2 

He  thought,  nothing  would  bring  on  the  Prefbyte- 
rians  to  a  treaty,  fo  much  as  the  hopes  of  being  again 
fuffered  to  return  to  rheir  benefices :  whereas,  if  the/ 
were  once  admitted  to  them,  they  would  reckon  they 
had  gained  their  point,  and  would  grow  more  back 
ward.  I  was  defired  to  go  into  the  weftern  parts, 
and  to  give  a  true  account  of  matters,  as- I  -found 

C  c  2  them 


,388  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1669.  them  there.  So  I  went,  as  in  a  vifit  to  the  Duke  of 
o^y^,  Hamilton ;  whofe  Dutchefs  was  a  woman  of  great 
piety,  and  great  parts.  She  had  much  credit  among 
them  ;  for  me  pafled  for  a  zealous  Prefbyterian,  tho* 
flie  protefted  to  me  fhe  never  entered  into  the  points 
of  controverfy,  and  had  no  fettled  opinion  about 
forms  of  Government  •,  only  me  thought  their  Mi- 
n ifters  were  good  men,  who  kept  the  country  in 
great  quiet  and  order :  they  were,  fhe  faid,  blame- 
lefs  in  their  lives,  devout  in  their  way,  and  diligent 
in  their  labours.  The  people  were  all  in  a  phrenzy, 
and  were  in  no  difpofition  to  any  treaty.  The  fu- 
rioufeft  men  among  them  were  bufy  in  Conventicles, 
inflaming  them  againft  all  agreements :  fo  fhe  thought, 
that,  if  the  more  moderate  Prefbyterians  were  put 
in  vacant  Churches,  the  people  would  grow  tamer, 
and  be  taken  out  of  the  hands  of  the  mad  preachers, 
that  were  then  mod  in  vogue :  this  would  likewife 
create  a  confidence  in  them  :  for  they  were  now  fo 
poffefTed  with  prejudices,  as  to  believe  that  all  that 
was  propofed,  was  only  an  artifice  to  make  them  fall 
out  among  themfelves,  and  deceive  them  at  laft. 
This  feemed  reafonable :  and  me  got  many  of  the 
more  moderate  of  them  to  come  to  me :  and  they 
all  talked  in  the  fame  {train. 

An  at-  A   ftrange  accident  happened  to  Sharp  in  July, 

tempt  to    j5535  as  he  was   going  into  his  coach  in  full  day- 

shu*    ]isht' the  Bi(h°p of  Orkney  bein§  with  him-  A 

man  came  up  to  the  coach,  and  discharged  a  piftol 
at  him  with  a  brace  of  bullets  in  it,  as  the  Bifliop 
of  Orkney  was  going  up  into  the  coach.  He  intend 
ed  to  moot  through  his  cloak  at  Sharp,  as  he  was 
mounting  up  :  but  the  bullet  ftuck  in  the  Bimop  of 
Orkney's  arm,  and  mattered  it  fo,  that,  though  he 
lived  fome  years  after  that,  they  were  forced  to  open 
k  every  year  for. an  exfoliation.  Sharp  was  fo  uni- 
Verfally  hated,  that,  though  this  was  done  in  full  day 
light,  and  on  the  high  ftreet,  yet  no  body  offered  to 
leize  the  affaffin.  So  he  walked  off,  and  went  home, 
and  ihiftcd  himfclf  of  an  odd  wig,  which  he  was 

not 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

not  accuftomed  to  wear,  and  came  out,  and  walked 
on  the  flreets  immediately.  But  Sharp  had  viewed 
him  fo  narrowly,  that  he  difcovered  him  afterwards, 
as  mall  be  mentioned  in  its  proper  place.  I  Jived  then 
much  out  of  the  world  :  yet  I  thought  it  decent  to 
go  and  congratulate  him  on  this  occafion.  He  was 
much  touched  with  it,  and  put  on  a  fliew  of  devo 
tion  upon  it.  He  faid  with  a  very  ferious  look,  My 
times  are  wholly  in  thy  hand,  O  thou  God  of  my 
life.  This  was  the  fingle  expreffion  favouring  of" 
piety,  that  ever  fell  from  him,  in  all  the  convention 
that  paired  between  him  and  me.  Proclamations 
were  ififued  out  with  great  rev/ards  for  difcovering 
the  actor  :  but  nothing  followed  on  them.  On  this 
occafion  it  was  thought  proper,  that  he  mould  be 
called  to  Court,  and  have  fome  marks  of  the  King's 
favour  put  on  him.  He  promifed  to  make  many 
good  motions :  and  he  talked  for  a  while  like  a 
changed  man  :  and  went  out  of  his  way,  as  he  was 
going  to  Court,  to  vifit  me  at  my  parfonage  houfe, 
and  feemed  refolved  to  turn  to  other  methods.  The 
King,  as  he  had  a  particular  talent  that  way,  when 
he  had  a  mind  to  it,  treated  him  with  fpecial  charac 
ters  of  favour  and  refpect.  But  he  made  no  propo- 
fition  to  the  King  :  only  in  general  terms  he  approv 
ed  of  the  methods  of  gentlenefs  and  moderation  then 


in  vos;ue. 

o 


When   he  came  back  to  Scotland,  he  moved  in  sharp  prr 
Council  that  an  indulgence  might  be  granted  to  fomented  the 
of  the  Publick  Refolutioners,  with  fome  rules  and^S^S 
reftraints  ;  fuch  as,  that  they  mould  not  fpeak,  or  nXr*tha 
preach  againft  Epifcopacy,  and  that  they  fhould  not  did  not 
admit  to  either  of  the  Sacraments  any  of  the  neigh-  conform, 
bouring  pariflies,  without  a  defire  from  their  own 
Minifters  \  and  that  they  fhould  engage  themfelves 
to  obferve  thefs  rules.    He  knew  that  his  proportion, 
for  all  the  fliew  of  moderation  that  was  in  it,  could 
have  no  effect,  for  the  Refolutioners  and  the  Pro- 
teilors  had  laid  down  their  old  difputes,  and  were  re 
folved  to  some  under  no  difcrimination  on  that  ac- 

C  c  count;  | 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
count  •,  nor  would  they  engage  to  obferve  -any  limi 
tations  that  fhould  be  laid  on  them.  They  faid,  the 
Government  might  lay  reftraints  on  them,  and  punifh 
them,  if  they  broke  through  them,  and  they  would 
obey  them,  or  not,  ar.  their  peril.  But  they  laid 
down  this  for  a  maxim  :  that  they  had  received  a 
complete  minifbry  from  Chrift,  and  that  the  judica- 
tories  of  the  Church  had  only  power  to  govern  them 
in  the  exercife  of  their  function.  If  the  King  mould 
lay  any  limitations  on  them,  they  might  obey  thefe, 
as  prudence  fhould  direct :  but  they  would  not  bind 
themfelves  tip  by  any  engagement  of  their  own. 
Burnet,  and  his  Clergy  (for  the  diocefe  of  Glafgow 
is  above  the  fourth  part  of  all  Scotland;  came  to 
Edinburgh  full  of  high  complaints,  that  the  Churches 
were  univerfally  foriaken,  and  that  Conventicles 
abounded  in  every  corner  of  the  country.  A  pro-* 
clamation  was  upon  that  iffued  out,  in  imitation  of 
the  Engiifh  Act,  fetting  a  fine  of  507.  upon  every 
landlord,  on  whofe  grounds  any  Conventicle  was 
held,  which  he  might  recover,  as  he  could,  of  thofe 
who  were  at  any  fuch  Conventicle.  This  was  plain 
ly  againft  law ;  for  the  Council  had  no  power  by 
their  authority  to  fet  arbitrary  fines.  It  was  pretend 
ed  on  the  other  hand,  that  the  Act  of  Parliament 
that  had  reftored  Epifcopacy  had  a  claufe  in  it,  re 
commending  the  execution  of  that  Act  to  the  Privy- 
Council,  by  all  the  bed  ways  they  could  think  of. 
But  the  lawyers  of  the  Council  board  faid,  that  in 
matters  of  property  their  power  was  certainly  tied 
up  to  the  direction  of  the  law  :  and  the  claufe  men 
tioned  related  only  to  particular  methods,  but  could 
not  be  ronflrued  fo  far,  as  this  proclamation  carried 
the  matter.  The  proclamation  went  out,  but  was 
pever  executed.  It  was  fent  up  to  London,  and  had 
a  fhew  of  zeal ;  and  fo  was  made  ufe  of  by  the  Earl 
of  Lauderdale  to  bear  down  the  clamour,  that  was 
raifed  againft  him  apd  his  party  in  Scotland,  as  if 
they  defigned  to  pull  down  Epifcopacy.  The  mo 
del  of  the  county  rnilitia  was  now  executed :  and 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

above  two  thoufand  horfe,  and  fixteen  thoufand  foot 
were  armed  and  trained,  and  caft  into  independent 
regiments  and  troops,  who  were  all  to  be  under  fuch 
orders  as  the  Council  ifiued  out.  All  this  was  againft 
Jaw  :  for  the  King  had  only  a  power  upon  an  extra 
ordinary  occafion  to  raife,  and  march  fuch  a  body  of 
men,  as  he  mould  fummon  together  \  and  that  at 
his  own  charge ;  but  the  converting  this  into  a  (land 
ing  militia,  which  carried  with  it  a  (landing  charge, 
was  thought  a  great  flretch  of  prerogative.  Yet  it 
was  refolved  on  ;  though  great  exceptions  were  made 
to  it  by  the  lawyers,  chiefly  by  Sir  John  Nifbit,  the 
King's  advocate,  a  man  of  great  learning,  both  in 
law  and  in  many  other  things,  chiefly  in  the  Greek 
learning  :  he  was  a  perfon  of  great  integrity,  and  al 
ways  flood  firm  to  the  law.  The  true  fecret  of  this 
defign  was,  that  Lord  Lauderdale  was  now  prefTing 
to  get  into  the  management  of  the  affairs  of  Eng 
land.  And  he  faw  what  the  court  was  aiming  at. 
And  he  had  a  mind  to  make  himfelf  considerable  by 
this,  that  he  had  in  his  hand  a  great  army,  with  a 
magazine  of  arms,  and  a  flock  of  money  laid  up  in 
Scotland,  for  any  accident  that  might  happen.  So 
all  his  creatures,  and  Lady  Dyfert  more  than  all  the 
red,  had  this  up  in  all  companies,  that  none  before 
him  ever  dreamt  how  to  make  Scotland  confiderablc 
to  the  King  :  but  now  it  began  to  make  a  great  fi 
gure.  An  Army,  a  Magazine,  and  a  Treafure,  were 
words  of  a  high  found  •,  chiefly  now  that  the  Houfe 
of  Commons  was  like  to  grow  fo  intractable,  that 
the  Duke  of  Buckingham  defpaired  of  being  able  to 
manage  them,  He  moved  the  difiblving  the  Parlia 
ment,  and  calling  a  new  one  :  and  thought  the  Na 
tion  would  chuie  men  lefs  zealous  for  the  church  ; 
for  thefe  were  all  againft  him.  But  the  King  would 
riot  venture  on  it.  He  knew  the  Houfe  of  Com 
mons  was  either  firm  to  him  by  their  own  principles, 
or  by  his  management  they  could  be  made  fo  :  and 
therefore  he  would  not  run  the  rifk  of  any  new  elec 
tion.  He  had  the  PuTenters  much  in  his  power,  by 

C  c  4  the 


The-HiSTORY  of  the  Reign 
1669.  the  fevere  laws  under  which  they  lay  at  his  mercy : 
,*-n^o  hut  he  did  not  know  what  influence  they  might  have 
jn  elections,  and  in  a  new  Parliament :  thefe  he  knew 
were  in,  their  hearts  enemies  to  prerogative  -,  which 
tie  believed  they  would  mew,  as  foon  as  they  got 
themfelves  to  be  delivered  from  the  laws,  that  then 
put  them  in  the  King's  power. 

Propofi-         Lord  Tweedale  was  then  at  London  :  and  he  fet 

tions  tor    on  foot  a   proportion,  that  came  to  nothing,  but 

lon  fnade  fo  much  noife,  and  was  of  fuch    importance, 

of  the  two    .         .       v   -  T        r 

kingdoms,  that  it  deferves  to  be  enlarged  on.  It  was  tor  the, 
union  of  both  Kingdoms.  The  King  liked  it-,  be- 
caufe  he  reckoned,  that,  at  kaft  for'  his  time,  he 
mould  be  fure  of  all  the  members  that  mould  be  fent 
up  from  Scotland.  The  Duke  of  Buckingham  went 
in  eafily  to  a  new  thing  :  and  Lord  Keeper  Bridg- 
man  was  much  for  it,  The  Lord  Lauderdale  prefT- 
ed  it  vehemently  :  it  made  it  neceflary  to  hold  a  Par 
liament  in  Scotland,  where  he  intended  to  be  the 
King's  Commiffioner.  The  Earl  of  Tweedale  was 
for  it  on  other  accounts,  both  tb  fettle  the  eftablifh- 
rnent  of  the  militia,  and  to  get  fome  alterations  made 
In  the  laws  that  related  to  the  Church  ;  and  he  re- 
$lly  drove  at  the  union,  as  a  thing  which  he  thought 
rnight  be  brought  about.  Scotland,  he  faid,  was 
even  then  under  great  uneafmefs,  though  the  King 
knew  the  ftate  of"  that  Kingdom  ;  but  when  another 
King  fhould  reign  that  knew  not  Jofeph  (fo  he  ex- 
prefled  ij:)  the  Nation  would  be  delivered  up  to  fa- 
^'ourites,  and  be  devoured  by  them  :  rich  provinces, 
like  thbfe  that  belonged  to  Spain,  could  hold  out  long 
•under  oppreffion ;  but  a  poor  country  would  be  foon 
difpeopled,  if  much  oppreiTed  :  and  if  a  King  of  deep 
defigns  againft  publick  liberty  fhould  carefs  the  Scots, 
he  might  eafily  engage  them  j  fince  a  poor  country 
niay  be  fuppoied  willing  to  change  their  feats,  and 
to  break  in  on  a  richer  one  :  there  was  indeed  no 
fear  of  t.hat  at  prefenc ;  for  the  dotage  of  the  Nation 
pn  Prefbytery,  and  the  firmnefs  y/ith  which  the  Go- 
yernment  fuppprted  Epifcopacy,  fet  them  fo  farfrarn 


r :  of  King  CHARLES  II.  593 

one  another,  that  no  engagement  of  that  fort  could  1669. 
be  attempted  :  but  if  aKingfhould  take  a  dextrous  v-^r*-» 
method  for  putting  that  out  of  the  way,  he  might 
carry  Scotland  to  any  defign  he  thought  fit  to  engage 
in.  Lord  Tweedale  blamed  Sir  Francis  Bacon  much 
for  laying  it  down  as  a  maxim,  that  Scotland  was  to 
be  reckoned  as  the  third  part  of  the  ifland,  and  to 
be  treated  accordingly  :  whereas  he  afifured  me,  Scot 
land  for  numbers  of  people  was  not  above  a  tenth 
part,  and  for  wealth  not  above  a  fortieth  part  of  the 
iiland. 

The  difcourfe  of  the  union  was  kept  up,  till  it 
was  refolved  to  fummon  a  new  Parliament  in  Scot 
land.  Then  Lord  Lauderdale  made  the  King  refledt 
on  the  old  fchemes  he  had  laid  before  him  at  the  Re- 
floration :  and  he  undertook  to  manage  the  Parlia 
ment  fo,  as  to  make  it  anfwer  that  end  more  effectu 
ally,  than  any  before  him  had  ever  done.  This  was  re 
folved  on  in  the  fummer  1669.  I  being  then  at  Ha 
milton,  and  having  got  the  befb  information  of  the 
ftate  of  the  country  that  I  could,  wrote  a  long  ac 
count  of  all  I  had  heard  to  the  Lord  Tweedale,  and 
concluded  it  with  an  advice  to  put  fome  of  the  more 
moderate  of  the  Prefbyterians  into  the  vacant 
Churches.  -  Sir  Robert  Murray  told  me,  the  letter 
was  fo  well  iiked,  that  it  was  read  to  the  King. 
Such  a  letter  would  have  fignified  nothing,  if  Lord 
Tweedale  had  not  been  fixed  in  the  fame  notion. 
He  had  now  a  plaufible  thing  to  fupport  it.  So  my 
principles,  and  zeal  for  the  Church?  and  I  know  not 
what  befides  were  raifed,  to  make  my  advice  fignify 
fomewhat.  And  it  was  faid,  I  was  the  man  that  went 
moft  entirely  into  Leightoun?s  maxims.  So  this  in- 
difcreet  letter  of  mine,  fent  without  communicating 
it  to  Leightoun,  gave  the  deciding  (troke.  And, 
as  may  be  eafily  believed,  it  drew  much  hatred  on 
ine  from  all  that  either  knew  it,  or  did  fufpecl  it. 

The  King  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Privy  Council,  The  King 
ordering  them  to  indulge  fuch  of  the  Prefbyterians  S^^' 
£s  were  peaceable  ancj  loyal,  fo  far  as  to  fufter  them  the  in^\. 

to  gence. 


394  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1669.  to  ferve  in  vacant  Churches,  though  they  did  not 
t-^y^  fubmit  to  the  prefent  eflablifhment :  and  he  requir 
ed  them  to  fet  them  fuch  rules,  as  might  preferve 
order  and  peace,  and  to  look  well  to  the  execution 
of  them :  and  as  for  fuch  as  could  not  be  provided 
in  Churches  at  that  time,  he  ordered  a  penfion  of 
2O/.  fieri  ing  a  year  to  be  paid  every  one  of  them,  as 
long  as  they  lived  orderly.  Nothing  followed  on 
the  fecond  article  of  this  letter :  the  Prefbyterians 
looked  on  this,  as  the  King's  hire  to  be  filent,  and 
not  to  do  their  duty :  and  none  of  them  would  accept 
of  it.  But,  as  to  the  firfl'part  of  the  letter,  on  the 
firfl  Council  day  after  it  was  read,  twelve  of  the  Mi- 
nifters  were  indulged :  they  had  parilhes  affigned 
them :  and  about  thirty  more  were  afterwards  in 
dulged  in  the  fame  manner :  and  then  a  flop  was 
put  to  it  for  fome  time.  With  the  warrants  that  they 
had  for  their  Churches,  there  was  a  paper  of  rules 
likewife  put  in  their  hands.  Hutchefon  in  all  their 
names  made  a  fpeech  to  the  Council :  he  began  with 
decent  expreflions  of  thanks  to  the  King,  and  their 
Lordfliips  :  he  faid,  they  fhould  at  all  times  give 
fuch  obedience  to  laws  and  orders,  as  could  fland 
with  a  good  confcience.  And  fo  they  were  difmifT- 
ed.  As  for  thofe  of  them,  that  were  allowed  to 
go  to  the  Churches  where  they  had  ferved  before,  no 
difficulty  could  be  made :  but  thofe  of  them,  that 
were  named  to  other  Churches  would  not  enter  on 
the  ferving  them,  till  the  Church  feffions  and  the 
inhabitants  of  the  parilh  met,  and  made  choice  of 
them  for  their  paflors,  and  gave  them  a  call  (as  they 
worded  it)  to  ferve  among  them.  But  upon  this, 
fcruples  arofe  among  fome,  who  faid  the  people's 
choice  ought  to  be  free  ;  whereas  now  they  were  li 
mited  to  the  perfon  named  by  the  Council,  which 
looked  like  an  election  upon  a  Conge  d'elire,  with  a 
letter  naming  the  perfon,  with  which  they  had  of 
ten  diverted  themfelves.  But  fcruples  are  mighty 
things,  when  they  concur  with  inclination  or  inter- 
eft  :  and  when  they  are  not  fupported  by  thefe,  men 

learn. 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  3^5 

learn  diftm&ions  to  get  free  from  them.  So  it  hap-  1669. 
pened  in  this  cafe  :  for  tho'  fome  few  were  ftartled  at 
thefe  things,  yet  they  lay  in  no  man's  way  ;  for  every 
man  went,  and  was  pofTefTed  of  the  Church  marked 
out  for  him.  And  at  firfl  the  people  of  the  coun 
try  ran  to  them  with  a  fort  of  tranfport  of  joy.  Yet 
this  was  foon  cooled.  It  was  hoped,  that  they  would 
have  begun  their  miniflry,  with  a  publick  teftimony 
againft  all  that  had  been  done  in  oppofition,  to  what 
they  were  accuftomed  to  call  the  work  of  God.  But 
they  were  filent  at  that  time,  and  preached  only  the 
doclrines  of  Chriftianity.  This  difgufted  all  thofe 
who  loved  to  hear  their  Minifters  preach  to  the'times, 
as  they  called  it.  The  flop  put  to  the  Indulgence 
made  many  conclude,  that  thole,  who  had  obtained 
the  favour,  had  entered  into  fome  fecret  engagements. 
So  they  came  to  call  them  the  King's  Curates,  as 
they  had  called  the  Clergy  in  derifion  the  Bifhop's 
Curates.  Their  caution  brought  them  under  a  worfe 
character  of  dumb  dogs,  that  could  not  bark.  Thofe, 
who  by  their  fierce  behaviour  had  fliut  themfelves 
out  from  a  mare  in  the  Indulgence,  began  to  call  this 
Eraftianifm,  and  the  Civil  Magiftrates  afTuming  the 
power  of  facred  matters.  They  faid,  this  was  vifibly 
an  artifice  to  lay  things  afleep  with  the  prefent  gene 
ration  ;  and  was  one  of  the  depths  of  Satan,  to  give 
a  prefent  quiet,  in  order  to  the  certain  deftruc^ion  of 
Prefbytery.  And  it  was  alfo  faid,  that  there  was  a 
vifible  departing  of  the  divine  afliftance  from  thofe 
preachers  :  they  preached  no  more  with  the  power 
and  authority  that  had  accompanied  them  at  Con 
venticles.  So  many  began  to  fall  off  from  them, 
and  to  go  again  to  Conventicles.  Many  of  the 
preachers  confefled  to  me,  that  they  found  an  igno 
rance  and  a  deadnefs  among  thofe,  who  had  been  the 
hotteft  upon  their  meetings,  beyond  what  could  have 
been  imagined.  They  that  could  have  argued  about 
the  intrinfick  power  of  the  Church,  and  Epifcopacy, 
and  Prefbytery,  upon  which  all  their  fermons  had 
Chiefly  run  for  feveral  years,  knew  very  little  of  the 

efieatials 


396  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1669.  efTentials  of  religion.  But  the  indulged  preachers* 
inftead  of  fetting  themfelves,  with  the  zeal  and  cou 
rage  that  became  them,  againft  the  follies  of  the 
people,  of  which  they  confelled  to  myfelf  they  were 
very  fenfible,  took  a  different  method ;  and  fludied 
by  mean  compliances  to  gain  upon  their  affections, 
and  to  take  them  out  of  the  hands  of  fome  fiery  men, 
that  were  going  up  and  down  among  them.  The 
tempers  of  fome  brought  them  under  this  fervile  po 
pularity,  into  which  others  went  out  of  a  defire  to 
live  eafy. 

This  com-  '    The  Indulgence  was  fettled  in  a  hurry.     But  when 
plained  of  ft  came  to  be  defcanted  on,  it  appeared  to  be  plain- 

ty  aSainft  Iaw  :  for  b?  the  Aa  re(loring  Epifcopacy 
none  were  capable  of  benefices,  but  fuch  as  mould 
own  the  authority  of  Bifhops,  and  be  inftituted  by 
them.  So  now  the  Epifcopal  party,  that  were  wont 
to  put  all  authority  in  the  King,  as  long  as  he  was 
for  them,  began  to  talk  of  law.  They  faid,  the 
King's  power  was  bounded  by  the  law ;  and  that 
thefe  proceedings  were  the  trampling  of  law  under 
foot.  For  all  parties,  as  they  need  the  melter  of 
law,  or  the  flretches  of  the  prerogative,  are  apt  by 
turns  to  magnify  the  one,  or  the  other.  Burnet  and 
his  Clergy  were  out  of  meafure  enraged  at  the  indul 
gence.  They  were  not  only  abandoned,  but  ill  ufed 
by  the  people,  who  were  beginning  to  threaten,  or 
to  buy  them  out  of  their  Churches,  that  they  alfa 
might  have  the  benefit  of  the  Indulgence.  The  Sy 
nod  of  the  Clergy  was  held  at  Glafgow  in  October  : 
and  they  moved  that  an  addrefs  might  be  drawn  up, 
reprefenting  to  the  King  the  miferies  they  were  un 
der,  occafioned  by  the  Indulgence  :  they  complain 
ed  of  it  as  illegal,  and  as  like  to  be  fatal  to  the 
Church.  This  was,  according  to  the  words  in  fome 
of  their  acts  of  Parliament,  a  mifreprefenting  the 
King's  proceedings,  in  order  to  the  alienating  the 
hearts  of  his  fubjects  from  him  ;  which  was  made 
capital,  as  may  appear  by  the  account  given  in  the 
former  book  of  the  proceedings  againft  the  Lord 

Balmerinocho 


of  King  CHARLES  II;  397 

Balmerinoch.  He  that  drew  this  addrefs  was  One  1669. 
Rofs,  afterwards  Archbifhop,  firil  of  (jlafgow,  and  v-*-v^ 
then  of  St.  Andrews ;  who  was  an  ignorant  man^ 
and  violent  out  of  meafure.  So  it  was  drawn  full  of 
acrimony.  Yet  they  refolved  to  keep  it  fecret,  till 
advice  fhould  be  taken  upon  it;  and  accordingly  to 
prefent  it  to  the  Privy  Council,  or  not.  A  copy  of 
this  was  procured  by  indirect  methods  :  and  it  was 
fent  up  to  Court,  after  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  was 
come  off,  and  was  in  his  way  to  hold  a  Parliament 
in  Scotland.  Lord  Lauderdale  had  left  all  his  concerns 
at  Court  with  Sir  Robert  Murray  :  for,  though,  at 
his  miftrefs's  inftigation,  he  had  ufed  him  very  un 
worthily,  yet  he  had  fo  great  an  opinion  of  his  vir 
tue  and  candor,  that  he  left  all  his  affairs  to  his  care. 
As  foon  as  the  King  faw  the  Clergy's  addrefs,  he  faid, 
it  was  a  new  weftern  remonftrance :  and  he  ordered, 
that  Burnet  fhould  not  be  fuffered  to  come  to  the 
Parliament,  and  that  he  (hould  be  proceeded  againft, 
as  far  as  the  law  could  carry  the  matter.  It  was  not 
eafy  to  ftretch  this  fo  tar,  as  to  make  it  criminal. 
But  Burnet  being  obnoxious  on  other  accounts,  they 
intended  to  frighten  him  to  fubmit,  and  to  refign  his 
Bifhoprick. 

The  Parliament  was  opened  in  November.     Lord  A  Parlia- 
Lauderdale's  fpeech  ran  upon  two  heads.     The  one  ment  in 
was,  the   recommending  to  their  care  the  preferva-  Scotlancl« 
tion  of  the   Church,  as   eftablifhed  by  law:  upon 
which  he  took  occafion  to  exprefs  great  zeal  for  Epi- 
fcopacy.     The  other  head  related  to  the  union  of 
both  Kingdoms.     All  that  was  done  relating  to  that 
was,  that  an  Act  pafled  for  a  treaty  about  it :   and 
in  the  following  lummer,  in  a  fubfequent  feflion, 
Commiffioners  were  named,  who-  went  up  to  treat 
about  it.     But  they  made  no  progrefs :  and  the  thing 
fell  fo  Toon,  that  it  was  very  vifible  it  was  never  in 
tended  in  good  earnefL 

The  two  firil  Acts  that  pafTcd  in  Parliament  'were  The  fu- 
of  more  importance,  and  had  a  deeper  defign.  The  premacy 
firft  explained,  and  mTerted  the  King's  Supremacy  i. 


398  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1669.    but  carried  it  in  fuch  general  words,  tjiat  it  might 
i*~v-*o    have  been  ftretched  to  every  thing.     It  was  declared, 
that  the  fettling  all  things  relating  to  the  external 
government  of  the  Church  was  a  right  of  the  Crown: 
and  that  all  things  relating  to  Ecclefiaftical  meet 
ings,  matters  and  perfons,  were  to  be  ordered  ac 
cording  to  fuch  directions  as  the  King  fhould  fend  to 
his  Privy  Council :  and  that  thefe  mould  be  publifh- 
ed  by  them,  and  fhould  have  the  force  of  laws. 
Lord  Lauderdale  very  probably  knew  the  fecret  of 
the  Duke's  religion,  and  had  got  into  his  favour. 
So  it   was  very  likely,  that  he  intended  to  eftablifh 
himfelf  in  it,  by  putting  the  Church  of  Scotland 
wholly  in  his  power.    But  that  was  yet  a  fecret  to  us 
all  in  Scotland.     The  method   he   took  to  get  it 
patted  was  this :  he  told  all  thofe  who  loved  Prefby- 
tery,  or  that  did  not  much  favour  the  Bifhops,  that 
it  was  necefTary   to   keep   them  under,  by  making 
them  depend  abfolutely  on  the  King:  this  was  indeed 
a  transferring  the  whole  legiflature,  as  to  the  matters 
of  the  Church,  from  the  Parliament,  and  veiling  it 
fingly  in  the  King :  yet,  he  told  them,  if  this  were 
done,  as  the  circumftances  might  happen  to  be  fa 
vourable,  the  King  might  be  prevailed  on,  if  a  dafh 
of  a  pen  would  do  it,  to  change  all  on  the  fudden  : 
whereas  that  could  never  be  hoped  for,  if  it  could 
not  be  brought  about,  but  by  the  pomp  and  cere 
mony  of  a  Parliament.     He  made  the  nobility  fee, 
they  needed  fear  no  more  the  infolence  of  Bifhops, 
if  they  were  at  mercy,  as  this  would  make  them. 
Sharp  did  not  like  it,  but  durft  not  oppofe  it.     He 
made  a  long  dark  fpeech,    copied   out  of  Doctor 
Taylor,  diftinguifhing  between  the  Civil  and  Eccle 
fiaftical  authority  ;  and  then  voted  for  it :  fo  did  all 
the  Bifhops  that  were  prefent :  fome  abfented  them- 
felves.     Leightoun  was  againft  any  fuch  act,  and 
got  fome  words  to  be  altered  in  it.     He  thought,  it 
might  be  ftretched  to  ill  ends  :  and  fo  he  was  very 
averfe  to  it.     Yet  he  gave  his  vote  for  it,  not  hav 
ing  fufficiently  confidered  the  extent  of  the  words, 

and 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

and  the  confequences  that  might  follow  on  fuch  an  1669. 
Act  j  for  which  he  was  very  forry,  as  long  as  he  wy^ 
lived.     But  at  that  time  there  was  no  apprehenfions 
in  Scotland  of  the  danger  of  Popery.     Many  of  the 
beft  of  the  Epifcopal  clergy,  Nairn,  and  Charteris 
in    particular,    were    highly    offended  at  the  Act. 
They  thought  it  plainly  made  the  King  our  Pope. 
The  Prefbytcrians  faid,  it  put  him  in  (Thrift's  ftead. 
They  faid,  the  King  had  already  too  much  power 
in  the  matters  of  the  Church  :  and  nothing  ruined 
the  Clergy  more,  than  their  being  brought  into  fer- 
vile  compliances,  and  a  bafe  dependance  upon  Courts. 
I  had  no  (hare  in  the  counfels  about  this  Act.  I  only 
thought  it  was  defigned  by  Lord  Tweedale  to  juftify 
the  Indulgence,   which  he  protefted  to  me  was  his 
chief  end  in  it.  And  no  body  could  ever  tell  me  how 
the  word  "  EccJefiaftical  matters"  was  put  in  the  act, 
Leightoun  thought,  he  was  lure  it  was  put  in  after 
the  draught  and  form  of  the  Act  was  agreed  on.    It 
was  generally  charged  on  Lord  Lauderdale.     And 
when  the  Duke's  religion  came  to  be  known,  then  all 
people  faw,  how  much  the  legal  fettlement  of  our 
religion  was  put  in  his  power  by  this  means.  Yet  the 
preamble  of  the  act  being  only  concerning  the  external 
government  of  the  church,  it  was  thought,  that  the 
words   "  Ecclefiaftical  matters  "   were  to  be  confin 
ed  to  the  fenfe  that  was  limited  by  the  preamble. 

The  next  Act  that  pafled  was  concerning  the  Mi-  An  A& 
litia :  all  that  had  been  done  in  raifing  it  was  approv-  f°r  the 
ed :  and  it  was  ena&ed,  that  it  mould  ftill  be  kept  S°if-t)r 

,      ,  j  r  rr>       %     MlkCMU 

up,  and  be  ready  to  march  into  any  or  the  King  s 
dominions,  for  any  caufe  in  which  his  Majefty's  au 
thority,  power,  or  greatnefs  fhould  be  concerned  ; 
and  that  the  orders  fhould  be  tranfmitted  to  them 
from  the  Council  board,  without  any  mention  of  or 
ders  from  the  King.  Upon  this  great  reflections 
were  made.  Some  faid,  that  by  this  the  army  was 
taken  out  of  the  King's  power  and  command,  and 
put  under  the  power  of  the  Council :  fo  that  if  the 
greater  part  of  the  Council  fhould  again  rebel,  as 
4  -they 


The  HISTORY  of  the  l^eigri 

1669.    tne7  did  in  the  year   1638,  the   Army  was,  by  the 
^*v^  words    of  this   Act,    bound    to    follow    their    or 
ders.     But  when  jealoufies  broke  out  in   England, 
ot  the  ill  defigns   that  lay  hid  under  this  matter, 
it  was  thought  that  the  intent  of  this  claufe  was, 
that,  if  the  King  mould  call  in  the  Scotch  Army, 
it  fhould  not  be   necefiary  that  he  himfelf  mould 
fend    any   orders  for  it  ;    but  that,    upon    a   fecret 
intimation,  the  Council  might  do  it  without  order, 
and  then,    if  the  defign  fhould  mifcarry,  it  fhould 
not  lie  on  the  King,  but  only  on  the  Council,  whom  in 
that  cafe  the  King  might  difown  ;    and  fo  none  about 
him  fhould  be  blameable  for  it.     The  Earl  of  Lau- 
derdale  valued  himfelf  upon  thefe  Acts,  as  if  he  had 
conquered  kingdoms  by  them.     He  wiote  a  letter  to 
the  King  upon  it,  in  which  he  faid,  all  Scotland  was- 
now  in  his  power  :  The  Church  of  Scotland  was  now 
more  fubject  to  him  than  the  Church  of  England 
was :  This  Militia  was  now  an  Army   ready  upon 
call :  And  that  every  man  in  Scotland  was  ready  to 
march,  whenfoever  he  fhould  order  it,  with  feveral 
very  ill  infmuations  in  it.     But  a  dangerous  thing  it 
is  to  write  letters  to  Princes  :    This  letter  fell  into 
Duke  Hamilton's  hands  fome  years  after  •,  and  I  had. 
it  in  my  hands  for  fome  days,      k  was  intended  to 
found  an  impeachment  on  it.     But  this  happened  at 
a  time  when  the  bufmefs  of  the  exclufion  of  the  Duke 
from  the  fucceflion  of  the  Crown  was  fo  hotly  pur- 
fued,  that  this,  which,  at  another  time,  would  have 
made  great  noife,  was  not  fo  much  confidered  as  the 
importance  of  it  might  feem  to  deferve.     The  way 
how  it  came  into  fuch  hands  was  this  :  TheKing,  after 
he  had  read  the  letter,  gave  it  to  Sir  Robert  Murray  ; 
and  when  he  died  it  was  found  among  his  papers.  He 
had  been  much  trufted  in  the  King's  laboratory,  and 
had  feveral  of  his  chymical  procefles  in  his  hands.  So 
the  King,  after  his  death,  did  order  one  to  look  over 
all  his  papers,  for  chymical  matters ;  but  all  the  pa 
pers  of  State  were  let  alone.     So  this,  with  many  o- 
ther  papers,  fell  into  the  hands  of  his  executors.  And 
3  thus 


of  King- C  H  AR  LE  s  II.  401 

thus  this  letter  came  into  Duke  Hamilton's  hands ;  1669. 
who  would  have  made  ufe  of  it,  if  greater  matters  had  s^v^^. 
not  been  then  in  agitation.  This  is  not  the  fingle  in- 
ftance,  that  I  have  known,  of  papers  of  great  confe- 
quence  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  executors  of  great 
Minifters,  that  might  have  been  turned  to  very  bad 
ufes,  if  they  had  fallen  into  ill  hands.  It  feems  of 
great  concern,  that  when  a  Minifter,  or  an  AmbafTa- 
dour  dies,  or  is  recalled,  or  is  difgraced,  all  papers 
relating  to  the  fecrets  of  his  employment  mould  be 
of  right  in  the  power  of  the  Government.  But  I,  of 
all  men,  fhould  complain  the  leaft  of  this,  fmce,  by 
this  remiiTneis,  many  papers  of  a  high  nature  have 
fallen  in  my  way. 

By  the  A6t  of  Supremacy  the   King  was   now  Bumet 
mafter,  and  could  turn  out  Bifhops  at  pleafure.   This  turned 
had  its  firft 'effed  on  Burnet  •,  who  was  offered  a  pen-  °Qt:.'  ;*nd 
fion,  if  he  would  fubmit  and  refign,  and  was  threaten- 1^  ' 
cd  to  be  treated  more  feverely,  if  he  flood  .out.  ..He  made 
complied,  and   retired  to  a  private  ftate  of  life,  and  Arch* 
bore  his  clifgrace  better  thajThe  had  done  his  honours.  ^°PQ°* 
He  lived  four  years  in  the  lhade,  and  was    generally 
much  pitied  :  He  was  of  himlelf  good  natured  and 
fincere  ;  but  was  much  in  the  power  of  others  ;  He 
meddled  too  much  in  that  which  did  not  belong  to 
him,  and  he  did  not  underftand  ;    for  he  was  not  cut 
out  for  a  court,  or  for  the  miniftry  :  And  he  was  too 
r«mifs  in  that  which  was  properly  his  bufinefs,  and 
which  he  underftood  to  a  good  degree ;  for  he  took 
no  manner  of  care  of  the  fpiritual  part  of  his  function. 

At  this  time  the  Univerfity  of  Glafgow,  to  whom  The  fiate 
the  choice  of  the  Profeifor  of  divinity  does  belong,  I  found 
chole  me,  though  unknown  to  them  all,  to  be  Pro- thi"Ss  jn 
fefTor  there.    There  was  no  fort  of  artifice  or  manage-  !w>w  * 
ment   to  bring  this  about  :    It  came  of  themfelves  : 
And  they  did  it  without  any  recommendation  of  any 
perfon  whatfoever.      So  I  was   advifed   by    all    my 
friends  to  change  my  poft,  and  go  thither.    This  en 
gaged  me  both  into  much  ftudy,  and  in  a  great  deal 
of  bufmefs.     The  Clergy  came  all  to  me,  thinking  I 

VOL.  I.  D  d  had 


402  Tile  HISTOEY  of  the  Reign 

1669.  had  fome  credit  with  thofe  that  governed,  and  laid 
v-*~v^'  their  grievances  and  complaints  before  me.  They 
were  very  ill  uied,  and  were  To  entirely  forfaken  by 
their  people,  that  in  moil  places  they  fhut  up  their 
Churches. :  They  were  alfo  threatened  and  affronted 
on, all  occafions.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Gentlemen 
of  the  country  came  much  to  me,  and  told  me  fuch 
ftrange  things  .of  the  vices  of  fome,  the  follies  of 
others,  and  the  indifcretions  of  them  all,  that  though 
it  was  not  reaibnable  to  believe  all  that  they  laid,  yet 
it  was  impoflible  not  to  believe  a  great  deal  of  it. 
'•And  fo  I  ibon  law,  what  a  hard  province  I  was  like 
Jto  have  of  it.  Accounts  of  the  ftate  of  thofe  parts 
were  expected  from  me,  and  were  like  to  be  believed. 
And  it  "was  not  eafy  to  know,  what  ought  to  be  be 
lieved,  nor  how  matters  were  to  be  reprefented  :  For 
I  found  calumny  was  fo  equally  pradlifed  on  both 
fides,  that  I  came  to  miflrufl  every  thing  that  I  heard. 
One  thing  was  vifible,  that  Conventicles  abounded, 
and  ilrange  doctrine  was  vented  in  them.  The  King's 
Stipremacy  was  now  the  chief  fubje6t  of  declamation  : 
It  was  faid,  Bifhops  were  indeed  enemies  to  the  liber 
ties  of  the  Church,  but  the  King's  little  finger  would 
be  heavier  than  their  loins  had  been.  After  I  had 
been  for  fome  months  among  them,  and  had  heard  fo 
much,  that  I  believed  very  little,  I  wrote  to  Lord 
Tweedale,  that  dilbrders  did  certainly  increafe  ;  but, 
as  for  any  particulars,  I  did  not  know  what  to  be 
lieve,  much  lefs  could  I  fuggeft  what  remedies  feem- 
ed  proper  :  1  therefore  propoied,  that  a  Committee 
of  Council  might  be  lent  round  the  country  to  exa 
mine  matters,  and  to  give  fuch  orders  as  were  at 
preient  neceflary  for  the  publick  quiet  •,  and  that 
-they  might  prepare  a  report  agairift  the  next  feffion 
of  parliament,  that  then  proper  remedies  might  be 
found  out. 

A  Com-  Duke  Hamilton,  Lord  Kincardin,  Primrofe,  and 
mittee  °f-Drumond,  were  .-lent  to  tbeie  parts.  They  met  -firft 
ient^cund  ac  Hamilton,  next  at  Glafgow :  Then  they  went  to 
the  Weft  other  parts  j  and  came  back,  and  ended  their  circuit 

5  at 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

at  Glafgow.  They  punifhed  fome  diforders,  and  1669. 
threatened  both  the  indulged  Mihifters,  and  the 
countries,  with  greater  feverities,  if  they  fhould  ftill 
grow  more  and  more  infolent  upon  the  favour  that 
had  been  (hewed  them.  I  was  blamed  by  the  Prefby- 
tcrians  for  all  they  did,  and  by  the  Epifcopal  party 
for  all  they  did  not ;  fince  thefe  thought  they  did 
too  little,  as  the  others  thought  they  did  too  much. 
They  confulted  much  with  me  -,  and  iuffered  me  to 
intercede  fo  effectually  for  thofe  whom  they  had  put 
in  prifon,  that  they  were  all  let  at  liberty.  The  Epif 
copal  party  thought  I  intended  to  make  myfelf  po 
pular  at  their  coft  :  So  they  began  that  (train  of  fury 
and  calumny,  that  has  purfued  me  ever  fince  from 
that  fort  of  people,  as  a  fecret  enemy  to  their  interefh, 
and  an  underminer  of  it.  But  I  was  and  ilill  am,  an 
enemy  to  all  force  and  violence  in  matters  of  con- 
fcience  :  And  there  is  no  principle  that  is  more  hated 
by  bad  ill  natured  Clergymen,  than  that. 

The  Earls  of  Lauderdale  and  Tweedale  prefied 
Leightoun  much  to  accept  of  the  See  of  Glafgow. 
He  declined  it  with  fo  much  averfion,  that  we  were 
all  nneafy  at  it.  Nothing  moved  him  to  hearken  to 
it,  but  the  hopes  of  bringing  about  die  accommoda 
tion  that  was  propofed  ;  in  which  he  had  all  affiftance 
promifed  him  from  the  Government,  The  King  or 
dered  him  to  be  fent  for  to  Court.  He  feat  for  me 
on  his  way  •,  where  he  flopt  a  day,  to  know  from  me 
what  profpect  there  was  of  doing  any  good.  I  could 
not  much  encourage  him  •,  yet  I  gave  him  all  the 
hopes  that  I  could  raife  myfelf  to  :  And  I  was  then 
inclined  to  think,  that  the  accommodation  was  not 
impracticable.  Upon  his  coming  to  London,  he 
found  Lord  Lauderdale's  temper  was  much  inflamed  : 
He  was  become  fierce  and  intractable :  But  Lord  Twee- 
dale  made  every  thing  as  eafy  to  him  as  was  poMible. 
They  had  turned  out  an  Archbifhop  ;  fo  it  concerned 
them  to  put  an  eminent  man  in  his  room,  who  fhould 
order  matters  v/ith  fcch  moderation,  that  the  Gpvern- 
D  d  2  meat 


404  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

.1669.  nient  fhould  not  be  under  perpetual  diflurbance,  by 
reafon  of  complaints  from  thofe  parts. 


1670.  :  -But  now  tne  Court  was  entering  into  new  defigns, 
into  which  Lord  Lauderdale  was  thrufling  himlelf, 
with  an  obfequious  or  rather  an  officious  zeal.  I  will 
dwell  no  longer  at  prefent  on  that,  than  juft  to  name 
the  Dutchefs  of  Orleans's  coming  to  Dover,  of  which 
a  more  particular  account  mail  be  given,  after  that 
J  have  laid  together  all  that  relates  to  Scotland  in  the 
year  1670,  and  tile-whole  bufjnels  of  the  Accommo 
dation.  Leightoun  -propoied  to  the  King  his  fcheme 
of  the.  Accommodation,  and  the  great  advantages  that 
his  Majefty's  affairs  would  have,  if  that  country  could 
Inftrnfti-  be.  brought  into  temper.  The  King  was  at  this  time 
on*  for  gone  off  from  the  defign  ol  a  comprehenfion  in 
anaccom-  England.  Toleration  was  now  thought  the  bed  way. 
uoT"  Yet  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  poiTeffed  him  with  the 
neceflity  of  doing  fomewhat  to  foften  the  Scots,  in 
order  to  the  great  defign  he  was  then  engaging  in. 
Upon  that  the  King,  who  feldom  gave  himfeli  the 
trouble  to  think  twice  of  any  one  thing,  gave  way 
to  it.  Leightoun's  paper  was,  in  fome  places,  cor 
rected  by  Sir.  Robert  Murray,  and  was  turned  into 
inftru&ions,  by  which  Lord  Lauderdale  was  autho- 
rifed  to  pals  the  conceffions,  that  were  to  be  offered, 
into  laws.  This  he  would  never  own  to  me,  though 
Leightoun  fhewed  me  the  copy  of  them.  But  it  ap 
peared  probable,  by  his  conduct  afterwards,  that  he 
had  fecret  directions  to  fpoil  the  matter,  and  that  he 
intended  to  deceive  us  all.  Lord  Tweedale  was  more 
to  .be  depended  on.  But  he  began  to  lofe  ground 
with  Lady  Dyfert  :  And  fo  his  intereil  did  not  conti 
nue  flrong  enough  to  carry  on  fuch  a  matter. 

Leightoun  undertook  the  adminiilration  of  the  See 
of  Glafgow  :  And  it  was  a  year  after  this,  before  he 
was  prevailed  on  to  be  tranflated  thither.  He  came, 
upon  this,  to  Glafgow,  and  held  a  Synod  of  his  Cler 
gy  ;  in  which  nothing  was  to  be  heard,  but  com 
plaints  of  defertion  and.  ill  ufage  from  them  all. 

Leightoun, 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  405 

L'eightoun,  in  a  fermon  that  he  preached  to  them,   1670. 
and  in  leveral  difcourfes,  both  in  publick  and  pri-  G<V^O 
vate,  exhorted  them  to  look  up  more  to  God,  to  [Sun'  "ad- 
confider  themfelves  as  the  minifters  of  the  Crofs  of  v;Ces  to 
Chrift,  to  bear  the  contempt  and  ill  ufage  they  met  his  Cler- 
with,  as  a  Crofs  laid  on  them,  for  the  exercife  of  their  3y* 
faith  and  patience,  to  lay  afide  all  the  appetites  of  re 
venge,  to  humble  themfelves  before  God,  to  have 
many  days  for  fecret  fading  and  prayers,  and  to  meet 
often  together,   that  they  might  quicken  and  aflift 
one  another  in  thofe  holy  excrciies  •,  and  then  they 
might  expect  bleffings  from  Heaven  upon  their  la 
bours.     This  was  a  new  ftrain  to  the  Clergy.     They 
had  nothing  to  fay  againft  it :  But  it  was  a  comfort- 
lefs  doctrine  to  them ;  and  they  had  no:  been  ac- 
cuilomed  to  it.     No  fpeedy  ways  were  propoied  for 
forcing  the  people  to  come  to  Church,    nor  for  fend 
ing  foldiers  among  them,  or  raifing  the  fines  to  which 
they  were  liable.    So  they  went  home,  as  little  edified 
with  their  new  Bifhop,  as  he  was  with  them.    When 
this  was  over,  he  went  round  fome  parts  of  the  coun 
try,  to  the  moil  eminent  of  the  indulged  Minifters, 
and  carried  me  with  him.     His  bufinefs  was,  to  per- 
fuade  them  to  hearken  to  propofitions  of  peace.     He 
told  them,  fome  of  them  would  be  quickly  fent  for  to 
Edinburgh,  where  terms  would  be  offered  them  in 
order  to  the  making  up  our  differences  :  All  was  fin- 
cerely  meant :  They  would  meet  with  no  artifices  nor 
hardfhips :  And  if  they  received  thofe  offers  heartily, 
they  would  be  turned  into  laws  :    And  all  the  vacan 
cies  then  in  the  Church  would  be  filled  by  their  bre 
thren.    They  received  this  with  fo  much  indifference, 
or  rather  neglect,  that  it  would  have  cooled  any  zeal, 
that  was  lefs  warm,  and  lefs  active,  than  that  good 
man's  was.     They  were  fcarce  civil ;   and  did  not  fo 
much  as  thank  him  for  his  tendernefs  and  care  :  The 
more  artful  among  them,  fuch  as  Hutehefon,  faid,  it 
was  a  thing  of  general  concern,  and  they  were  but 
fingle   men.     Others  were  more  rnetaphyfical,  and 
entertained   us   with   fome  poor   arguings   and  di-' 
D  d  3  ftin&ions. 


nans. 


406  The  H  i  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1670..  din£tions.     Leightoun  began  to  lofe  heart.     Yet  he 
t-^SOJ  refolved  to  let  the  negotiation  on  foot,  and  carry  it  as 

iar  as  he  could. 

A  confc-  When  Lord  Lauderdale  came  down  to  hold  a  ief- 
rence  be-  £on  of  parliament,  letters  were  v/rit  to  fix  of  the  pref- 
byterian  preachers,  ordering  them  to  come  to  town, 
toun  and  There  was  a  long  conference  between  Leightoun  and 
fome  them,  before  the  Earls  of  Lauderdale,  Rothes,  Twee- 
Prefbyte-  dale,  and  Kincardin.  Sharp  would  not  be  prefent  at 
it :  But  he  ordered  Paterfon,  afterwards  Archbimop 
of  Glafgow,  to  hear  all,, and  to  bring  him  an  account 
of  what  pa{Ted.  Leightoun  laid  before  them  the  mil- 
chief  of  our  divifions,  and  of  the  fchifm  that  they  had 
occafioned  :  Many  fouls,  were  loft,  and  many  more 
were  in  danger  by  thefe  means  :  So  that  every  one 
ought  to  do  all  he  could  to  heal  this  wide  breach,  that 
had  already  let  in  fo  many  evils  among  us,\vhich  were 
like  to  make  way  to  many  more  :  For  his  own  part, 
he  was  perfuaded,  that  Epifcopacy,  as  an  order  di- 
ftinct  from  Prefbyters,  had  continued  in  the  Church 
ever  fince  the  days  of  the  Apoftles  -,  that  the  world 
had  every  where  received  the  Chriftian  religion  from 
Bifhops,  and  that  a  parity  among  Clergymen  was 
never  thought  of  in  the  Church  before  the  middle  of 
the  lad  century,  and  was  then  fet  up  rather  by  acci 
dent,  than  on  defign  :  Yet,  how  much  foever  he  v/as 
perfuaded  of  this,  fince  they  were  of  another  mind, 
he  was  now  to  offer  a  temper  to  them,  by  which  both 
fides  might  (till  prelerve  their  opinions,  and  yet  unite 
in.  carrying  on  the  ends  of  the  Gofpel  and  their  Mi 
ni  dry  :  They  had  Moderators  amongft  them,  which 
was  no  divine  inftitution,  but  only  a  matter  of  order  : 
The  King  therefore  might  name  thefe  ;  and  the 
making  them  conftant,  could  be  no  fuch  encroach 
ment  on  their  function,  as  that  the  peace  of  the 
Church  mud  be  broke  on  fuch  an  account  :  Nor 
could  th~y  fay,  that  the  blefling  of  the  men  named 
to  this  function,  by  an  impofition  of  hands,  did  de- 
g'ade  them  from  their  former  office,  to  fay  no  more 
cT  it ;  So  they  were  dill  at  lead  Minifters :  It  is  true, 

others 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  407 

others  thought,  they  had  a  new  and  fpecial  authority,  1670. 
more  than  a  bare  prefidency  :  That  did  not  concern 
(hem,  who  were  not  required  to.  concur  with  them  in 
any  thing,  but  in  fubmitting  to  this  prefidency  :  And, 
as  to  that,  they  fhould  be  allowed  to  declare  their 
own  opinion  againfl  it,  in  as  full,  and  as  publick  a 
manner  as  they  pleafed  :  He  laid  it  to  their  con- 
fciences,  to  confider  of  the  whole  matter,  as  in 
the  prefence  of  God,  without  any  regard  to  par 
ty  or  popularity.  He  fpoke,  in  all,  near  half  an 
hour,  with  a  gravity  and  force,  that  made  a  very 
great  irpprefllon  on  thole  who  heard  it.  Hutchelbn 
anfwered,  and  faid,  their  opinion  for  a  parity  among 
the  Clergy  was  well  known  :  The  prefidency  now 
Ipoke  of,  had  made  way  to  a  lordly  dominion  in  the 
Church  :  And  therefore  how  inconfiderable  foever 
the  thing  might  feem  to  be,  yet  the  effects  of  it  both 
had  been,  and  would  be  very  considerable  :  He  there 
fore  defired,  fome  time  might  be  given  them  to  con 
fider  well,  of  the  propofitions  now  made,  and  to  con- 
fult  with  their  brethren  about  them  :  And,  fince  this 
might  feem  an  aflembling  together  againft  law,  he 
defired  they  might  have  the  King's  Commiiliorers 
leave  for  it.  This  was  immediately  granted.  We 
had  a  fecond  conference,  in  which  matters  were  more 
fully  opened,  and  prefled  home,  on  the  grounds  for 
merly  mentioned,  Lord  Lauderdale  made  us  all  dine 
together,  and  came  to  us  after  dinner  :  But  could 
fcarce  reftrain  himfdf  from  flying  out ;  for  their  be-. 
haviour  feemed  both  rude  and  crafty.  But  Leigh- 
toun  had  prepared  him  for  it,  and  prefled  him  not  to 
give  them  a  handle  to  excufe  their  flying  off,  by  any 
roughnefs  in  his  deportment  towards  them.  The  pro 
pofitions  offered  them  were  now  generally  known. 
Sharp  cried  out,  that  Epifcopacy  was  to  be  undermin 
ed,  fince  the  negative  vote  was  to  be  let  go.  The  infe- 
riour  Clergy  thought,  that  if  it  took  effecl:,  and  the 
Prefbyterians  were  to  be  generally  brought  into 
Churches,  they  would  be  negleded,  and  that  their 
people  would  forfake  them.  So  they  hated  the  whole 
thing.  The  bigotted  Prefbyterians  thought  it  was  a . 

D  d  4  fnare., 


The  HISTORV  of  the  Reign 
1670.    fnare,  and  the  doing  that,  which  had  a  fair  appearance 

t/VX,  at  prefent,  and  was  meant  only  to  lay  that  generation 
in  their  graves  in  peace  ;  by  which  means  Epifcopa- 
cy,  that  was  then  making  over  all  the  Nation,  would 
come  to  have  another  root,  and  grow  again  out  of 
that.  But  the  far  greater  part  of  the  Nation  approved 
of  this  defign  :  And  they  reckoned,  either  we  mould 
gain  our  point,  and  then  all  would  be  at  quiet,  or  if 
fuch  offers  were  rcjecled  by  the  Prefbyterians,  it 
would  difcover  their  temper,  and  alienate  all  indiffe 
rent  men  from  them  •,  and  the  Nation  would  be  con 
vinced,  how  unreafonable  and  flubborn  they  were, 
and  how  unworthy  they  were  of  any  farther  favour. 
All  that  was  done  in  this  fe{£on  of  Parliament  was, 
the  raifing  a  tax,  and  the  naming  Commiflioners  for 
the  union  with  England  ;  befides  two  fevere  Ads 
pafled  againft  Conventicles. 

New  fe- '      There  had  been  a  great  one  held  in  Fife,  near  Dun- 

veritifg     fermlin,  where  none  had  ever  been  held  before.  Some 
.'Gentlemen  of  eftates  were  among  them:  And  the 

clesT"  '!  novclty  °f  tne  thing  drew  a  great  croud  together ;  for 
intimation  had  been  given  of  it  fome  days  before. 
'  Many  of  thefe  came  in  their  ordinary  arms.  That 
-gave  a  handle  to  call  them  the  rendezvous  of 
rebellion.  Some  of  them  were  taken,  and  brought 
to  Edinburgh,  and  prefied  to  name  as  many  as  they 
knew  of  their  fellow  Conventiclers :  But  they  refilled 
to  do  it.  This  was  lent  up  to  Court,  and  reprefented 
as  the  fore-runner  of  rebellion  :  Upon  which  Lord 
Lauderdale,  hearing  what  life  his  enemies  made  of  it, 
was  tranfported  almoil  to  fits  of  rage.  Severe  Acts 
parTed  upon  it,  by  which  their  fines  were  raifed  higher. 

The  re-     and  they  were  made  liable  to  arbitrary  feverities.  The 
•  Earl  of  Lauderdale,  with  his  own  hand,  put  in  a  word 

dlg!0r  in  the  Act,  that  covered  the  Papifts,  the  fines  being 
laid  on  fuch  of  the  reformed  religion  as  went  not  to 
Church.  Ke  pretended  by  this  to  merit  with  the 
Popifh  party,  the  Duke  in  particular  ;  whofe  religion 
was  yet  a  fecrct  to  us  in  Scotland,  tho'  it  was  none  at 
Court.  He  faid  to  myfelf,  he  had  put  in  thefe  words  on 
defign  to  let  the  party  know,  they  were  to  be  worfe 

ufed 


n    of  King  CHARLES  II,  4 

ufed  than  the  Papifts  themfelves.  All  Field  Conven- 
tides  were  declared  tredbnable  :  And  in  the  preacher 
they  were  made  capital.  The  Landlords,  on  whofe 
grounds  they  were  held,  Were  to  be  feverely  fined  : 
And  all  who  were  at  them  were  to  be  punifhed  arbi 
trarily,  if  they  did  not  difcover  all  that  were  prefent, 
whom  they  knew.  Houfe  Conventicles,  crouded 
without  the  doors,  or  at  the  windows,  were  to  be 
reckoned  and  punifned  as  Field  Conventicles.  Sir 
Robert  Murray  told  me,  that  the  King  was  not  well 
pleafed  with  this  Act,  as  being  exravagantly  fevere  ; 
chiefly  in  that  of  the  preachers  being  to  be  punifhed 
by  death.  He  faid,  bloody  laws  did  no  good  ;  and 
that  he  would  never  have  palled  it,  if  he  had  known 
it  beforehand.  The  half  of  the  parliament  abhorred 
this  Acl :  Yet  fo  abje6t  were  they  in  their  fubmiflions 
to  Lord  Lauderdale,  that  the  young  Earl  of  CafTilis 
was  the  fingle  perfon  that  voted  in  the  negative.  This 
patted  in  Parliament  fo  fuddenly,  that  Leightoun 
knew  nothing  of  it,  till  it  was  too  late.  He  expoflu- 
lated  with  Lord  Tweedale  feverely  about  it  :  He 
faid,  the  whole  complexion  of  it  v/as  fo  contrary  to 
the  common  rules  of  humanity,  not  to  fay  Chriftia- 
nity,  that  he  was  afhamed  to  mix  in  counfels  with 
thofe,  who  could  frame  and  pafs  fuch  Ads  :  And  be 
thought  it  fomewhat  flrange,  that  neither  he,  nor*  I, 
had  been  advifed  with  in  it.  The  Earl  of  Tweedale 
faid,^thc  Jate  Field  Conventicle  being  a  new  thing,  it 
had  forced  them  tofeverities,that  at  another  time  could 
not  be  well  excufed  :  And  he  allured  us,  there  was 
no  defign  to  put  it  in  execution. 

Leightoun  fent  to  the  weftern  Counties  fix  Epifco- 
pal  Divines,  all,  except  myfelf,  brought  from  other 
parts :  Nairn  and  Charteris  were  two  of  them  :  The 
three  ethers,  Aird,  Cook,  and  Paterfon,  were  the 
beft  we  could  perfuade,  to  go  round  the  country  to 
preach  in  vacant  Churches,  and  to  argue  upon  the 
:.ids  of  the  accommodation  with  fuch  as  fhould 
come  to  them.  The  Epifcopal  Clergy,  who  were  yet 
in  the  country,  could  not  argue  much  for  any  thing ; 
and  would  not  at  all  argue  in  favour  of  a  proportion 

that 


410  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1670.  that  they  hated.  The  people  of  the  country  came  ge- 
C/~V"V  nerally  to  hear  us,  though  not  in  great  crouds.  We 
were  indeed  amazed  to  lee  a  poor  commonalty,  fa 
capable  of  arguing  upon  points  of  government,  and 
on  the  bounds  to  be  fet  to  the  power  of  Princes,  in 
matters  of  religion  :  Upon  all  thefe  topicks  they  had 
texts  of  fcripture  at  hand  ;  and  were  ready  with  their 
anfwers,  to  any  thing  that  was  faid  to  them.  This 
meafure  of  knowledge  was  fpread  even  among  the 
meaneft  of  them,  their  cottagers,  and  their  fervants. 
They  were  indeed  vain  of  their  knowledge,  much 
conceited  of  themfelv.es,  and  were  full  of  a  moil  en- 
tangled  fcrupulofity ;  fo  that  they  found  or  made  dif 
ficulties  in  every  thing  that  could  be  laid  before  them. 
We  (laid  about  three  months  in  the  country ;  and  in 
that  time  there  was  a  ftand  in  the  frequency  of  Con 
venticles  :  But,  as  foon  as  we  were  gone,  a  fet  of 
thofe  hot  preachers  went  round  all  the  places  in  which 
we  had  been,  to  defeat  all  the  good  we  could  hope  to 
do.  They  told  them,  the  Devil  was  never  fo  formida 
ble  as  when  he  was  transformed  into  an  Angel  of 
light. 

The  pref-      The  outed  Minifters  had  many  meetings  in  feveral 

byteru.  s  parts  of  the  kingdom.  They  found  themfelves  under 

to^rJJed    great  difficulties.  The  people  had  got  it  among  them, 

iheoffers  ^at  a^  tnat  was  now  driven  at,was  only  to  extinguilh 

made       Prefbytery,  by  fome  feeming  conceffions  with  thepre- 

them.       fent  generation  •,  and  that  if  the  Miniflers  went  into 

it,  they  gave  up  their  caufe,  that  fo  they  themfelves 

might  be  provided  for  during  their  lives,  and  die  at 

more  eafe.     So  they,  who  were  flrangely  fubdued  by 

their  defire  of  popularity,  refolved  to  reject  the  pro- 

pofitions,  though  they  could  not  well  tell  on  what 

grounds  they  mould  juftify  it.     A  report  was  alfo 

jpread  among  them,  which  they  believed,   and  had 

its  full  effect  upon  them  :    It  was  laid,  that  the  King 

was   alienated   from  the  Church  of  England,   and 

weary  of  fupporting  Epifcopacy  in  Scotland ;   and 

fo  was   refolved   not  to  clog  his  Government  any 

longer  with  it ;  and  that  the  concefiions  now  made, 

did  not  arife  from  any  tendernels  we  had  for  them, 

but 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  411 

but  from  an  artifice  to  preferve  Epifcopacy  :  So  they  1670. 
were  made  believe,  that  their  agreeing  to  them  was  c^v^o 
really  a  ftrengthening  of  that  Government,  which  was 
otherwife  ready  to  fall  with  its  own  weight.  And 
becaufe  a  paffage  of  Scripture,  according  to  its  gene 
ral  found,  was  apt  to  work  much  on  them,  that  of 
"  touch  not,  tafte  not,  handle  not,"  was  often  re 
peated  among  them.  It  was  generally  agreed  on  to 
reject  the  offers  made  them.  The  next  debate  among 
them  was,  about  the  reafons  they  were  to  give  for  re 
jecting  them  -,  or  whether  they  would  comply  with 
another  propofmon,  which  Leigh  toun  had  made 
them,  that,  if  they  did  not  like  the  propofitions  he 
had  made,  they  would  fee,  if  they  could  be  more 
happy  than  he  was,  and  offer  at  other  propofitions. 
In  their  meetings  they  named  two  to  maintain  the 
debate,  pro  and  con.  They  difputed  about  the  pro- 
teftation  that  they  were  allowed  to  make  :  And 
u  Proteftatio  contraria  facto"  was  a  maxim  that  was 
in  great  vogue  among  them.  They  argued  upon  the 
obligation  by  the  Covenant  to  maintain  their  Church, 
as  then  eflablifhed,  in  doctrine,  worfhip,  difcipline, 
and  government :  And  fo  every  thing  that  was  con 
trary  to  that,  was  reprefented  as  a  breach  of  their  co 
venant  :  And  none  durft  object  to  that.  But  that 
they  might  make  a  proportion,  which  they  were  fure 
would  not  be  hearkened  to,  they  propofed,  that 
among  the  concefTions  to  be  infifted  on,  one  might 
be,  a  liberty  to  ordain  without  the  Bifhops.  When 
we  heard  what  their  reafonings  were,  papers  were 
writ,  and  fent  among  them,  in  anfvver  to  them.  But 
it  is  a  vain  thing  to  argue,  when  a  refolution  is  taken 
up,  not  founded  on  argument ;  and  arguments  are 
only  fought  for,  to  juftify  that  which  is  already  re- 
iblved  on.  We  preffed  them  with  this,  that,  not- 
withftanding  their  Covenant,  they  themfelves  had 
afterwards  made  many  alterations,  much  more  im 
portant  than  this  of  fubmitting  to  a  conftant  Mode-* 
rator,  named  by  the  King.  Cromwell  took  from 
them  the  power  of  meeting  in  General  AiTemblies  •, 

yet 


4*2  The  -H  r  STO  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1670.  Yet  they  went  on,  doing  the  other  duties  of  their* 
function,  though  this,  which  they  efteemecl  the  great- 
eft  of  all  their  rights,  was  denied  them.  When  an 
order  came  out  to  fequefter  the  half  of  the  benefices, 
of  fuch  as  fhould  ftill  pray  for  the  King,  they  upon 
that  fubmitted,  though  before  thsy  had  afTerted  it  as 
a  "duty,  to  which  they  were  bound  by  their  Covenant : 
They  had  difcontinued  their  miniftry,  in  obedience 
to  laws  and.  proclamations  now  for  nine  years  :  And 
thofe,  who  had  accepted  the  Indulgence,  had  come 
in  by  the  King's  authority,  and  had  only  a  parochial 
government,  but  did  not  meet  in  Prefbyteries  :  From 
all  whi.h  we  inferred,  that  when  they  had  a  mind  to 
lay  down  any  thing  that  they  thought  a  duty,  or  to 
fubmit  to  any  thing  that  they  thought  an  invafion-  of 
their  rights,  they  could  find  a  diftinftion  for  it :  And 
it  was  not  eafy  to  mew,  why  they  were  not  as  com 
pliant  in  this  particular.  But  all  was  loft  labour  : 
Hot  men  among  them  were  pofitive  ;  and  all  of 
them  were  full  of  contention. 

•  Dutchefs  Hamilton  fent  for  fome  of  them,  Hut- 
chefon  in  particular.  She  faid,  fhe  did  not  pretend 
to  underftand  nice  diftin&ions,  and  the  terms  of  dif- 
pute  :  Here  was  plain  fenfe  :  The  country  might  be 
ac*ain  at  quiet,  and  the  reft  of  thofe  that  were  outed, 
admitted  to  Churches,  on  terms  that  feemed  to  all 
reafonable  men  very '.eafy  :  Their  rejecting  this  would 
give  a  very  ill  character  of  them,  and  would  have 
very  bad  effects,  of  which  they  might  fee  caufe  to 
repent,  when  it  would  be  too  late.  She  told  me,  all 
that  (he  could  draw  from  him,  that  (he  underftood, 
was,  that  he  faw  the  generality  of  their  party  v/as  re- 
folved  againft  all  treaties,  or  any  agreement  -,  and  that 
if  a  fmall  number  fhould  break  off  from  them,  it 
would 'not  heal  the  old  breaches,  but  would  create 
new  ones.  In  conclufion,  nothing  was  like  to  follow 
on.  this  whole  negotiation:  We,  who  were  engaged 
in  it,  'hiicl  loft  all  our  own  fide  by  offering  at  it ;  and 
the  Fre-byterians  would  not  make  one  ftep  towards 

\k 

Leightoun 


«5f  ;King  CHARLES  II.  413 

Leightoun  defired  another  meeting  with  them  at    1670. 

flcy,1  to  which  he  carried  me  and  one  or  two  more.  <^v^ 
They  were  about  thirty.  We  had  two  long  confer-r 
ences  with  them..  Leigh  ton  11  laid  out  before  them  Some 
the  obligations  that  lay  on  them  to  feek  for  peace  atconferen- 
all  times,  but  more  efpecially  when  we  already  fawces'uPon 
the  difmal  effects  of  our  contentions  :  There  could  be  .th^  fl 
no  agreement  uniefs  on  both  fides  there  was  a  difpo-jec 
fition  to  make  fome  abatements,  and  fome  fteps  to 
wards  one  another  :  It  appeared,  that  we  were  will 
ing  to  make  even  unreafonable  ones  on  our  fide  :  And 
would  they  abate  nothing  in  theirs  ?  Was  their  opi 
nion  ib  mathematically  certain,  that  they  could  not 
difpenfe  with  any  part  of  it,  for  the  peace  of  the 
Church,  and  for  the  faving  of  fouls  ?  Many  poor 
things  were  faid  on  their  fide,  which  would  have 
made  a.leis  mild  man,  than  he  was,  lofe  all  patience. 
But  he  bore  with  all :  And  urged  this  queflion  on 
them,  Would  they  have  held  communion  with  the 
Church. of  God  $  at  the  time  of  the  council  of  Nice, 
or  not  ?  If  they  fhould  fay;  not,  he  would  be  lefs  deT 
firous  of  entering  into  communion  with  them  ;  fmce 
he  muft  fay  of  the  Church  at  that  time,  "  let  my  foul 
"  be  with  theirs  :  "  if  they  faid,  they  would  •,  then 
he  was  fure,  they  would  not  rejecl:  the  offers  now 
made  them,  which  brought  Epiicopacy  much  lower 
than  it  was  at  that  time.  One  of  the  mod  learned 
among  them  had  prepared  a  fpeech  full  of  quotations, 
to  prove  the  difference  between  the  primitive  Epifco- 
pacy  and  ours  at  prefent.  I  was  then  full  of  thofe  mat 
ters  :  So  I  anfwered  all  his  fpeech,  and  every  one  of 
his  quotations,  and  turned  the  whole  upon  him,  with 
advantages  that  were  too  evident  to  be  fo  much  as 
denied  by  their  own  party  :  and,  it  feemed,  the  per- 
fon  himfelf  thought  ib  ;  for  he  did  not  offer  a:  one 
word  of  reply.  In  conclufion,  the  Prefbyterians  de- 
fired,  that  the  proportions  might  be  given  them  in 
writing  :  For  hitherto  all  had  pafled  only  verbally  , 
and  words,  they  faid,  might  be  mifunderftood,  mifre- 
peated,  and  denied.  Leightoun  had  no  mind  to  do 

6  it: 


The  3rtiST6RY  of  the  Reign 
It :  Yet*  fince  it  was  plaufible,  to  fay  they  had  nothing 
but  words  to  fhew  to  their  brethren,  he  wrote  them 
down,  and  gave  me  the  original,  which  I  ftill  have 
in  my  hands  -,  but  fuffered  them  to  take  as  many 
copies  of  it  as  they  pleafed.  At  parting  he  defired 
them  to  come  to  a  final  refolution,  as  foon  as  they 
could  •,  for  he  believed,  they  would  be  called  for  by 
the  next  January  to  give  their  anfwers.  And  by  the 
end  of  that  month  they  were  ordered  to  come  to  Edin 
burgh.  I  went  thither  at  the  fame  time  upon  Leigh- 
toun's  defire. 

At  laft  We  met  at  the  Earl  of  Rothes's  houfe,  where  all 
they  re-  this  treaty  came  to  a  fhort  conclufion.  Hutchefon 
fufed  to  in  all  their  names  faid,  they  had  confidered  the  pro- 
Kcept  of  portions  made  to  them,  but  were  not  fatisfied  in 
ceffions"  tne*r  confciences  to  accept  of  them.  Leightoun  de- 
fired  to  know  upon  what  grounds  they  flood  out. 
Hutchefon  faid,  it  was  not  fafe  to  argue  againft  law. 
Leightoun  faid,  that  fmce  the  Government  had  fet 
on  a  treaty  with  them  in  order  to  the  altering  the 
laws,  they  were  certainly  left  to  a  full  freedom  of  ar 
guing  againft  them  :  Thefe  offers  were  no  laws  :  So 
the  arguing  about  them  could  not  be  called  an  ar 
guing  againft  law  :  He  offered  them  a  publick  con 
ference  upon  them,  in  the  hearing  of  all  that  had  a 
mind  to  be  rightly  informed  :  He  faid,  the  people 
were  drawn  into  thofe  matters  fo  far,  as  to  make 
a  fchifm  upon  them :  He  thought,  it  was  therefore 
very  reaibnable,  that  they  fhould  likewife  hear  the 
grounds  examined,  upon  which  both  fides  went, 
Hutchefon  refufed  this  :  He  faid,  he  was  but  one 
man  j  and  that  what  he  faid  was  in  the  name  of  his 
brethren,  who  had  given  him  no  farther  authority. 
Leightoun  then  afked,  if  they  had  nothing  on  their 
fide  to  propofe  towards  the  healing  of  our  breaches, 
Hutchefon  anfwered,  their  principles  were  well 
enough  known,  but  he  had  nothing  to  propofe.  Up 
on  this  Leightoun,  in  a  long  difcourfe,  told  what 
was  the  defign  he  had  been  driving  at  in  all  this 
negotiation  :  It  was  to  procure  peace,  and  to  promote 

religion : 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  415 

religion  :    He  had  offered  feveral  things,  which  he  1670:" 
was  perfuaded  were  great  diminutions  of  the  juft  v 
rights  of  Epifcopacy  :  Yet  fince  all  Church  power 
was  for  edification,  and  not  for  deftruction,  he  had 
thought,  that  in  our  prefent  circumftances  it  might 
have  conduced,  as  much  to  the  intereft  of  religion, 
that  Epifcopacy  fhould  diveft  itfelf  of  a  great  part 
of  the  authority  that  belonged  to  it,  as   the  Bifhop's 
ufing  it  in  former  ages  had  been  an  advantage  to  re-r 
ligion  :  His  offers  did  not  flow  from  any  miftruft  of 
the  caufe :  he  was  perfuaded,  Epifcopacy  was  handr 
«d  down  through  all  the  ages  of  the  Church  from,  the 
Apoftlesdays  :  Perhaps  he  had  wronged  the  order  by 
the  conceffions  he  had  made  :  Yet  he  was  confident 
God  would  forgive  it,  as  he  hoped  his  brethren  would 
excufe  it :  Now  they  thought  fit  to  reject  theie  con- 
ceflions,  without  either  offering  any  reafon  for  doing 
it,  or  any  expedient  on  their  fide  :  Therefore  the 
continuance  of  our  divifions  mufl  lie  at  their  door, 
both  before  God  and  man  :  If  ill  effects  followed  up 
on  this,  he  was  free  of  all  blame,  and  had  done  his 
part.     Thus  was  this  treaty  broke  off,  to  the  amaze 
ment  of  all  fober  and  difpaffionate  people,  and  to  the 
great  joy  of  Sharp,  and  the  reft  of  the  bifhops ;  who 
now  for  a  while  feemed  even  pleafed  with  us,  becaufe 
we  had  all  along  afferted  Epifcopacy,  and  had  plead 
ed  for  it  in  a  high  and  pofitive  ftrain. 

I  hope  this  will  be  thought  an  ufeful  part  of  the 
tiflory  of  that  time :  None  knew  the.fteps  made  in  patted  up- 
it  better  than  myfelf.     The  fierce  Epifcopal  men  will on  ^IS 
fee,  how  much  they  were  to  blame  for  accufing  that  mat°tcer. 
Apoftolical  man  Leightoun,  as  they   did,  on    this 
occafion  •,  as  if  he  had  defigned  in  this  whole  matter 
to  betray  his  own  order,  and  to  fet  up  Prefbytery« 
The  Prefbyterians  may  alfo  fee,  how  much  their  be 
haviour  difgufted  all  wife,  moderate  and  good  men, 
when  they  rejected  propositions,  that  came  fo  home 
even  to  the  maxims  they  had  fet  up,  that  nothing 
but  the  fear  of  offending,  that  is  of  lofing  the  credit 
they  had  with  their  party,  could  be  fo  much  as  pre 
tended 


4i 6  The  HISTORY   of  the  Reign 

1*670.  tended  for- their  refufing  to  agree  to  them.  Our  part 
v-*v»^  in  the  whole  negociation  was  fincere  and  open.  We 
were  actuated  by  no  other  principle,  and  had  no 
other  defign,  but  to  allay  a  violent  agitation  of 
men's  fpirits,  that  was  throwing  us  into  great  diftrac- 
tions ;  and  to  heal  a  breach,  that  was  like  to  let  in 
an  inundation  of  miferies  upon  us,  as  has  appeared 
but  to©  evidently  ever  fince.  The  high  party,  keep 
ing  ftill  their  old  biafs  to  perfecution,  and  recover 
ing  afterwards  their  credit  with  the  Government, 
carried  violent  proceedings  fo  far,  that,  after  they 
had  thrown  the  Nation  into  great  convulfions,  they 
drew  upon  themfelves  fuch  a  degree  of  fury  from 
enraged  multitudes,  whom  they  had  oppreiTed 
long  and  heavily,  that,  in  conclufion,  theEpifcopal 
order  was  put  down,  as  mail  be  told  in  its  proper 
place.  The  roughnefs  of  our  own  fide,  and  the  per- 
verfenefs  of  the  Prefbyterians,  did  fo  much  alienate 
me  from  both,  that  I  refolved  to  withdraw  myieFf 
from  any  farther  meddling,  and  to  give  myfelf  whol 
ly  to  ftudy.  I  was  then,  and  for  three  years  after  that, 
offered  to  be  made  a  Bifhop  :  But  I  refufed  it.  I 
law  the  counfels  were  altering  above  :  So  I  refolved 
to  look  on,  and  fee  whither  things  would  turn. 


j67l.         My  acquaintance  at  Hamilton,  and  the  favour  and 
^r^    friendfhipl  met  with  from  both  the  Duke  and  Dutchefs, 
The  Me-  made  me  offer  my  fervice  to  them,  in  order  to  the 
rooirs        fearch  of  many  papers,  that  were  very  carefully  pre- 
?f  !he  f  ferved  by  them :  for  the  Dutchefs's  uncle  had  charged 
Hamilton  her  to  keep  them  with  the  fame  care,  as  fhe  kept  the 
was  writ    writings  of  her  e'ftate  ;  fince  in  thefe  a  full  juftifica- 
by  me  at   tion  of  }ier  father's  pubiick  a&irigs,  and  of  his  own, 
that  time.  woll}^  fa  found,  when  me  fhould  put  them  in  the 
hands  of  one,  that  could  fet  them  in  order,  and  in  a 
due  light.     She  put  them  all  in  my  hands,  which  I 
acknowledge  was  a  very  great  truft :  And  I  made 
no  ill  ufe  of  it.     I  found  there^materials  for  a  very 
large  hiftory.     I  writ  it  with  great  fmcerity  -,  and 

Concealed 

-I 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

conceded  none  of  their  errors.  I  did  indeed  conceal  .1671 
feveral  things  that  related  to  the  King  :  I  left  out? 
fome  pailages  that  were  in  his  letters  -,  in  fome  of 
which  was  too  much  weaknefs,  and  in  others  too 
rnuch  crait  and  anger.  I  got  through  that  work  in  a 
few  months.  When  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  heard 
that  I  hacl  finished  it,  he  defired  me  to  come  up  to 
him ;  for  he  was  fure,  he  could  both  rectify  many- 
things,  and  enlarge  on  a  great  many  more.  His  true 
deiign  was,  to  engage  me  to  put  in  a  great  deal,  re  - 
lating  to  himfelf  in  that  work.  I  found  another  de* 
gree  ot  kindnefs  and  Confidence  from  him  upon  my 
toming  up,  than  ever  before.  I  had  nothing  to  afk 
for  myielf,  but  to  be  excufed  from  the  offer  of  two 
•Bifhopricks.  But  whatfoever  I  afked  for  any  other 
perlbn  was  granted :  And  I  was  confidered  as  his 
favourite.  He  trufted  me  with  all  fecrets,  -and  feen> 
ed  to  have  no  referv^s  with  me.  He  indeed  prefT- 
ed  me  to  give  up  with  Sir  Robert  Murray  :  And 
-I  faw,  that  upon  my  doing  that,  I  fhould  have 
as  much  credit  with  him  as  I  could  defire.  Sir 
..Robert  himfelf  apprehended  this  would  be  put 
to  me ;  and  preited  me  to  comply  with  him  in 
It.  But  I  hated  fervitude,  as  much  as  I  loved  him  : 
fo  I  refufed  it  flatly.  I  told  Lord  Lauderdale,  that 
Sir  Robert  had  been  as  a  fecond  father,  or  governour 
to  me,  and  therefore  I  could  not  break  friendihip 
with  him.  But  I  promifed  to  fpeak  to  him  of  no 
thing  that  he  trufted  to  me.  And  this  was  ail  that 
evrer  he  could  bring  me  to,  though  he  put  it  often 
to  me.  I  was  treated  by  him  with  an  entire  confi 
dence.  Applications  were  made  to  me ;  and  every 
thing  that  I  propofed  was  done.  I  laid  before  him 
the  ill  .{late  the  affairs  of  Scotland  were -failing  into, 
by  his  throwing  off  fo  many  of  his  friends.  Duke 
Hamilton  and  he  had  been  for  fome  years  in  ill 
terms.  I  laid  down  a  method  for  bringing  them  to 
a  better  underflanding.  I  got  kind  letters  to  pafs 
on  both  Rdes,  and  put  their  reconciliation  in  fo  fair 
a  way,  that  upon  my  return  to  Scotland  it  was  for 
VOL.  I.  Ee  that 


'4*8  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

-#671.  that  time  fully  made  up.  I  had  authority  from  him 
*^-v— «>  to  try,  how  both  the  Earls  of  Argile,  and  Tweedale, 
might  return  to  their  old  friendfhip  with  him.  The 
Earl  of  Argile  was  ready  to  do  every  thing.  Bat 
the  Earl  of  Athol  had  propofed  a  match  between  his 
fon  and  Lady  Dyfert's  daughter,  and  he  had  an  he 
reditary  hatred  to  the  Lord  Argile  and  his  family  : 
fo  that  could  not  be  eafily  brought  about.  Lord 
Tweedale  was  rdblved  to  withdraw  from  bufmefs. 
The  Earl  of  Lauderdale  had  for  many  years  treated 
his  brother  the  Lord  Halton,  with  as  much  contempt 
as  he  deferved  ;  for  he  was  both  weak  and  violent, 
infolent  and  corrupt.  Lie  had  promifed  to  fettle  his 
eftate  on  his  daughter,  when  the  Lord  Tweedale's 
fon  married  her.  But  his  brother  offered  now  eve 
ry  thing  that  Lady  Dyfert  defired,  provided  fhe 
would  get  his  brother  to  fettle  his  eftate  on  him.  So' 
Lord  Halton  was  now  taken  into  affairs ;  and  had 
fo  much  credit  with  his  brother,  that  all  the  de- 
pendance  was  upon  him.  And  thus  the  breach  be 
tween  the  Earls  of  Lauderdale  and  Tweedale  was  ir- 
reconcileable ;  though  I  did  all  I  could  to  make  it 
up. 

A  farther       As  to  Church  affairs,  Lord  Lauderdale  afked  my 
Indul-       opinion  concerning  them.     I  gave  it  frankly  to  this 
ce,  ,   purpofe:  There  were  many  vacancies  in  the  difaffedl- 
"  'ed  Counties,  to  which  no  conformable  men  of  any 
worth  could  be  prevailed  on  to  go  :  So  I  propofed, 
that  the  Indulgence  fhould  be  extended  to  them  all  ; 
and  that  the  Miniflers  fhould  be  put  into  thofe  pa- 
rifhes  by  couples,  and  have  the  benefice  divided  be 
tween  them  ;  and,  in  the  Churches,  where  the  In 
dulgence   had  already   taken   place,  that    a  fecond 
Minifler  .fhould  be  added,  and  have  the  half  of  the 
benefice  :  By  this   means  I  reckoned,  that  all  the 
outed  Minifters  would  be  again  employed,  and  kept 
\  from  going  round  the  uninfecled  parts  of  the  King- 
* '  dom  :  I  alfo  propofed  that  they  fhould  be  confined  to 
their  parifhes,  not  to  ftir  out  of  them  without  leave 
from  the  Bifhop  of  the  diocefe,  or  a  Privy  Counfel- 

lour* 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  419 

lour;  and  that,  upon  tranfgreffing  the  rules  that  1671. 
fhould  be  lent  them,  a  proportion  of  their  benefice  v-no^ 
fhould  be  forfeited,  and  applied  to  fume  pious  ufe. 
Lord  Lauderdale  heard  me  to  an  end  :  And  then, 
without  arguing  one  word  upon  any  one  branch  of 
this  fcheme,  he  defired  me  to  put  it  in  writing ; 
which  I  did.  And  the  next  year,  when  he  came 
down  again  to  Scotland,  he  made  one  write  out  my 
paper,  and  turned  it  into  the  flyle  of  inftructions.  So. 
eafily  did  he  let.himfelf  be  governed  by  thofe  whom 
he  milled,  even  in  matters  of  great  coniequence. 
Four  Bifhops  happened  to  die  that  year,  of  which 
Edinburgh  was  one.  I  was  defired  to  make  my  own 
choice:  But  I  refufed  them  all.  Yet  I  obtained  a 
letter  to  be  writ,  by  the  King's  order,  to  Lord 
Rothes,  that  he  fliould  call  the  two  Archbifhops, 
and  four  of  the  Officers  of  State,  and  lend  up  their 
opinion  to  the  King  of  the  perfons  lit -to  be  pro 
moted  :  and  a  private  letter  was  writ  to  the  Lords* 
to  join  with  Leightoun  in  recommending  the  perforts 
that  he  fhould  name.  Leightoun  was  uneafy,  when 
he  found  that  Charteris,  and  Nairn,  as  well  as  my-* 
lelf,  could  not  be  prevailed  on  to  accept  Bifhopricks. 
They  had  an  ill  opinion  of  the  Court,  and  could  nut 
be  brought  to  leave  their  retirement.  I  eightpuri 
was  troubled  at  this.  He  faid,  if  his  friends  left 
the  whole  load  on  him,  he  muft  leave  all  to  provi 
dence.  Yet  he  named  the  beft  men  he  could  think 
on.  And,  that  Sharp  might  not  have  too  publick. 
an  affront  put  on  him,  Leightoun  agreed  to  one 
of  his  nomination.  But  now  1  go  to  open  a  fcene 
of  another  nature. 

The  Court  was  now  going  into  other  meafures.  jroreiVri 
The  Parliament  had  given  the  King  all  the  mon^y  affairs, 
.he  had  afked  for  repairing  his  fleet,  and  for  fupply- 
ing  his  flores  and  magazines.     Additional  revenues 
were  alfo  given  for  fame  years.     But  at  their  lad  An  air- 
fitting,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1670,  it  ap-  aace  with 
peared  that  the  Houfe  of  Commons  were  out  of  0^£ie 
countenance  for  having  given  fo  much  money*  and 
£  e  2  feemed 


42Q  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1 67  r .  feemed  refolved  to  give  no  more.  All  was  obtained 
under  the  pretence  of  maintaining  the  Triple  Alli 
ance.  When  the  Court  faw  how  little  reafon  they 
had  to  expert  farther  fupplies,  the  Duke  of  Buck 
ingham  told  the  King,  that  now  the  time  was 
come,  in  which  he  might  both  revenge  the  attempt 
On  Chatham,  and  make  off  the  uneafy  reilraint  of  a 
Houfe  of  Commons.  And  he  got  leave  from  the 
King  to  fend  over  Sir  Ellis  Leightoun  to  the  Court  of 
France,  to  offer  the  project  of  a  new  alliance  and  a 
new  war.  Sir  Ellis  told  me  this  himfelf :  And 
was  proud  to  think,  that  he  was  the  firfl  man  em 
ployed  in  thofe  black  and  fatal  defigns.  But,  in 
he  fir  (I  proposition  made  by  us,  the  fubduing  of 
England,  and  the  toleration  of  popery,  here  was 
offered,  as  that  with  which  the  deiign  mud  be  be 
gun.  France,  feeing  England  fo  inclined,  refolved 
to  pufn  the  matter  farther. 

The  Dut-f-..rYhe  King's  filter,  the  Dutchefs  of  Orleans,  was 
civ.-iiot     thought  the  wittieft  woman,  in  France.     The  King 

4  *> »  t  J  "•  i">  •?  ^^ 

wme'to  ^  *'iance  na^  macie  love  to  her,  with  which  me 
L>u\er.  "vVas  highly  incenfed,  wh.en  Ibe  faw  it  was  only  a 
pretence,  to  cover  his  ackireffes  to  Madamoifelle 
j  ,a  Valiere,  one  ci  her  maids  of  honour,  whom 
he  afterwards  declared  openly  to  be  his  Miftrefs  : 
Yet  ilie  had  reconciled  herfelf  to  the  King  ;  and  was 
now  fo  entirely  trufted  by  him,  that  he  ordered  her 
-to  propofe  an  interview  with  her  brother  at. Dover. 
The  K.in<*  went  thither,  and  was  fo  much  charm 
ed  with-  his  filler,  that  every. thing  fhe  propofed, 
and  cvt-ry  favour  fhe  afked,  was  granted.  The 
King  could  deny  her  nothing.  She  propofed  an  al- 
ji.incr,  in  order  to  the  conqucft  01  Holland.  The 
King  had  a  mind  to  have  begun  at.  home.  But  fhe 
diverted  him  from  that.  It  could  no:  be  forefecn, 
what  difficulties  the  King  might  nicer,  with  upon 
the  firft  opening  the  defjgn-:  As  it  would  alarm  all 
his  people,  fo  it -would  fend  a  gi.-eat  dea'  of  wealth,, 
and  trade,  and  perhaps  much  people  over  to  Hol 
land  :  and  by  fuch  an  acccilion  they  wo.uld  grow 

" 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  421 

llronger,  as  he  would  grow  weaker.  So  fhe  pro-  1671. 
pofed,  that  they  fhould  begin  \vi:h  Holland,  and  <-*v-*-» 
attack  it  vigoroufly,  both  by  fea  and  land  :  And 
upon  their  fuccefs  in  that,  all  the  reft  would  be  an 
eafy  work.  This  account  of  that  negotiation  was 
printed  twelve  years  after,  at  Paris,  by  one  Abbot 
rVimi.  I  had  that  part  of  the  book  in  my  hands', 
in  which  this  was  contained.  Lord  Prefton  was 
then  the  King's  Envoy  at  Paris:  So  he,  knowr 
ing  how  great  a  prejudice  the  publifh ing  this  would 
be  to  his  mafter's  affairs,  complained  of  it.  The 
book  was  upon  that  fuppreffed  ;  and  the  writer  was 
put  in  the  Baftille.  But  he  had  drawn  it  oof  of  the. 
papers  of  Mr.  Le  Tellier's  office  :  So  there' is  little 
reafon  to  doubt  of  the  truth  of  the  thing.  Macferrie, 
as  this  book  fays,  prevailed  to  have  her  fch erne  let- 
tied,  and  fo  went  back  to  France.  The  journey 
proved  fatal  .to  her  :  for  the  Duke  of  Orleans  ha& 
heard  fuch  things  of  her  behaviour,  that  it  was  faia 
he  ordered  a  great  dofe  of  fublimate  to  be  given  her,  Soon  after 
in  a  glafs  of  fuccory-water,.  of  which  fhe  died  a  few  poifonecC 
hours  after,  in  great  torments :  And  when  fhe  was 
opened,  her  flomach  was  all  ulcerated. 

Since  I  mention  her  death,  I  will  fet  down  one  Some  o.: 
ilory  of  her,  that  was  told  me  by  a  perfon  of   di-  h-  in- 
ftindtion,  who  had  it  from  fome  who  were  well  in-  tr:Sacs- 
formed  of  the  matter.     The  King  of  France  had 
courted  Madame   SoifTons,    and  made  a  (hew  of 
.courting  Madame.     But  his  affections    fixing  oh 
"Madamoifelle  La  Valiere,  Hie  whom  he  had  for- 
faken,  as  well  as  fhe  whom  he  had  deceived,  refolv- 
ed  to  be  revenged  :  And  they  entered  into  a  friencf- 
fhip  in  order  to  that.     They  had  each  of  them  a 
Gallant :  Madame  had  the  Count  De  Guiche,  and 
the  other  hid   the  Marquis  Des  Vardes,  then   in 
great  favour  with  the  King,  and  a  very  graceful 
perfon.     When  the  treaty  of  the  King  of  France's 
marriage  was  fet  on    foot,  there  was   an 
generally  received,  that  the  Infanta  of  Sp.-rn 

E  c  3  a  woman 


4'3  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1671.      a  woman   of  great  genius,  and  would  have  a  con*. 
w-v>^    fiderable    ftroke  in   all  affairs.     So,  'many   young 
men  of  quality  fct  themieives  to  Jearn  the  Spanifli 
language,  to  give  them   the   more  credit  with  the 
young  queen.     All  that  fell  to  the  ground,  when  it 
appeared  how  weak  a  woman  me  was.     Thefe  two 
were,  of  that  number.  Count  De  Guiche  watched  an 
occafion,  when  a  letter  from  the  King  of  Spain  was 
given  to  his  daughter  by  the  Spanifli  Ambaflador, 
and  fhe  tore  the  envelope,  and  let  it  fall.     He  ga 
thered  up  all  the  parcels  of  it,  together  with  the 
feai.  o  From  theie  they  learned  to  imitate  the  King 
of  Spain's  writing.     And  they  fent  to  Holland  to 
get  a  feal  engraven  from  the  impreflion  of  the  wax. 
When  all  was  prepared,  a  letter  was  writ,  as  in  the 
name  of  the  King  of  Spain,  reproaching  his  daugh 
ter  for  her  tamenefs  in  fufFering  fuch  an  affront,  as 
the  King  put  on  her  by  his  amours,  with  reflexions 
full  both  of  contempt  and  anger  againft  the  King. 
There  was  one  Spanifh  Lady  left  about  the  Queen  : 
Some  of    So  they  forged  another  letter,  as  from  the  Spanifli 
-Ambaffador  tc  her,  with  that  to  the  Queen  inclofed 
in  it,  defiring  her  to  deliver  it  fccrctly  into   the 
Queen's  own  hand.     And  they  made  a  livery,  fucfi 
as  the  Spanifli  AmbafTador's  pages  wore :  And  a 
bpy  was  fent  in  it  with  the  letter.  The  Lady  fufpecl:- 
ed   no  ...forgery;  but  fancied,  the  letter  might  be 
abaut  fome  matter  of  State.     She  thought  it  fafeft 
to  carry  it  to  the  King,  who  reading  it  ordered  an 
.    .enquiry  to  be   made  about  it.     The  Spanifli  Am- 
bafTador  faw  he  was  abuled  in  it.     The  King  fpoke 
to  the  Marquis  Des  Vardes,  not  fufpecting  that  he 
:was  in  it,  and  charged  him  to  fearch  after  the  au 
thor  of  this  abufe,  that  was  intended  to  be  put  on 
jiirn..     The  two  ladies  now  rejoiced,  that  the  look- 
•jng  after  the  cUfcovery  was  put  in  the  hands  of  a 
.man,  fo  much   concerned   in  it.     He  amufed  the 
King  with  the  enquiries  that  he  was  making,  tho' 
jie  was  ever  in  *  w;ong  fcem.     But  in  all  this  rime 

Madam? 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

Madame  was  fo  pieafed  with  his  conduct,  that  fhe 
came  to  like  his  perfon  ;  and  had  fo  little  command 
of  herfelf,  that  fhe  told  Madame  SoifTons,  fhe  was 
her  rival.  The  other  readily  complied  with  her. 
And,  by  an  odd  piece  of  extravagance,  he  was  fent 
for :  And  Madam  SoilTons  told  him,  fmce  he  wai 
in  Madame's  favour,  fhe  releafed  him  from  all  ob 
ligations,  and  delivered  him  over  to  her.  The  Mar 
quis  Des  Vardes  thought,  this  was  only  an  artifice  of 
gallantry,  to  try  how  faithful  he  was  to  his  amours: 
So  he  declared  himfelf  incapable  of  changing,  in 
terms  full  of  refpecl:  for  Madame,  and  of  paffion 
for  the  other.  This  raifed  in  Madame  fo  deep  a 
refentment,  that  fhe  refolved  to  facrifice  Des  Vardes, 
but  to  fave  the  Count  De  Guiche.  So  fhe  gave  him 
notice,  that  the  King  had  difcovered  the  whole  in 
trigue  •,  and  charged  him  to  haften  out  of  France. 
And,  as  foon  as  me  believed  that  he  was  in  Flan 
ders,  fhe  told  all  to  the  King  of  France.  Upon 
which  Des  Vardes  was  not  only  clifgraced,  but  kept 
long  a  prifoner  in  Aigues  Mortes.  And  afterwards 
he  was  fuffered  to  come  to  Montpelier.  And  it  was 
almoft  twenty  years  after,  before  he  was  fuffered  to 
come  to  Court.  I  was  at  Court  when  he  came  firfl 
to  it.  He  was  much  broke  in  his  health,  but  was 
become  a  philofopher,  and  was  in  great  reputation 
among  all  Des  Cartes's  followers.  Madame  had  an 
intrigue  with  another  perfon,  whom  I  knew  well, 
the  Count  of  Treville.  When  fhe  was  in  her  agony, 
Hie  laid,  "  aditru  Treville."  He  was  fo  flruck  with 
this  accident,  that  it  had  a  good  effect  on  him  ;  for 
he  went  and  lived  many  years  among  the  Fathers  of 
the  Oratory,  and  became  both  a  very  learned,  and 
devout  man.  He  came  afterwards  out  into  the  world, 
I  faw  him  often.  He  was  a  man  of  a  very  fweet; 
temper,  only  a  little  too  formal  for  a  French  man, 
But  he  was  very  fin  cere.  He  was  a  Janfenift.  He 
hated  the  Jefuits.  And  had  a  very  mean  opinion  of 
the  King,  which  appeared  in  all  the  inftances,  iu 
T<vhich  it  was  fafe  for  him  to  fhew  it. 

EC  4  Upon 


4H  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1671.  -  Upon  Madame's  death,  as  the  Marfhal  Bellefonds 
^-Y^J  came  from  France  with  the  complement  to  the 
rrh^ta~  Court  of  England,  fo  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  was 
France1!  e-  ^ent  tQ'r^ier  on  pretence  to  return  the  complement, 
gociatcd.  but  really  to  finifh  the  treaty.  The  King  of  France 
ufed  him  in  fo  particular  a  manner,  knowing  his  va 
nity,  and  carefled  him  to  fuch  a  degree,  that  he 
went  without  referve  into  the  intereits  of  France. 
Yet  he  protefted  to  me,  that  he  never  confented  to 
the  French  fleet's  coming  into  cur  feas  and  harbours. 
He  laid-,  he  was  offered  40,000  /.  if  he  could  per- 
fuade  the  Ring  to  yield  to  it:  and  he  appealed  to  the 
Earl  of  Dorfet  for  this,  who  was  in  theiecret.  He 
therefore  concluded)  fince,  after  all  the  tmeafinefs 
fhewed  at  firft,  the  King  had  yielded  to  it,  that 
Lord  Arlington  had  the  money.  Lord  Shaftefbury 
laid  the  blame  of  this  chiefly  on  the  duke  of  Buck 
ingham  •:•  for  he  told  me,  that  he  hirnfelf  had  writ  a 
peremptory  inftruclion  to  hmiftonr  the  King,  to  give 
up  all  treaty,  if  the  French  did  infill  an  the  fending 
a  fleet  -to  our  afliftance.  And  therefore  he  blamed 
him,  as  having  yielded  it  up,  fincc  he  ought  to 
have  broke  off  all  farther  treaty,  upon  their  infift- 
ing  on  this.  But  the  Duke  of  York  told  me,  there 
was  no  money  given  to  corrupt  the  King's  mini- 
fters  ;  that  the  King  and  he  rind  long  in  fitted  on 
having  ail  their  fupplies  from  France  in  money, 
without  a  fleet ;  and  that  the  French  iliewed  them 
it  wasTnot  poflible  for  them  to  find  out  funds  for  fo 
great  an  expence,  uniefs  we  took  a  fquadron  of  their 
{hips ;  fince  they  could  not  both  maintain  their 
q\vn  fleet,  and  fijrnifh  us  with  money  that  would 
be  necefiary,  if  we  took  not  their  fquadron.  It 
was  agreed,  that  the  King  fhould  have  ^50,000  /. 
ji  year  dtiripg  the  war,  together  with  a  fleet  from 
France.  England  was  to  attack  the  Dutch  by  lea, 
while  theKing  of  France  fhould  invade  them  by  land 
with  a  mighty  army,  it  was  not  doubted,  but  that 
the  States  would  find  it  irjipofiible  to  refill  fo  great 

a  forcc^ 


.  rr:    of  King  CHARLES  II. 

a  force,  and  would  therefore  fubmit  to  the  two 
Kings  :  So  the  divifion  they  agreed  on  was,  that 
Kngland  mould  have  Zealand,  and  that  the  King  of 
France  fhould  have  all  the  red,  except  Holland; 
which  was  to  be  given  to  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
if  he  would  come  into  the  alliance :  And  it  fhould 
be  frill  a  trading  country,  but  without  any  capital 
Ihips.  Lord  Lauderdale  faid  upon  that  -occafion  to 
me,  that  whatfoever  they  intended  to  do,  they 
were  refolved  to  do  it  effectually  all  at  once :  But  he 
would  not  go  into  farther  particulars.  That  the 
year  1672  might  Be  fatal  to  other  Common- wealths, 
as  well  as  to  the  States,  the  Duke  of  Savoy  was  en 
couraged  to  make  a  conqueilof  Genoa  ;  though  he 
afterwards  failed  in  the  attempt  ,  and  the  King  of 
Denmark  was  invited  into  the  alliance,  with  the  of 
fer  of  the  town  of  Hamburgh,  en  which  he  had 
Fong  fet  his  heart.  The  Duke  of  Richmond  Was' 
fent  to  giv-e  a  luft're  to  that  negociation,  which  was 
chiefly  managed  by  Mr.  Henfhaw ;  who  told  rri'e, 
that  we  offered  that  King  fome  ihips  to  alFiff  niru 
in  feizing  that  rich  town.  But  he  was  then  in  tllofe 
engagements  with  the  States  of  Holland,  that  even 
this  offer  did  not  prevail  on  him. 

Lockart  was  at  this  time  brought  to  court  %~ 
Lord  Lauderdale,  hoping  that  he  would  continue  in  fent 
an  entire  dependance  on  him,  and  be  his,  creature.  France. 
Jrle  was  under  fo  great  a  jealoufy  from  the  Govern 
ment  for  his  former  actings,  that  he  was  too  eafy  to 
enter  into  any  employment,  that  might  bring  him 
into  favour,  not  fo  much  out  of  any  ambition  to 
rife,  as  from  a  defire  to  be  fafe,  and  to  be  no  longer 
looked  on  as  an  enemy  to  the  Court :  for  when  a  fo 
reign  Minifter  afked  the  King's  leave  to  treat  with 
him -in  his  matter's  name,  the  King  corrfented  ; 
but  with  this  fevere  reflexion,  that  he  believed  he 
would  be  true  to  any  body  but  himfelf.  He  was 
lent  to  the  Courts  of  Brandenburgh  and  Lunen- 
burgh,  either  to  draw  them  into  the  alliance,  or,  if 

that 


426  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1671.  that  could  not  be  done,  at  leaft  to  fecure  them  from 
all  apprehenfions.  But  in  this  he  had  no  fuccefs. 
And  indeed  when  he  faw  into  what  a  negotiation  he 
was  engaged,  he  became  very  uneafy  :  For,  tho* 
the  blackefl  part  of  the  fecret  was  not  trufled  to 
him,  as  appeared  to  me  by  his  inflructions,  which 
I  read  after  his  death  •,  yet  he  faw  whither  things 
were  going.  And  that  affected  him  fo  deeply,  that 
it  was  believed  to  have  contributed  not  a  little  to 
the  languishing  he  foon  fell  under,  which  ended  in 
his  death  two  years  after. 
Pretended  The  war  being  thus  refolved  on,  fome  pretences  - 
reafons  were  in  the  next  place  .to  be  fought  out  to  excufe 
it :  For,  though  the  King  of  France  went  more 
roundly  to  work,  and  publifhed  that  he  was  fo  ill 
fatisfied  with  the  conduct  of  the  States,  that  it  did 
not  confift  with  his  glory  to  bear  it  any  longer,  yet 
we  thought  it  decent  for  us  to  name  fome  particu-* 
lars.  It  was  faid,  we  had  fome  pretenfions  on 
Surinam,  not  yet  completely  fatisfied  ;  and  that  the 
States  harboured  traitors,  that  fled  fromjuflice,  and 
lived  in  Holland:  fome  medals  were  complained 
of,  that  feemed  cli (honourable  to  the  King  -,  as  allb 
fome  pictures :  And,  though  thefe  were  not  made 
by-publick  order,  yet  a  great  noife  was  raifed  about 
them.  But  an  accident  happened,  that  the  Court 
laid  great  hold  of.  The  Dutch  fleet  lay  off  the 
cpaft  of  England  the  former  year  :  And  one  of  the 
King's  Yachts  failed  by,  and  expected  they  mould 
llrike  fail.  They  faid,  they  never  refufed  it  to  any 
man  of  war :  But  they  thought  that  honour  did  not 
belong  to  fuch  an  inconliderable  vefTel.  I  was  then 
at  Court :  and  I  faw  joy  in  the  looks  of  thofe  that 
were  in  the  fecret.  Selden  had  in  his  Mare  Claufum 
raifed  this  matter  fo  high,  that  he  made  it  one  of 
the  chief  rights  and  honours  of  the  Crown  of  Eng 
land,  as  the  acknowledgement  of  the  King's  empire 
in  the  four  feas.  The  Dutch  offered  all  fatisfaction 
for  the  future  in  this  matter  :  But  they  would  not 

fend 


of  King .  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  JI.  j~. 

fend  their  Admiral  over  as  a  criminal.  While 
France  was  treating  with  England,  they  continued 
to  amufe  the  Dutch :  And  they  pofTeflecl  De  Groot, 
then  the  Dutch  AmbafTador  at  Paris,  or  they  cor 
rupted  him  into  a  belief  that  they  had  no  defign  on 
them,  and  the  Dutch  were  too  fecure,  and  depend 
ed  too  much  on  his  advertifements. .  Yet  the  States 
entered  into  a  negociation,  both  with  Spain  and  thi 
Emperor,  and  with  the  King  of  Denmark,  the 
Elector  of  Brandenburgh,  and  the  Duke  of  Lunen- 
burgh.  The  King  of  Sweden  was  yet  under  age : 
And  the  Miniftry  there  defired  a  neutrality.  France 
and  England  fent  two  Ambafifadors  to  them,  both 
men  of  great  probity,  Pomponne  and  Coventry, 
who  were  both  recalled  at  the  fame  time  to  be.Se- 
cretaries  of  State.  Coventry  was  a  man  of  wit  and 
heat,  of  fpirit  and  candour.  He  never  gave  bad 
advices :  But  when  the  King  followed  the  ill  ad 
vices  that  others  gave,  he  thought  himfelf  bound 
to  excufe,if  not  to  juflify  them.  For  this  the  Duke  of 
York  commended  him  much  to  me.  He  faid,  in 
that  he  was  a  pattern  to  all  good  fubje&s,  fmce  he 
defended  all  the  King's  counfels  in  publick,  even 
when  he  had  blamed  them  moft  in  private,  with 
the  King  himfelf. 

Our  Court  having  refolved  on  a  war,  did  now  1672, 
look  out  for  money  to  carry  it  on.     The  King  had  v-~y^ 
been  running  into  a  great  debt  ever  fmce  his  Refto-P16  thi:t 
ration.     One  branch  of  it  was  for  the  pay  of  that  ^|  jfvc 
fleet  that  brought  him.  over.     The  main  of  it  had  chequer.1, 
'been  contracted  during  the  former  Dutch  war.  The  : , 
King,    in  order  to  the  keeping    his    credit,    had 
dealt  with  fome  Bankers,  and  had  affigned  over 
the  revenue  to  them.     They  drove  a  great  trade, 
and  had    made  great  advantage  by  it.     The  King 
paid  them  at  the  rate  of  8'  per  cent :  And  tiiey  paid 
thofe  who  put  money  in  their  hands  only  6  per 
~    And  had  great  credit ;  for  payments  were 

made 


rThe  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

made  very  punctually.  The  King  had  in  ibine 
proclamations  given  his  faith,  that  he  would  con 
tinue  to  make  good  all  his  alignments,  till  the 
whole  debt  mould  be  paid,  which  was  now  grow 
ing  up  to  almoft  a  million  and  a  half.  So  one  of 
jjie  ways  propoied  for  fupplying  the  King  with  mo- 
jiey  was,  that  he  fiiould  flop  thefe  payments  for  3. 
year,  it  being  thought  certain,  that  by  the  end  of 
the,  year  the  King  would  be  out  of  all  his  neceffities, 
by  the  hopes  they  had  of  fuccefs  in  the  war.  The 
£arl  of  Shake foury  was  the  chief  man  in  this  ad 
vice.  .He  excufed  it  to  me,  telling  me  what  ad 
vantage  thp  Bankers  had  made,  and  how  juil  it 
was  for  the  King  to  bring  them  to  an  account,  for 
their  ufury  and  extortions :  And  added,  that  he 
never  meant, toe  ftop  fliould  run  beyond  the  year. 
He  certainly  knew  of  it  before  hand  >  and,  took  all 
his  own  mon:'/y  out  of  the  Bankers  hands,  and 
•warned  fome.pf  his  friends  to  do  the  like.  Lord 
Lauderdale  ctiq  afcout  this  time  marry  LadyDyfert, 
upon  his  own  -Lady's  death  :  And  me  Writ  me  a 
long  account -of  the  fhutting  up  of  the  Exchequer, 
as  both  jufl  and  ncceffary.  The  Bankers  were 
broke;  arid  "great  multitudes,  who  had  trufted  their 
money  in  their  hands,  were  ruined  by  this  dif- 
:,j  honourable  and  perfidious  action.  But  this  gave 
the  King  only  '  his  ov/n  revenue  again.  So 
,  3:,  other  ways  were  to  -be  found  for  an  increafe  of 

treafure. 

The  at-  By  the  peace.'  of  Breda'  it  was  provided,  that, 
tempt  on  jn  order  to  the  fecunty  of  trade,  no  merchant's 
tj  uutcn  /"L.!_.,,  /T%^,-,U  \~>n  c^*.  «.'u^  fiirnre  fi3.llen  on  til]  fix 


months  after  a  declaration  of  war.  The  Dutch 
had  a.  rich  fleet  coming  from  Smyrna,  and  other 
parts  of  the  Mediterranean,  under  the  convoy 
of  a  few-  men.  of  war.  Our  Court  had  advice 
of  this.  Arid  Holmes '  was  ordered  to  lye  in 
wait  for  them,  and  to  take  them  near  the  I  fie 
of  Wight  with  eight  meii  of  Vrar.  As  'he  was 

failing 


•of  King  CHARLESJL  429 

failihg  thither  he  met  Spragge,  who  was  return-  .1672. 
ing  from  the  Straits  with  a  fquadron  of  our  fhips  ;  o-v^j 
and  told  him,  that  he  had  failed  along  with  the 
Dutch  moil  of  the  way,  and  that  they  would 
pafs  within  a  day  or  two.  Holmes  thought,  he 
was  much  too  ftrong  for  them  •,  To  did  not  ac 
quaint  Spragge  with  his  defign :  For,  if  he  had 
itopped  him  to  .afftft  in  the  execution,  probably 
the  whole  fleet  had  been  taken,  which  was  rec 
koned  worth  a  million  and  a  half.  When  they 
came  up,  Holmes  fell  upon  them  :  But  their  con 
voy  did  their  part  fo  well,  that  not  only  the -whole 
fleet  failed  away,  while  they  kept  him  in  play* 
but  they  themfeives  got  off  at  lail  favoured  by  a 
mift  :  And  there  were  only  a  few  fhips  taken,  of 
fo  fmall  a  value,  that  they  were  not  worth  the 
powder  that  was  fpent  in  the  action.  This  was  a 
breach  of  faith,  fuch  as  even  Mahometans  and  Py* 
rates  would  have  been  afh^med  of.  The  unfuct 
cefsfulnefs  of  it  made  it  appear  as  ridiculous  as  it 
was  bafe.  Holmes  was  prefled  to  put  it  on  the 
Dutch  refufing  toftrike  fail.  Yet  that  was  fo  falfe, 
and  there  were  fo  many  witnefles  to  it,  that  he  had 
not  the  impudence  to  afprm  it. 

To  crown  all,  a  Declaration  was  ordered  to  be  fet  A  Decla- 
out,  fufpending  the  execution  of  all  penal  laws,  both  ration  for 
againft  Papifts  and  Noncohformifts.  Papilts  were  no  ™er*- 
more  to  be  profecuted  for  their  way  of  worfhip  in t!( 
their  own  houfes,  and  the  Nonconformifts  were  al* 
lowed  to  have  open  Meeting  Houfes;  for  which  they 
were  to  take  out  licences,  and  none  were  to  difturb 
thole  v/ho  fhould  meet  for  worfhlp>  by  virtue  of  chafe 
licences.    Lord  Keeper  Bridgman  had  loft  all  credit-^rtarfT 
at  Court :  *So  they  were  feeking  artoccafiaa-to  be  rid 
of  him^  who  had  indeed  loil  all  the  reputation  he  had 
formerly  .acquired,  by  his  being  advanced  to  a  poft 
<of  whioh  he  was  not  capable.     He  refufcd  to  ptic 
, the  feat  to  the  Declaration,  as   judging  it  contra 
ry  to  law.     So  he,: was.  difmi&d,,  'and  the  Earl  of 

lf,q  Shaftihury 


4 go  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign. 

•  1674.  Shaftfbury  was  made  Lord  Chancellour.  Lord  Gl if- 
tXV^  ford  was  made  Lord  Treafurer :  Lord  Arlington 
and  Lord  Lauderdale  had  both  of  them  the  Garter  : 
And  as  Arlington  was  made  an  Earl,  Lauderdale 
was  made  a  Duke :  And  this  Junto,  together  with  the 
Duke  of;  Buckingham,  being  called  the  Cabal,  it 
was  obferved,  that  Cabal  proved  a  technical  word, 
every  letter  in  it  being  the  firft  letter  of  thofe 
five,  Clifford,  Afhly,  Buckingham,  Arlington,  and 
Lauderdale.  They  had,  all  of  them,  great  prefents 
from  France,  befides  what  was  .openly  given  them  : 
For  the  French  AmbafTador  gave  them  all  a  picture 
of  the  King  of  France,  let  in  diamonds,  to  the  value 
of  3000  1.  Thus  was  the  Nation,  and  our  religion, 
as  well  as  the  King's  faith  and  honour,  fet  to  fale, 
and  fold.  Lord  Shaftfbury  reiblved  to  recommend 
himfelf -to  the  confidence  of  the  Court  by  a  new 
ftrain,  never  before  thought  of.  He  faid,  the  writs 
for  choofing  the  members  of  the  Houie  of  Com 
mons  might  be  ifiued  out  in  the  intervals  of  a  lef- 
fion  :  and  the  elections  made  upon  them  were  to  be 
returned  into  Chancery,  and  fettled  there.  So  the 
writs  were  iilued  out,  but  whether  any  elections  were 
made  upon  them,  and  returned,  I  cannot  tell.  I 
~  ^  inow,  the  Houfe  of  Commons  intended  to  have  im- 
preached  him,  for  this  among  other  things  -,  but  he 
had  the  forefight  and  fkill  to  prevent  it,  When  the 
.Declaration  for  Toleration  was  publifhed,  great  en 
deavours  were  uied  by  the  Court,  to  perfuade  the 
Non  con  for  mi  (Is  to  make  addreffes  and  compliments 
upon  it.  But  few  were  fo  blind  as  not  to  fee  what 
was  aimed  at  by  it. 

The  Pref-  The  Duke  was  now  known  to  be  a  Papift  ;  and 
byterians  the  Dutchefs  was  much  fufpeded  :  Yet  the  Prefby- 
gave  the  :terjans  came  jn  a  boc]y  .  anc}  Dr.  Manton,  in  their 
name,  thanked  the  King  for  it,  which  offended  ma- 
ny  of  their  beft  friends.  There  was  alfo  an  order,  to 
pay  a  yearly  penfion  of  fifty  pounds  to  moil  of  them, 
and  of  an  hundred  pounds  a  year  to  the  chief  of  the 

party- 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

party.     Baxter  fent  back  his  penfiori,  and  would 
not  touch  it  •,  but  mod  of  them  took  it.     All  this  I 
fay  upon  Dr.  Stillingfleet's  word,  who  aflured  me, 
he  knew  the  truth  of  it :  And  in  particular,  he  told 
me,  that  Pool,  who  wrote  the  Synopfis  of  the  cri- 
ticks,  .confeiTed  to  him,  that  he  had  had  fifty  pounds 
for  two  years.     Thus  the  Court  hired  them  to  be 
fifcnt;  and  the  greateft  part  of  them  were  fo,  and 
very  compliant.     But  now  the  pulpits  were  full  of 
a  new  (train.     Popery  was  every  where  preached 
againft,  and  the  authority  of  the  laws  was  much 
magnified.     The  Bifhops,  the  Bifhop  of  London  in 
particular,  charged  the  Clergy  to  preach  again  ft  Po 
pery,  and  to  inform  the  people  of  the  controverfy, 
between  us  and  the  Church  of  Rome.   This  alarmed 
the  Court,  as  well  as  the  City,  and  the  whole  Na~ 
tion.     Clifford  began  to  mew  the  heat  of .  his  tenv 
per  •,   and  feemed  a  fort  of  Enthufiaft  for  Popery. 
The  King  complained  to  Sheldon  of  this  preaching 
on  controverfy,  as  done  on  purpole  to  inflame  the 
people,   and  to  alienate  them  from  him  and  his  Go 
vernment.     Upon  this  Sheldon  called  fome  of  the 
Clergy  together,  to  coafider  what  anfwer  he  mould 
make  the  King,  it  he  prefTed  him  any  farther  on 
that  head.  Tillotfon  was  one  of  thefe  :  And  he  fug- 
gelled  this  anfwer,  that  (irice  the  King  himfeif  pro- 
idled  the  Proteflant  religion,  it  would  be  a  thing 
without  a  precedent,  that  he  mould  forbid  his  Cler 
gy  to  preach  in  defence  of  a  religion  which  they  be 
lieved,  while  he  himfeif  faid  he  was  of  it.     But  the 
King  never  renewed  the  motion. 

While  things  were  in  this  fermentation,  the  The  Dut- 
Dutchefs  of  York  died.  It  was  obierved,  that  for 
fifteen  months  before  that  time,  fhe  had  not  receiv- 
ed  the  facrament ;  and  that,  upon  all  occafions,  me 
was  excufing  the  errours,  that  the  Church  of  Rome 
was  charged  with,  and  was  givisg  them  the  bell 
colours  they  were  capable  of.  An  unmarried  Clergy 
vps  alfo  a  common  tppick  with  her.  Morley  had 

been 


43 2  The  HISTORY  of  die  Reign 

1.672.  been  her  father  confdTour :  For,  he  told  me,  (he 
-pra&ifed  fecret  confefiion  to  him,  from  the  time 
that  Ihe  was  twelve  years  old  :  And,  when  he  was 
fent  away  from  the  Court,  he  put  her  in  the  hands 
of  Blariford,  who  died  Bimop  of  Worcefter.  Mor- 
ky.  aifo  told  me,  that,  upon  the  reports  that  were 
brought  him  of  her  flacknefs  in  receiving  the  facra- 
tfnent,  me  having  been,  for  many  years,  punctual  to 
once  a  month,  he  had  fpoken  plainly  to  her  about 
it,  and  told  her  what  inferences  were  made  upon  it.- 
She  pretended  ill  health  and  bufmefs  •,  but  proteiled 
to  him,  Ihe  had  no  fcruples  with  relation  to  her  re- 
ligion,  and  was  ftill  of  the  Church  of  England  ^  and 
allured  him,  that  no  Popifh  Prieft  had  ever  taken 
the  confidence  to  fpeak  to  her  of  thole  matters.  He 
took  a  folemn  engagement  of  her,  that  if  fcruples 
iliould  aiiie  in  her  mind,  me  would  let  him  know 
them,  and  hear  what  he  fhould  offer  to  her  upon  all 
of  them.  And  he  proteiled  to  me,  that,  to  heir 
death,  me  never  owned  to  him  that  me  had  any 
faupks,  though  flie  was,  for  fome  days,  entertained 
by  him  at  Farnham,  after  the  date  of  the  paper, 
which  was  afterwards  published  in  her  name.  All 
this  palled  between  the  Bifiiop  and  me,  upon  the 
Duke's  mewing  me  that  paper,  all  writ  in  her  own 
hand,  .which  was  afterwards  publifhed  by  Maimburg, 
He  would  not  let  me  take  a  copy  of  it  -,  but  he  gave 
me  leave  to  read  it  twice.  And  I  went  immediately 
to  Morley,  and  gave  him  an  account  of  it ;  from 
whom  .1  had  all  the  particulars  already  mentioned. 
And  upon  that  he  concluded,  that  that  unhappy 
Princds  had  been  prevailed  on  to  give  falfe  words 
•under  her  hand,  and  to  pretend,  that  thefe  were  the 
grounds  of  her  converfion*  A  long  decay  of  health 
came  at  laft  to  a  quicker  crifis  than  had  been  appre 
hended.  All  on  a  tudden  {he  fell  into  the  agony  of 
jdeath.  Blanford  was  fent  for,  to  prepare  her  for  it, 
^•nd  to  offer  her  the  facrament.  Before  he  could 
.come,  the  Queen  came  in,  and  fat  by  hen  He  -was 

modeft 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II. 

0 


modeft  and  humble,  even  to  a  fault.  So  he  had  1672. 
not  prefence  of  mind  enough  to  begin  prayers,  WY*>~» 
which  probably  would  have  driven  the  Queen  out 
of  the  room.  But,  that  not  being  done,  ihe  pre 
tending  kindnefs  would  not  leave  her.  The  Bifhop 
jpoke  but  little  and  fearfully.  He  happened  to 
fay,  he  hoped  me  continued  ftill  in  the  truth  : 
Upon  which  ilie  aiked,  what  is  truth  :  And  then, 
her  agony  encreafing,  me  repeated  the  word  Truth 
Truth  often  :  And  in  a  few  minutes  after  (he  died, 
very  little  beloved,  or  lamented.  Her  haughtinefs 
had  raile4  her  many  enemies.  She  was  indeed  ^ 
firm,  and  a  kind  friend  :  But  the  change  of  her 
religion,  made  her  friends  reckon  her  death,  rather 
a  biefling  than  a  lofs  at  that  time  to  them  all.  Her 
father,  when  he  heard  of  her  making  in  her  reli 
gion,  was  more  troubled  at  it,  than  at  all  his  own 
misfortunes.  He  writ  her  a  very  grave  and  long 
letter  upon  it,  enclofed  in  one  to  tne  Duke.  But 
Ihe  was  dead  before  it  came  into  England.  I  have 
fet  down  all  that  I  know  concerning  the  fatal  alii* 
ance  with  France,  and  our  preparations  .for  the 
fecond  Dutch  war. 

But  that  I  may  open  the  fcene  more  diflinclly, 
I  will  give  as  particular  an  account,  as  i  was  able 
to  gather,  of  the  affairs  of  the  States  of  Holland 
at  this  time.  And,  becaufe  this  was  the  fifth  great 
crifis,  under  which  the  whole  Proteitant  religion 
was  brought,  I  will  lead  my  reader  thro*  a  full 
account  of  them  all  j  fince  I  may  probably  lay- 
things  before  him,  that  he  may  otherwile  pals 
over,  without  making  due  reflections  on  them. 

The  firft  crifis  was,    when   Charles  V.  by  theThefcft 
defeating  the   Duke  of  Saxony,  and  the  getting  critij  of 
him  and  the  Landgrave  of  Heile  into  his  hands,  ;^tan!°"e. 
had  fubdued  the  Smalcaldick    league  •,    in  which  ijgjon. 
the  ffrengthof  the  Proteftant  religion  did  then  cfcn- 
fift,  having    been    weakened    by    the    fucceeding 
deaths  of  Henry  VII  u  and  Francis  I.     Upon  that 
defeat  all  fabmitted  to  the  Emperor:  Only  the 

VOL,  I,  F  f  Town 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
To\vn  of  Magdeburgh  flood  out.  The  Emperor 
ihould  either  not  have  trufled  Maurice,  or  have 
ufed  htm  better  :  And  it  feems,  that  he  reckoned 
Maurice  had  neither  religion  nor  honour,  fince  his 
ambition  had  made  him  betray  his  religion,  and 
abandon  his  party.  When  Maurice  had  got  the 
Electorate,  he  made  himfelf  fure  of  the  Army  •, 
and  entered  into  an  alliance  with  France,  and  other 
Princes  of  the  Empire  -,  and  made  fo  quick  a  turn 
on  the  Emperor,  that  he  had  almoft  furprifed  him 
at  Inchfpruck,  and  of  a  fudden  overturned  all  that 
defign,  upon  which  the  Emperor  had  been  labour- 
fag  for  many  years.  This  ended  in  the  Edict  of 
Paflau,  which  fettled  the  peace  of  Germany  for 
that  time. 

The  fe-         The  fecond  Crifis  was,  towards  the  end  of  Queen ' 
cond         Mary's  reign,  when  the  Proteflant  religion  feemed 
extinguifhed  in  England  -,  and  the  two  Cardinals 
of  Lorrain  snd  Granvell,  then  the  chief  Miniflers 
of  the  two  Crowns,  defigned  a  peace  for  that  very 
end,  that  their  matters  might  be  at  leifure  to  ex 
tirpate  herefy,  which  was  then  fpreading  in  both 
their  dominions.     But,  after  they  had  formed  their 
fcheme,  Queen  Mary  died,  and  was  fucceeded  by 
Queen  Elizabeth  in  England.     Soon  after  that  the 
King  of  France  was  accidentally  killed  :  So  that 
Kingdom  fell  under  a  long  continuance  of  a  mi 
nority,    and  a  civil  war.      And  the  Netherlands 
felt  from  thence,  and  from  England,  fuch  encou 
ragement,  that  they  made  the  longeft  and  braveft 
refi fiance  that  is  to  be  found  in  all  hiflory  ;  which 
was  in  a  great  meafure  owing  to  the  obflinate  and 
implacable  cruelty  of  Philip  II.  and  his  great  dif- 
tance  from  the  fcene  of  the  war  •,  and  was  pail  all 
poflibility  of  being  made  up,  by  reafon  of  his  per 
fidious    breach  of  all  agreements,  and  his  ufing 
tlibfe  that  ferved  him  well  in  fo  bafe  a  manner,  as 
h£  did  both  the.  Duke  of  Alva,  and  the  Prince 
of  Parma. 

The 


r;  '  of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  :'~r  43$ 

The  third  Crif?s  lafted  from  1585  to  the  year  1672. 
1589.  Then  began  the  League  of  France.  Th^ 
Prince  of  Parma  was  victorious  in  the  Nether- 
lands.  The  Prince  of  Orange  was  murdered. 
The  States  fell  under  great  diffractions.  And 
Spain  entered  into  a  deiign  of  dethroning  the 
Queen  of  England,  and  putting  the  Queen  of  Scots 
in  her  flead.  In  order  to  that  they  were  for  fome 
years  preparing  the  greater!  fleet  that  the  world 
had  ever  leen,  which  came  to  be  called  the  Invin 
cible  Armada*  All  Europe  was  amazed  at  thefe 
great  preparations  :  And  many  conjectures  were 
made  concerning  the  defign  of  fuch  a  vaft  fleet. 
Some  thought  of  Conftantinople.  Others  talked 
of  ^Egypt^  in  conjunction  with  the  Emperor  of 
the  AbifTynes.  But  that  which  was  mod  probable 
was,  that  King  Philip  intended  to  make  a  great 
effort^  and  put  an  end  to  the  war  of  the  Nether 
lands  in  one  campaign.  At  laft  the  true  intent  of 
it  was  found  out.  Walfingham's  chief  fpies  were 
Priefls  :  As  he  ufed  always  to  fay,  an  active,  but 
vicious,  Priefl  was  the  bed  fpy  in  the  world.  By 
one  of  thefe  he  had  advice,  that  the  King  of  Spain 
had  fixed  on  a  refolution  with  relation  to  his  fleet  •, 
but  that  it  was  not  yet  communicated  to  any  of  his 
Miniilers  in  foreign  Courts.  The  King  himfelf 
had  indeed  writ  a  letter  about  it  to  the  Pope  :  But 
it  was  not  entred  in  any  office  :  So  this  was  all  that 
the  intelligence  from  Madrid  could  difcover.  Upon 
this  one  was  fent  to  Venice,  from  whence  the  cor- 
xefpondence  with  Rome  was  held.  And  at  Rome 
it  was  found  out,  that  one  of  the  Pope's  chief  con 
fidents  had  a  Miflrels,  to  whom  twenty  thoufand 
-crowns  were  given,  for  a  fight  and  copy  of  that 
letter.  The  copy  of  it  was  fer.t  over  foon  after 
Chriilmafs,  in  the  winter  1586.  By  it  the  King 
of  Spain  had  acquainted  the  Pope,  that  the  defign 
i>f  his  fleet  was  to  land  in  England,  to  deftroy 
Queen  Elizabeth  and  herefy,  and  to  fet  the  Queen 
of  Scots  on  the  throne :  la  thi§.  he  had  the  con- 
F  f  2  currence 


436  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1672.  currenre  of  the  Houfe  of  Guife  :  And  he  alfo  de 
pended  on  the  King  of  Scotland.  This  proved  fa 
tal  to  the  Queen  of  Scots.  It  is  true,  King  James 
fent  one  Steward,  the  anceftor  of  the  Lord  Blan- 
tyre,  who  was  then  of  his  bedchamber,  with  an 
earned  and  threatning  mefiage  to  Queen  Elizabeth 
for  faving  his  mother.  But  in  one  of  the  inter 
cepted  letters  of  the  French  Ambaffadours  then 
m  Scotland,  found  among  Walfingham's  papers, 
it  appears,  that  the  King,  young  as  he  was  then, 
was  either  very  double,  or  Very  inconftant  in  his 
refolutions.  The  French  AmbafTadour  allured  him, 
that  Steward  had  advifed  the  Queen  to  put  a  fpeedy 
end  to  that  bufinefs,  which  way  me  pleafed  •,  and 
that  as  for  his  mailer's  anger,  he  would  foon  be 
pacified,  if  me  would  but  lend  him  dogs  and  deer. 
The  King  was  fo  offended  at  this,  that  he  faid,  he 
would  hang  him  up  in  his  boots,  as  foon  as  he 
came  back.  Yet  when  he  came  back,  it  was  fo 
far  from  that,  that  he  lay  all  that  night  in  the  bed 
chamber.  As  for  the  pompous  EmbafTy  that  was 
fent  from  France  to  proteft  againft  it,  Maurier  has 
told  a  very  probable  ftory,  of  Henry  III.  writing  a 
letter  with  them  to  the  Queen,  advifing  her  to 
proceed  with  all  hafte  to  do  that,  which  the  Em- 
baffy  was  fent  to  prevent.  He  faw,  the  Houfe  of 
Guife  built  a  great  part  of  their  hopes  on  the  prof- 
pect  of  their  coufin's  coming  to  the  Crown  of 
England,  which  would  cut  off  all  the  hopes  the 
Houfe  of  Bourbon  had  of  afliftahce  from  thence. 
I  have  feen  an  original  letter  of  the  Earl  of  Lei- 
cefter's  to  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  who  had  married 
his  fifter,  and  was  then  Governour  of  Berwick, 
telling  him,  that,  how  high  foever  the  French  Am- 
baiTadours  had  talked  in  their  harangues  upon  that 
occafion,  calling  any  proceeding  againft  the  Queen 
of  Scots  an  open  indignity,  as  well  as  an  acl;  of 
hoflility  againft  France,  fmce  me  was  Queen  Dowa 
ger  of  France  •,  yet  all  this  was  only  matter  of 
form  and  decency^-  chat  was  extorted  from  the 

King 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 
King  of  France  ;  and,  how  high  foever  they  might    1672,. 
talk,  they  were  well  allured  he  would  do  nothing  «-^v^* 
upon  it.     So  that  unfortunate  Queen  fell  at  that 
time,  by  reafon  of  the  Spanifh  preparations  to  con 
quer  England,  under  the  pretence  of  fetting  her 
on  the  throne.     She  died,  much    more   decently 
than  me  had  lived,  in  February  1527. 

But  the  Court  of  England   law,   that  if  King  The  Spa^ 
Philip's  fleet  was  in  a  condition  to  conquer  Eng-  nilh  fleec 
land,  he   would   not  abandon  the   defign  for  her  JJT* ajg 
being  put  out  of  the  way  ;  and  that  he  certainly  intended.' 
intended  to  conquer  it  for  himfelf,  and   not  for 
another.     So  orders  were  given  to  make  all  pofli- 
ble  hade  with  a  fleet.     Yet   they   were  fp  little 
provided  for  fuch  an  invafion,  tkat,  tho'  they  had 
then  twenty  good   fhips   upon  the  flocks,  it  was 
not  poffible  to  get  them  in  a  condition  to   ferve 
that  fummer :  And  the  defign  of  Spain  was  to  fail 
over  in  1587.     So,  unlefs  by  corruption,  or  any 
other  method,  the  attempt  could  be  put  off  for 
that  year,  there  was  no  ftrength  ready  to  refift  lo 
powerful  a  fleet.     But  when  it  feemed  not  poffible 
to  divert  the  prefent  execution  of  fo  great  a  de~ 
lign,  a  merchant  of  London  to  their  furprife  un 
dertook  it.     He  was  well,  acquainted  with  the  fcate 
of  the  revenue  of  Spain,  with  all  their  charge,  and 
all  that  they  could  raife.     He  knew  all  their  funds 
were  fo  fwallowed  up,  that  it   was  impofTible  for 
them  to  vicinal  and  let  our  their  fleet,  but  by  their 
credit  in  the  bank  of  Genoa.     So  he  undertook 
to  write  to  all  the  places  of  trade,  and  to  get  fuch 
draughts  made  on  that  bank,  that  he  mould  by 
that  means  have  it  fo  entirely  in  his  hands,  that 
there  mould  be  no  money  current  there,  equal  to 
the  great  occafion  of  victualling  the  fleet  of  Spain, 
He  reckoned,  the  keeping  fuch  a  treafure  dead  in 
his  hands,  till  the  feafon  of  victualling  was  over, 
"would  be  a  lofs  of  40000!.     And  at  that  rate  he 
would   fave  England.     He   managed  the  matter 
With  fuch  fecrecy,  and  fuccefs,  that  the  fleet  could 
F  f  3 


4-3  8  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1672.  not  be  fet  out  that  year.  At  fo  final!  a  price,  and 
v>-v-*w>  with  fo  fkiiful  a  management,  was  the  Nation 
faved  at  that  time.  This  it  feems  was  thought  too 
great  a  myflery  of  State  to  be  communicated  to 
Cambden,  or  to  be  publifhed  by  him,  when  the 
inftructions  were  put  in  his  hands  for  writing  the 
hiftory  of  that  glorious  reign.  But  the  famous 
Boyle,  Earl  of  Cork,  who  had  then  a  great  mare' 
in  the  affairs  of  Ireland,  came  to  know  it  •,  and 
told  it  to  two  of  his  children,  from  whom  I  had 
it.  The  ftory  is  fo  coherent,  and  agrees  fo  well 
with  the  ftate  of  affairs  at  that  time,  that  it  feems 
highly  credible.  And,  if  it  is  true,  it  is  certainly 
one  of  the  curioufeft  paffages  in  our  whole  Eng- 
lifh  hiftory.  1  return  from  this  digreffion,  which 
L  hope  will  be  no  unacceptable  entertainment  to 
the  reader  :  It  is  well  known,  how  the  defign  of  the 
Armada  mifcarried  :  And  foon  after  that  the  Duke 
of  Guile  was  ftabbed:  Not  long  after  Henry  ill.  was 
alfo  flabbed :  And  Henry  iV.  fucceeded,  who 
broke  the  League,  with  which  the  great  defigns 
ot  Spain  fell  to  the  ground.  So  happily  did  this 
third  Crifis  pafs  over. 

The  The  fourth  Crifis  was  from  the  battle  of  Prague 

fourth  to  the  year  1630,  in  which,  as  was  told  in  the  firft 
Crifis.  book,  not  only  the  Elector  Palatine  fell,  but  al- 
moft  all  the  Empire  came  under  the  Auflrian  yoke. 
All  attempts  to  ihake  it  off  proved  unfuccefsful, 
and  fatal  to  thofe  who  undertook  it,  till  the  young 
and  great  King  of  Sweden,  Guftavus  Adolphus, 
engaged  in  it.  The  wars  of  Rochelle,  together 
\virn  the  lofs  of  that  important  place,  feerned  to 
threaten  the  deftruclion  oi  the  Proteftants  of  France. 
England  fell  under  thole  unhappy  jealoufies,  which 
began  a  disjointing  between  the  King  and  his  peo 
ple.  And  the  States  were  much  prefled  by  the 
Spaniards  under  Spmola.  Breda  was  taken.  But 
the  worft  of  all  was,  a  quarrel  that  was  raifed  be 
tween  Prince  Maurice  and  Barnevelt,  that  will  re 
quire  a  fuller  diicuffion,  than  was  offered  in  the 

former 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  43 

former  book.  All  agree,  that  William  Prince  of  1672 
Orange  was  one  of  the  greater!  men  in  ftory,  whc%  ^ — *— 
after  many  attempts  for  the  recovery  of  the  liber 
ty  of  the  Provinces,  was  in  conciufion  fuccefsful, 
and  formed  that  Republick.  In  the  doing  of  it 
he  was  guilty  of  one  great  error,  unleis  he  was 
forced  to  it  by  the  necefiity  of  his  affairs  ;  which 
was  the  fettling  a  negative  in  every  one  of  the 
Towns  of  Holland,  in  the  matters  of  religion,  of 
taxes,  and  of  peace  and  war.  It  had  been  much 
fafer,  if  it  had  been  determined,  that  the  two 
thirds  muft  concur  j  by  which  the  Government 
would  have  been  much  ftronger.  Some  thought, 
that  he  brought  in  ib  many  little  Towns  to  ba 
lance  the  greater,  of  whom  he  could  not  be  fure ; 
whereas  he  could  more  eafily  manage  thefe  fmaller 
ones.  Others  have  faid,  that  he  was  forced  to  it, 
to  draw  them  to  a  more  hearty  concurrence  in  the 
war,  fmce  they  were  to  have  fuch  a  fhare  in  the 
Government  for  the  future.  But,  as  he  fettled  it, 
the  corruption  of  any  one  fmall  Town,  may  put 
all  the  affairs  of  Holland  in  great  dilbrder.  He 
was  alfo  blamed,  becaufe  he  laboured  to  raife.the 
power  of  the  Stadtholder  ib  high,  that  in  many 
regards  it  was  greater,  than  the  power  of  the  Counts 
of  Holland  had  been.  But  this  was  balanced  by 
its  being  made  elective,  and  by  the  fmall  appoint 
ments  he  took  to  himfelf.  It  feems,  he  defigned 
to  have  fettled  that  honour  in  his  family  :  For  af 
ter  his  death,  there  were  reverfal  letters  found 
among  his  papers  from  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  when 
the  Provinces  invited  him  to  be  their  Prince,  by 
which  the  Duke  engaged  himfelf  to  leave  Holland 
and  Zealand  in  the  Prince's  hands.  Before  he 
died,  he  had  in  a  great  meafure  loft  the  affections 
of  the  Clergy  ;  becaufe  he  was  very  earned  for  the 
toleration  of  Papifts,  judging  that  neceflary  for 
the  engaging  men  of  all  perfuafions,  in  the  com 
mon  concerns  of  liberty,  and  for  encouraging  the 
other  Provinces  to  come  into  the  union.  This 
F  f  4  was 


The  H  i  s  T  o  R  y  of  the  Reign 

was  much  oppofcd  by  the  preachers  in  Holland, 
who  vv'cjie  lor  ir.ors  violent  methods.     Thofe,  who 
but  a  few  years  before  had  complained  of  the  cru 
elty  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  were  no  fooner  de 
livered  from  that,  than  they  began  to  call  tor  the 
fame  ways  of  profecuting  thofe  who  were  of  the 
other   fide.     This    made  that   great    Prince    lofe 
ground  with  the  zealots  of  his  own  fide  before  he 
died.     With  him  all  their  affairs  funk  fo  faft,  that 
they  faw   the  neceflity  ot  feeking  protection  elie* 
where.     Their  Minifters  did  of  theinfelves,  with 
out  the  concurrence  of  the  States,  fend  to  Queen 
Elizabeth,  to  defire  her  to  take  them  under  her 
protection,  on  iuch  terms  as  ilie  Ihould  prefcribe. 
And,  tho*  the  States  were  highly  offended  at  this, 
yet  they  durft  not  at  that   time  complain  of  it, 
much  lefs  pnnifh  it :  but  were  forced  by  the  cla 
mour  of  their  people  to  follow  an  example,  that 
was  f6   irregularly  fet   them:     This  I   had  from 
Halewyn  of  Dort,  of  whom  I  ihall  have  occafion 
to  write  afterwards.     When  the  Queen  fent  over 
the  Earl  of  Leicefter,  with   a  new  title,  and  an 
authority  greater  than  was  either  in  the  Counts  of 
Holland,  or  in  the  Stadtholder,  by  the  name  of 
Supreme  Governour  :  He  as  loon  as  he  landed  at 
Fluihing  went  firft  to  Church,  where  he  ordered 
prayers  to  be  offered  up  for  a  blefTing  on  his  cpun- 
fels,  and  defired  that  he  might  receive  the  Sacra 
ment    next  day  :    And    there   he    made    fplemn 
proteilations  of  his  integrity  and  zeal.     This  pleaf- 
ed  the  people  fo  much,  that  Barnevelt,   and  the 
Srates  at  the  Hague,  thought  it  neceffary  to  fecure 
themfelves,    from   the  effects  of  fuch  a  threatning 
popularity  :  So  they  fent  for  the  Count,  afterwards 
Prince  Maurice,  who  was  then  at  Leyden,  not  yet 
eighteen,  and   chofe  him  Stadtholder  of  Holland 
and  Zealand.     There  had  been  no  provifion  made 
againfl  that,  in  their  treaty  with  the  Earl  of  Lei- 
Defter.     Yet  he  was  highly  offended  at  it.     I  will 
go  no  farther  into  the  errors  of  his  government, 

and 

i. . .« 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  i  s  II,  441 

and  the  end  that  the  Queen  put  to  it ',  which  (he    1 672. 
did,  as  foon  as  it  appeared  that  he  was  incapable 
of  it,  and  was  beginning  to  betray,  and  to  fell 
their  bed  places. 

Prince  Maurice   and  Barnevelt  continued  long 
In   a  perfect  conjunction  of  counfels  :  Till  upon  res  be~ 

t      .     .  i      n.  r  tween 

the  negotiations  tor  a  peace,  or  at  leait  tor  a  truce,  prillce 
they  differed  fo  much,  that  their  friendfhip  ended  Maurice 
in  a  moft  violent  hatred,  and  a  jealoufy  that  could  of  Orange 
.never  be  made  up.  Prince  Maurice  was  for  car- 
rying  on  the  war,  which  let  him  at  the  head  of  a 
great  army.  And  he  had  fo  great  an  intereft  in 
the  conquefts  they  made,  that  for  that  very  reafon 
Barnevelt  infufed  it  into  the  States,  that  they  Were 
now  fate,  and  needed  not  fear  the  Spaniards  any 
more  •,  fo  there  was  no  reafon  for  continuing  the 
\var.  Prince  Maurice  on  the  other  hand  faid,  their 
perfecuted  brethren  in  the  Popifh  Provinces  want-- 
ed  their  help  to  fet  them  at  liberty.  The  work 
feemed  very  eafy,  and  the  profped  of  fuccefs  was 
great.  In  oppofkion  to  this  it  was  faid  •,  fince  the 
feven  Provinces  were  now  fafe,  why  fhould  they 
extend  their  territories  ?  Thofe  who  loved  their 
religion  and  liberty  in  the  other  Provinces  might 
come  and  live  among  them  :  This  would  encreafe 
both  their  numbers,  and  their  wealth :  Whereas 
the  conqueft  of  Antwerp  might  prove  fatal  to 
fhem  :  Befides,  that  both  France  and  England  in- 
terpofed  :  They  would  not  allow  them  to  conquer 
more,  nor  become  more  formidable.' ,  All  the  z«a- 
Jous  preachers  were  for  continuing  the  war :  And 
thofe  that  were  for  peace  were  branded  as  men  of 
no  religion,  who  had  only  carnal  and  political  views; 
While  this  was  in  debate  every  where,  the  difputes 
began  between  Arminius  and  Gomarus,  two  fa 
mous  profeflbrs  at  Ley  den,  concerning  the  decrees 
pf  God,  and  the  efficacy  of  grace  ;  in  which  thofe 
two  great  men,  Maurice  and  Barnevelt,  went  upon 
intereft,  to  lead  the  two  parties,  from  which  they 
feoth  differed  in  opinion.  Prince  Maurice  in  pri 
vate 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign     .    r- j 

vate  always  talked  on  the  fide  of  the  Arminians  : 
And  Barnevelt  believed  predeftination  firmly.  But> 
as  he  left  reprobation  out  in  his  fcheme,  fo  he  was 
againft  the  unfeafonable  feverity  with  which  the 
Miniflers  drove  thofe  points.  He  found  the  Ar 
minians  were  the  better  patriots  :  And  he  thought 
the  other  fide  out  of  their  zeal  were  engaged  for 
carrying  on  the  war,  fo  as  that  they  called  all  the 
others  indifferent  as  to  all  religionr,  and  charged 
them  as  favourers  of  Spain  and  Popery.  I  will 
go  no  farther  into  the  differences  that  followed, 
concerning  the  authority  of  the  States  General 
over  the  feveral  Provinces.  It  is  certain,  that 
every  Province'  is  a  feparated  State,  and  has  an 
entire  fovereignty  within  itfelf-,  and  tha,.t  the 
States  General  are  an  afiembly  of  the  deputies 
of  the  feveral  Provinces,  but  without  any  autho 
rity  over  them.  Yet  it  was  pretended,  that 
extraordinary  difeafes  required  extraordinary  re 
medies  :  And  Prince  Maurice,  by  the  afiiftance  of 
a  party  that  the  Minifters  made  for  him  among 
the  people,  engaged  the  States  to  aflame  an  au 
thority  over  the  Province  of  Holland,  and  to  put 
the  Government  in  new  hands.  A  Court  was 
ere&ed  by  the  fame  authority,  to  judge  thofe  who 
had  been  formerly  in  the  magiftracy.  Barnevelt 
was  accufed,  together  with  Grotius,  and  fome 
othars,  as  fomentors  of  fedition,  and  for  railing 
diftraftions  in  the  country.  He  was  condemned, 
and  beheaded.  Others  were  condemned  to  per~ 

?etual  imprifonment.  And  every  one  of  the 
udges  had  a  great  gold  medal  given  them,  in  the 
reverfe  of  which  the  Synod  of  Dort  was  reprefent- 
ed,  which  was  called  by  the  fame  authority.  I 
faw  one  of  thofe  medals  in  the  pofTefTion  of  the 
poflerity  of  one  of  thofe  Judges.  King  James 
afTifted  Prince  Maurice  in  all  this  :  So  powerfully 
do  the  interefts  of  Princes  carry  them  to  concur  ia 
things  that  are  moft  contrary  to  their  own  incli 
nations.  The  prevailing  paffion  of  that  King  was 

his 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  443 

his  hatred  of  the  Puritans  :  That  made  him  hate  1672. 
thefe  opinions  into  which  they  went  with  great  u-v*« 
heat :  And,  tho'  he  encouraged  all  that  were  of 
the  Arminian  party  in  his  own  dominions,  yet  he 
helped  to  crulh  them  in  Holland  :  He  hated  Bar- 
nevelt  upon  another  fcore  ^  for  his  getting  the 
cautionary  towns  out  of  his  hands  :  And,  accord 
ing  to  the  nature  of  impotent  pafTions,  this- carried 
him  to  procure  his  ruin.  After  this  victory  that 
Prince  Maurice  had  got  over  the  party  that  op- 
pofed  him,  he  did  not  ftudy  to  carry  it  much  far 
ther.  He  found  quickly  how  much  he  had  loft 
the  hearts  of  the  people,  who  had  before  that  time 
made  him  their  idol,  and  now  looked  on  him  with 
horror.  He  ftudied  to  make  up  matters  the  beft 
he  could,  that  he  might  engage  the  States  in  the 
Bohemian  war.  But  all  that  was  foon  at  an  end. 
It  was  plain,  that  he  had  no  defign  upon  their  li 
berty  :  Tho3  he  could  not  bear  the  oppofition,  that 
he  began  to  meet  with  from  a  free  State. 

His  death  put  an  end  to  all  jealoufies  :  And  his  Prince 
brother  Prince  Henry  Frederick   quickly  fettled  ple"ry 
the  difputes  of  Arminianifm,  by  the  toleration  that 
was  granted  them.     He  was  known  to  be  a  fecret  govern, 
favourer  of  their  tenets ;  He  conducted  the  Armies  meat* 
of  the  States  with  fo  much  fucceCs.  and  16ft  them 
fo  much  at  liberty  as  to  all  their  ftate  affairs,  that  all 
the  jealoufies  which  his  brother's  conduct  had  raifed, 
were  quite  extinguifhed  by  him.     The  States  made 
him  great  prefents.  He  became  very  rich.  And  his 
fon  had  the  furvivance  of  the  Stadtholderfhip.  But  His  Ton's 
his  fon  had  more  of  his  uncle's  fire  in  him,  than  heat- 
of  his  father's  temper.     He  oppofed  the  peace  of 
Munfter  all  he  could.     The  States  came  then  to 
fee,  that  they  had  continued  too  long  in  their  al 
liance  with  France  againft  Spain,  fince  France  had 
got  the  afcendant'by  too  vifible  a  fuperiority.     So 
that    their    intereft    led    them    now   to   fupport 
Spain  againft  France,     Prince  William  fell  to  be 
|h  ill  terms  with  his  mother.     j§md  fhe,  who  had 

great 


444  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1672.  great  credit  with  the  States,  fet  up  fuch  an  <5peii 
oppofition  to  her  fon,  that  the  peace  of  Munfter 
was  in  a  great  meafure  the  effect  of  their  private 
quarrel.  Prince  William,  being  married  into  the 
Royal  family  oi.  England,  did  all  he  could  to  em 
broil  the  States  with  the  new  Common- wealth. 
But  he  met  with  fuch  oppofition,  that,  he,  finding 
the  States  were  refolved  to  difmifs  a  great  part 
of- their  army,  fulFered  himfeli.  to  be  carried  to 
violent  couniels.  I  need  riot  enlarge  on  things 
that  are  fo  v.-eii  ki.Ovvn,  as  his  fending  fome  of  the 
States  prifoners  to  Loveflein,  and  his  defign  to 
change  the  government  of  Amfterdam,  which  was 
difcovered  by  the  pod-boy,  who  gave  the  alarm  -a 
few  hours  before  the  Prince  could  get  thither. 

Thefe  things,  and  the  effects  that  followed  on 
them,  are  well  known  :  As  is  alfo  his  death  which 
followed  a  few  weeks  after,  in  the  moft  unhappy 
time  poflibk  or  the  Princefs  Royal's  pregnancy. 
For  as  me  bore  her  fon  a  week  after  his  death, 
in  the  eighth  month  of  her  time,  fo  he  came  into 
the  world  under  great  dif advantages.  The  States 
were  pofiefTed  with  great  jealoufies  of  the  family, 
35  it  afpiriag  to  fubdue  the  liberties  of  their  coun 
try  was  inherent  in  it,  and  infeparable  from  it. 
His  private  affairs  were  aifo  in  a  very  bad  condi- 
•tion  :  Two  great  jointures  went  out  of  his  eilate, 
to  his  mother,  and  grandmother,  befides  a  vajt 
debt  that  his  father  had  contracted  to  ailift  the 
King  Who  could  have  thought  that  an  infant, 
brought  into  the  world  with  fo  much  ill  health, 
and  under  fo  many  ill  circumftances,  was  born 
for  the  prefer vation  of  Europe,  and  of  the  Pro- 
teftant  religion  ?  So  unlike,  do  the  events  of  things 
prove  to  their  firft  appearances.  And,  fmce  I  am 
writing  of  his  birth,  I  will  fet  down  a  ftory,  much 
to  the  credit  of  aftrology,  how  little  regard  fo- 
ever  I  myfelf  have  to  it.  I  had  it  from  the  late 
Queen's  own  mouth :  And  me  directed  me  to 
fprne,  who  wer<p  of  the  Prince's  Court  in  that  time, 

WflQ 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  445 

who  confirmed  it  to  me.  An  unknown  perfon  put  1672. 
a  paper  into  the  old  PrinceiVs  hands,  which  ilie  v^y^» 
took  from  him,  thinking  it  was  a  petition.  When 
fhe  looked  into  it,  me  found  it  was  her  fon's  nati 
vity,  together  vwith  the  fortunes  of  his  life,  and  a 
full  deduction  of  many  accidents,  which  followed 
very  punctually,  as  they  were  predicted.  But  that 
which  was  moft  particular  was,  that  he  was  to  have 
a  fon  by  a  widow,  and  was  to  die  of  the  fmall  pox 
in  the  twenty  fifth  year  of  his  age.  So  thofe  who 
were  apt  to  give  credit  to  predictions  of  that  fort 
fancied,  that  the  Princefs  Royal  was  to  die;  and 
that  he  was  upon  that  to  marry  the  widow  of  fome 
other  perfon.  It  was  a  common  piece  of  raillery 
in  the  Court,  upon  the  death  of  any  Prince,  to 
afk  what  a  perfon  his  widow  was.  But  when  he 
was  taken  ill  of  the  fmall  pox,  then  the  decy- 
phering  the  matter  was  obvious,  and  it  ftruck  his 
fancy  fo  much,  that  probably  it  had  an  ill  effect 
upon  him.  Thus  was  the  young  Prince  born ; 
who  svas  fome  years  after  barred  by  the  Perpetual 
Edift,  from  all  hopes  of  arriving  at  the  Stadthol* 
derfhip. 

The  chief  error  in  De  Wit's  adminiftration  was,  The  cr- 
that  he  did  not  again  raife  the  authority  of  the  rors  °f.  t 
Council  of  State  ;  fince  it  was  very  inconvenient  De  Wlt'* 
to  have  both  the  legiflature  and  the  execution  in 
the  fame  hands.  It  feemed  neceffary  to  put  the 
condud  of  affairs  in  a  body  of  men,  that  fhould 
indeed  be  accountable  to  the  States,  but  fhould  be 
bred  to  bufinefs.  By  this  means  their  counfels 
might  be  both  quick  and  fee  ret ;  whereas,  when 
all  is  to  be  determined  by  the  States,  they  can  have 
no  fecrets :  And  they  muft  adjourn  often  to  con^ 
fult  their  principals  :  So  their  proceedings  muft 
be  flow.  During  De  Wit's  Miniftry,  the  Council 
of  State  was  fo  funk^  that  it  was  conndered  only 
as  one  of  the  forms  of  the  government.  But  the 
whole  execution  was  brought  to  the  States  them* 
fclves.  Certainly  a  great  afibmbly  is  a  very  int- 
3  proper 


446  The  H  IST  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1672.  proper"  fubj«6t  of  the  executive  part  of  power.  It: 
is  indeed  very  proper,  that  fuch  a  body  fhould  be: 
a  check  on  thofe,  who  have  the  executive  power 
trufted  to  them.  It  is  true,  De  Wit  found  it  fo  j 
which  was  occafioned  by  reafon  of  the  Englifh 
Ambaflador's  being  once  admitted  to  fit  in  that 
Council,  They  pretended,  indeed,  that  it  was  only 
on  the  account  of  the  cautionary  towns  ;  which 
moved  the  States  to  give  England  a  right  to  fome 
fhare  in  their  counfels.  After  thefe  were  reftored, 
they  did  not  think  it  decent  to  difpute  the  right 
of  the  AmbaiTador's  fitting  any  more  there.  But 
the  eafier  way  was,  the  making  that  Council  to 
iignify  nothing,  and  to  bring  all  matters  immedi 
ately  to  the  States.  It  had  been  happy  for  De  Wit 
himfelf,  and  his  country,  if  he  had  made  Uie  of 
the  credit  he  had,  in  the  great  turn  upon  Prince 
William's  death,  to  have  brought  things  back  to 
the  ftate  in  which  they  had  been  anciently  -,  fince 
the  eftablifhed  errors  of  a  conftitution  and  govern 
ment  can  only  be  changed  in  a  great  revolution., 
He  fet  up  on  a  popular  bottom  :  And  fo  he  was 
not  only  contented  to  fuffer  matters  to  go  in  the, 
channel  in  which  he  found  them  j  but  in  many 
things  he  gave  way  to  the  railing  the  feparated  ju-t 
rifdiftion  6f  the  towns,  and  to  the  leffening  the 
authority  of  the  Courts  at  the  Hague.  This  raifed 
his  credit,  but  weakened  the  union  of  the  Pro 
vinces.  The  fecret  of  all  affairs,  chiefly  the  foreiga 
negotiations,  lay  in  few  hands.  Others,  who  were 
not  taken  into  the  confidence,  threw  all  mifcar- 
riages  on  him  •,  which  was  fatal  to  him.  The  re 
putation  he  had  got  in  the  war  with  England,  and 
the  happy  conclufion  of  it,  broke  a  party  that  was 
then  formed  againft  him.  After  that  he  didteed 
to  the  States :  And  all  fubmitted  to  him.  The 
concluding  the  Triple  Alliance  in  fo  fhort  a  time, 
and  againft  the  forms  of  their  government,  {hewed* 
how  fure  he  was  of  a  general  concurrence  with 
every  thing  that  he  propofed.  In  the  negotiation  $ 

between 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

between  the  States,  and  France,  and  England,  he 
fell  into  great  errors.     He  ftill  fancied,    that  the 
King  of  England  muft  fee  his  own  intereft  fo  vjfi- 
bly,  in  the  exaltation  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  that 
he  reckoned  that  the  word  that  could  happen  was, 
to  raiie  him  to  the  truft  of  Stadtholder  ;  fince  En 
gland  could  not  gain  fo  much  by  a  conjunction 
with  France,  as  by  the  King's  having  fuch  an  in 
tereft  in  their  government,    as  he  muft  certainly 
come  to  have,  when  his  nephew  mould  be  their 
Stadtholder.     So  he  thought,  he  had  a  fure  re- 
fcrve  to  gain  England  at  any  time  over  to  them. 
But  he  had  no  apprehenfion  of  the  King's  being  a 
Papift,  and  his  defign  to  make  himfelf  abfolute  at 
home.     And  he  was   amazed  to  find,  that,  tho* 
the  Court  of  England  had  talked   much  of  that 
matter  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  when  the  State* 
were  in  no  difpofition  to  hearken  to  it,    and  fo 
ufed  it  as  a  reproach  or  a  ground  of  a  quarrel,  yet 
when  it  came  more  in  view,  they  took  no  fort  of 
notice  of  it,   and  feemed  not  only  cold,  but  even, 
difpleafed  with  it.     The  Prince,  as  his  natural  re- 
fervednefs  faved  him  from  committing  many  er 
rors,  fo  his  gravity,  and  other  virtues  recommend 
ed  him  much  to  the  Minifters,  and  to  the  body  of 
the  people.     The  family  of  De  Wit,  and  the  town 
of  Amfterdam,    carried   ftill  the  remembrance  of 
what  was  pafs'd  frefh  in  their  thoughts.     They 
fet  it  alfo  up  for  a  maxim,    that  the  making  of 
a  Stadtholder  was  the  giving  up  their  liberty,  and 
that  the  confequence  of  it  would  be,  the  putting 
the  fovereignty  of  their  country  in  him,  or  at  leaft 
in  his  family.     The  long  continuance  of  a  Mi- 
niftry  in  one  perfon,  and  that  to  fo  high  a  degree, 
muft  naturally  raife  envy,    and   beget  difcontent, 
efpecially  in  a  popular  government.     This  made 
many  become  De  Wit's  enemies,    and  by  confe 
quence  the  Prince's  friends.     And  the  Preachers 
employed  all  their  zeal,  to  raife  the  refpeft  of  the 

people 


448  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1672.  people  for  a  family,  under  which  they  had  been  fq 
v^->r— '  long  eaiy  and  happy. 

The  When  the  Prince  was  of  full  age,    it  was  pro- 

Pnnce  of  pofecl  in  fo  many  places  that  he  mould  have  the 
madeGe-  &Pream  command  of  their  armies 'and  fleets,  that 
aeral.  De  Wit  faw  the  tide  was  too  flrong  to  be  refitted, 
So,  gfter  he  "had  oppofed  it  long,  he  propofed 
fome  limitations,  that  fhould  be  fettled,  previous. 
to  his  advancement.  The  hardeft  of  all  was,  that 
he  mould  bind  himfelf  by  oath  never  to  pretend  to, 
be  Stadtholder,  nor  fo  much  as  to  accept  of  it, 
tho'  it  mould  be  offered  him.  Thefe  conditions 
were  not  of  an  eafy  digeftion.  Yet,  it  was  thought 
necefTary,  that  the  Prince  mould  be  once  at  the 
head  of  their  armies  :  That  would  create  a  great 
dependence  on  him  :  And  if  God  blefs'd  him  witK 
fuccefs,  it  would  not  be  poffible  to  keep  him  fo 
low,  as  thefe  limitations  laid  him  :  And  the  obli 
gation  never  to  accept  of  the  Stadtholderfhip  could 
only  be  meant  of  his  not  accepting  the  offer  from 
any  tumultuary  bodies  of  the  populace,  or  the  ar 
my  ;  but  could  not  be  a  reilraint  on  him,  if  the 
States  mould  make  the  offer,  fmce  his  oath  was 
made  to  them,  and  by  confequence  it  was  in  their 
power  to  releafe  the  obligation  that  did  arife  from 
it  to  themfelves.  The  Courc  of  England  blamed 
him  for  fubmitting  to  fuch  conditions.  But  he 
had  no  reafon  to  rely  much  on  the  advices  of  thole, 
who  had  taken  fo  little  care  of  him  during  all  the 
credit  they  had  with  the  States,  while  the  Triple 
Alliance  gave  them  a  great  intereft  in  their  affairs. 
As  foon  as  he  was  brought  into  the  command  of 
the  armies,  he  told  me,  he  fpoke  to  De  Wit,  and 
defired  to  live  in  an  entire  confidence  with  him. 
His  anfwer  was  cold  :  So  he  faw  that  he  could  not 
depend  upon  him.  When  he  told  me  this,  he 
added,  that  he  was  certainly  one  of  the  greateft 
men  of  the  age/and  he  believed  he  ferved  his  coun 
try  faithfully.  De  Wit  reckoned,  that  the  French 
could  'not  come  to  Hollan4  but  by  the  Maefe. 

An* 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

Arid  he  had  taken  great  care  of  the  garrifon  of 
Maeftricht  •,  but  very  little  of  thole  that  lay  on  the 
Rhine  and  the  Ifel,  Where  the  States  had  many 
places,  but  none  of  them  good.  They  were  ill 
fortified,  and  ill  fuppliecL  But  mod  of  them 
were  worfe  commanded,  by  men  of  no  courage, 
nor  practice  in  military  affairs,  who  confidered 
their  governments  as  places,  of  which  they  were 
to  make  all  the  advantage  that  they  could. 

Now  I  come  to  give  an  account  of  the  fifth  The  fifth 
Crifis  brought  on  the  whole  Reformation,  which  Criiis- 
has  been  of  the  longed  continuance,  fmce  we  are 
yet  in  the  agitations  of  it.  The  defign  was  firft 
laid  againft  the  States.  But  the  method  of  in 
vading  them  was  furprizing,  and  not  look'd  for. 
The  Elector  of  Coloign  was  all  his  life  long  a  very 
weak  man  :  Yet  it  was  not  thought  that  he  could 
have  been  prevailed  on  to  put  the  French  in  pof- 
feffion  of  his  country,  and  to  deliver  himfelf  with 
all  his  dominions  over  into  their  hands.  When  he 
did  that,  all  upon 'the  Rhine  were  (truck  with  fuch 
a  confirmation,  that  there  was  no  fpirit  nor  cou 
rage  left.  It  is  true,  they  could  not  have  made  a 
great  refiftance.  Yet  if  they  had  but  gained  a  little 
time,  that  had  given  the  States  fome  leifure  to 
look  round  them,  to  fee  what  was  to  be  done. 

The  King  of  France  came  down  to  Utrecht,  The 
like  a  land  flood.  This  (truck  the  Dutch  with  io 
juft  a  Terror,,  that  nothing  but  great  errors  in  his 
management  could  have  kept  them,  from  deliver 
ing  thernfelves  entirely  up  to  him.  Never  was 
more  applaufe  given  with  lefs  reafon  than  the  King 
of  France  had  upon  this  campaign.  His  fucceis 
was  owing  rather  to  De  Wit's  errors,  than  to  his 
own  conduct.  There  was  fo  little  heart  or  judg 
ment  fhewn,  in  the  management  of  that  run  of 
luccefs,  that, 'when  that  year  is  let  out,  as  it  may 
well  be,  it  will  appear  to  be  one  of  the  lead  glo 
rious  of  his  life  •,  tho',  when  feen  in  a  falfe  light, 
it  appears  one  of  the  mod  glorious  in  hiftcry.  The 

VOL.  I.  G  g  conqueft 


The.  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1672..  conqueft  of  the  Netherlands  at  that  time  might 
.— v-*— i  have  been  fo  eafily  compaffed,  that,  if  his  under- 
Handing  and  his  courage  had  not  been  equally  de- 
feclive,  he  could  not  have  miicarried  in  it.    When 
his  army  pafs'd  the  Rhine,  upon  which  fo  much 
eloquence  and  poetry  have  been  beftowed,  as  if  all 
had  been  animated  by  his  prefence  and  direction,  he 
was  viewing  it  at  a  very  fafe  diftance.     When  he 
came  to  Utrecht,    he    had   neither  the  Prince  of 
Conde,  nor  Mr.  Turenne  to  ^dvife  with :  And  he 
was  wholly  left  to  his   Minifters.     The  Prince  of 
Conde  was  (lightly  wounded,    as    he   paffed  the 
Rhine  :  And  Turenne  was  fent  agai-nfl  the  Elector 
of  Brandenburgh,  who  was  coming  down  with  his 
army,    partly  to  fave  his  own  country  of  Cleve, 
but  chidiy  to  afiift  his   allies  the  Dutch.     So  the 
King  had  none  about  hirrj  to  advife  with,  but  Pom- 
ponne  and  Louvoy,    when  the  Dutch  lent  to  him 
to  know  what  he  demanded.     Pomponne's  advice 
was  wife  and  moderate,  and  would  in  conclufion 
have  brought  about  all  that  he  intended.     Ke  pro- 
pofed,    that  the  King  fhould  reftore  all  that  be 
longed  to  the  fcven  Provinces,  and  require  of  them 
only  the  places  that  they  had  without  them  •,  chiefly 
Maeftricht,  Bois  Le  Due,  Breda,  and  Bergen-  op- 
zoom  :  Thus  the  King  would  maintain  an  appear 
ance  of  preferring   the  feven    Provinces    entire, 
which  the  Crown  of  France  had  always  protected. 
To  this  certainly  the  Dutch  would  have  yielded, 
without  any  difficulty.     By  this  he  had  the  Spa- 
nifh  Netherlands  entirely  in  his  power,  feparated 
from  Holland  and  the  Empire  •,    and  might  have 
taken  them,  whenibever  he  pleafed.     This  would 
have  an  appearance  of  moderation,  and  would  flop 
the  motion  that  all  Germany  was  now   in  •,  which 
c  mid  have  no  eifecl,  if  the  States  did  not  pay  and 
But  fo!-     f  ibfift  the  troops.     Louvoy  on  the  other  hand  pro- 
towed  by  pofed,  that  the  King  fhould  make  ufe  of  the  con- 
il  ma-  ftermujon  the  Dutch   were  then  in,  and  put  them 
meat.       ou:  °^  a  condition  of  qppofing  him  for  the  future. 

3  He 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

He  therefore  advifed,  that  the  King  fhould  de 
mand  of  them,  befides  all  that  Pomponne  moved, 
the  paying  a  valt  fum  for  the  charge  of  that  cam 
paign  ;  the  giving  the  chief  Church  in  every  town 
for  the  exercife  of  the  Popifh  religion ;  and  that 
they  mould  put  themfelves  under  the  protection 
of  France  j  and  fhould  fend  an  Embaffador  every 
year  with  a  medal  acknowledging  it ;  and  fhould 
enter  into  no  treaties,  or  alliances,  but  by  the  di 
rections  of  France.  The  Dutch  Embaffadors  were 
amazed,  when  they  faw  that  the  demands  rofe  to 
Ib  extravagant  a  pitch.  One  of  them  fwooned 
away,  when  he  heard  them  read :  He  could  nei 
ther  think  of  yielding  to  them,  nor  fee  how  they 
could  refifl  them.  There  was  an  article  put  in  for 
form,  that  they  fhould  give  the  King  of  England 
full  fatisfaclion.  But  all  the  other  demands  were 
made  without  any  concert  with  England,  tho* 
Lockhart  was  then  following  the  Court. 

I  fay  nothing  of  the  fea  fight  in  Solbay,  in  which 
De  Ruyter  had  the  glory  of  furprizing  the  Englifh 
fleet,  when  they  were  thinking  lefs  of  engaging  the 
enemy,  than  of  an  extravagant  preparation  for 
the  ufual  diforders  of  the  twenty  ninth  of  May  : 
Which  he  prevented,  engaging  them  on  the  twen 
ty  eighth,  in  one  of  the  molt  obftinate  fea  fights 
that  has  happened  in  our  age  •,  in  which  the  French 
took  more  care  of  themlelves  than  became  gallant 
men,  unlefs  they  had  orders  to  look  on,  and  leave 
the  Englifh  and  Dutch  to  fight  it  out,  while  they 
preferved  the  force  of  France  entire.  De  Ruyter 
idifabled  the  fhip  in  which  the  Duke  was,  whom 
fome  blamed  for  leaving  his  fhip  too  foon.  Then, 
his  perfonal  courage  began  firfl  to  be  called 
in  queftion.  The  Admiral  of  the  blue  fquadron 
was  burnt  by  a  fire  -fhip,  after  a  long  engagement 
with  a  Dutch  fhip  much  inferior  to  him  in  ftrength. 
In  it  the  Earl  of  Sandwich  periihed  with  a  great 
many  about  him,  who  would  not  leave  him,  as  he 
G  g.  2  would 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

would  not  leave  his  fhip,  by  a  piece  of  obftinate 
courage,  to  which  he  was  provoked  by  an  indecent 
reflection  the  Duke  made,  on  an  advice  he  had  of 
fered,  of  drawing  nearer  the  fhore,  and  avoiding 
an  engagement,  as  if  in  that  he  took  more  care  of 
himfelf  than  ot  the  King's  honour.  The  Duke  of 
Buckingham  came  aboard  the  fleet  -,  tho'  it  was 
obferved,  that  he  made  great  hafte  away,  when 
he  heard  the  Dutch  fleet  was  in  view.  The  Duke 
told  me,  that  he  faid  to  him,  fmce  they  might  en 
gage  the  enemy  quickly,  he  intended  to  make  fure 
of  another  world  :  So  he  defired  to  know  who  was 
the  Duke's  Prieft,  that  he  might  reconcile  himfelf 
to  the  Church.  The  Duke  told  him,  Talbot 
would  help  him  to  a  Prieft.  And  he  brought  one 
to  him.  They  were  for  ibme  time  fhut  up  toge 
ther.  And  the  Prieft  faid,  he  had  reconciled  him 
according  to  their  form.  The  Duke  of  Bucking 
ham,  who  had  no  religion  at  heart,  did  this  only 
to  recommend  himfelf  to  the  Duke's  confidence. 
The  It  may  be  eafily  imagined,  that  all  things  were 

Dutch  in   at  this  tjme  jn  great  diforder  at  the  Hague.     The 
;x"   French  poffefTed   themfelves  of  Naerdin  :    And  a 

t.eHilciCS.  i      ;j  i-  TV  /r          T  i          1111 

party  had  entred  into  Muyden,  who  had  the  keys 
of  the  gates  brought  to  them.  But  they,  feeing 
it  was  an  inconfiderable  place,  not  knowing  the 
importance  of  it,  by  the  command  of  the  water 
that  could  drown  all  to  Amfterdam,  flung  the 
keys  into  the  ditch,  and  went  back  to  Naerden. 
But  when  the  confequence  of  the  place  was  under- 
ftood,  another  party  was  fent  to  fecure  it.  But  be 
fore  their  return,  two  battalions  were  fent  from  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  who  fee u red  the  place  -,  and  by 
that  means  preferved  Amfterdam,  where  all  were 
trembling,  and  thought  of  nothing  but  of  treating 
and  fubmhTion.  The  States  were  very  near  the 
extremities  of  defpair.  They  had  not  only  loft 
many  places,  but  all  their  garrifons  in  them. 
Qtfelder,  OverylTd,  and  Utrecht,  were  quite  loft : 

And 


of  King  CHARLES  II, 

And  the  Bifhop  of  Munfter  was  making  a  formi 
dable  impreflion  on  Groninghen,  and  at  lail  be- 
fieged  it.  A1J  thefe  misfortunes  came  ib  thick  one 
after  another,  that  no  fpirit  was  left.  And,  to 
compleat  their  ruin,  a  jealoufy  was  fpread  thro* 
all  Holland,  that  they  were  betrayed  by  thofe  who 
were  in  the  government  >  and  that  De  Wit  intend 
ed,  all  fhould  perifh,  rather  than  the  family  of 
Orange  fhould  be  fet  up.  Mombas,  one  of  their 
Generals,  who  married  De  G root's  filter,  hacj 
bafely  abandoned  hj^  pod,  which  was  to  defend 
the  Rhine  where  the  French  palled  it :  And  when 
he  was  put  in  arreft  for  that,  he  made  his  efcape, 
and  went  to  the  French  for  fanctuary.  Upon  thij 
the  people  complained  loudly :  And  the  States 
were  fo  puzzled,  that  their  hearts  quite  failed  them. 
When  they  were  ailembled,  they  looked  on  one 
another  like  men  amazed  ,  fometimes  all  in  tears. 
Once  the  Spanifh  Embaflador  came,  and  demand^ 
ed  audience.  And  when  he  was  brought  in,  he 
told  them,  that  out  of  the  arTeclion  that  he  bore 
them,  and  the  union  of  his  Mailer's  intereft  with 
theirs,  he  came  to  blame  their  conducl :  They: 
looked  fad  :  They  never  appeared  in  the  Vorhaut 
in  their  coaches  :  And  upon  all  occafions  they 
looked  like  men  defpairing  of  their  country  :  This 
quite  difheartened  their  people  :  Therefore  he  ad- 
vifed  them  to  put  on  another  countenance,  to  pub- 
liih  that  they  had  good  news,  that  their  allies  were 
in  march ;  and  to  feed  their  people  with  probable 
{lories,  and  fo  to  keep  up  their  fpirits.  They 
thought  the  advice  was  feafonable,  and  followed  it. 

They  fent  two  Embaffadors,  Dycvelt  and  Ha-  Embafla- 
lewyn,  to  join  with  Borel,  who  was  flill  in  Erlg- dorsfenr 
land,  to  try  if  it  was  poffible  to  divide  England  to  EnS- 
from  France.     And  the  morning   in  which  they   { 
were  difpatch'd  away,  they  had  fecret  powers  given 
them  to  treat,  concerning  the  Prince  of  Orange's 
being  their  Stadtholder  :  For  Lord  Arlington  had 
fo  oft  reproached  Borel  for  their  not  doing  it,  that 
G  g  3  He 


454  The  H  i  s  T  O*R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1672.  he  in  all  his  letters  continued  ftill  to  prefs  that  on 
^v-o  them.  When  they  came  over,  they  were  for 
form's  fake  put  under  a  guard.  Yet  Borel  was 
fu  -'bred  to  come  to  them  ;  and  was  tranfported 
with  joy,  when  they  told  him  what  powers  they 
had  in  that  affair  of  the  Prince.  And  immediately 
he  went  to  Lord  Arlington  :  But  came  foon  back, 
like  one  amazed,  when  he  found  that  no  regard 
was  had  to  that,  which  he  had  hoped  would  have 
entirely  gained  the  Court.  But  he  was  a  plain 
man,  and  had  no  great  depth.  The  others  were 
lent  to  Hampton  Court  •,  and  were  told,  that  the 
King  would  not  treat  feparately,  but  would  fend 
over  Embaffadors  to  treat  at  Utrecht.  They  met 
fecretly  with  many  in  England,  and  informed 
themfelves  by  them  of  the  ftate  of  the  Nation. 
*They  gave  money  liberally,  and  gained  fome  in 
the  chief  offices  to  give  them  intelligence.  The 
Court  underftanding  that  they  were  not  idle,  and 
that  the  Nation  was  much  inflamed,  fince  all  the 
offers  'that  they  made  were  rejected,  commanded 
them  to  go  back.  The  Duke  of  Buckingham 
and  Lord  Arlington  were  ordered  to  go  to  U credit. 
And,  to  give  the  Nation  fome  fatisfaction,  Lord 
Hallifax  was  fent  over  afterwards.  But  he  was 
not  in  the  fecret.  The  Dutch,  'hearing  that  their 
Embaffadors  were  coming  over  without  making 
peace  with  England,  ran  together  in  great  num 
bers  to  Maefland  fluice,  and  refolved  to  cut  them 
in  pieces  at  their  landing  ;  for  they  heard  they  were 
at  the  Brill.  But,  as  they  were  croffing  the  Maes, 
a  little  boat  met  them,  and  told  them  of  their 
danger,  and  advifed  them  to  land  at  another  place,. 
where  coaches  were  ftaying  to  carry  them  to  the 
Hague.  So  they  miffed  the  ilorm,  that  broke  out 
fatally  at  the  Hague  the  next  day,  where  mens 
'minds  were  in  great  agitation. 

The  tra-  De  Wit  was  once  at  night  going  home  from  the 
gical  end  States,  when  four  perforis  fet  on  him  to  murder 
vLEe  him.  He  fhewed-on  that  occafion  both  an  intce- 
\T  I  nid 

'" 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

pid  courage,  and  a  great  prefence  of  mind.  He 
was  wounded  in  feveral  places.  Yet  he  got  out  of 
their  hands.  One  of  them  was  taken,  and  con 
demned  for  it.  All  De  Wit's  friends  preiTed  him 
to  fave  his  life.  But  he  thought,  that  fuch  an  at 
tempt,  on  a  man  in  his  poll,  was  a  crime  not  to  be 
pardoned  ;  tho',  as  to  his  own  part  in  the  matter, 
he  very  freely  forgave  it.  The  young  man  con- 
felled  his  crime,  and  repented  of  it :  Ahdjprpteft- 
ed  he  was  led  to  it  by  no  other  confideration,  but 
that  of  zeal  for  his  country  and  religion,  which 
he  thought  were  betrayed.  And  he  died  as  in  a 
rapture  of  devotion,  which  made  great  impreffiori 
on  the  fpedtarors.  At  the  fame  time  a  Barber  ac- 
cufed  De  Wit's  elder  brother  of  a  practice  on  him, 
in  order  to  his  murdering  the  Prince.  There  were 
fo  many  improbabilities  in  his  ftory,  which  was 
fupported  by  no  circumflances,  that  it  feemed  no 
way  credible.  Yet  Cornelius  de  Wit  was  put  to 
the  torture  on  it,  but  flood  firm  to  his  innocence. 
7'he  fentence  was  accommodated  rather  to  the  (late 
of  arfairs,  than  to  the  ftrid  rules  of  juflice.  In  the 
mean  time,  while  his  brother  had  refigned  his 
charge  of  Penfionary,  and  was  made  one  of  the 
Judges  of  the  High  Court,  Cornelius  De  Wit  was 
baniihed;  which  was  intended  rather  as  a  fending 
him  out  of  the  way,  than  as  a  fentence  agairift 
him.  I  love  not  to  defcribe  fcenes  of  horror,  as 
was  that  black  and  infamous  one  committed  on  the 
two  brothers.  I  can  add  little  to  what  has  been 
fo  often  printed.  De  Wit's  going  in  his  own 
coach  to  carry  his  brother  out  of  town  was  a  great 
error  :  And  looked  like  a  triumph  over  a  fentence, 
which  was  unbecoming  the  character  of  a  Judge. 
Some  furious  agitators,  who  pretended  zeal  for  the 
Prince,  gathered  the  rabble  together.  And  by 
that  vile  a&ion  that  followed  they  did  him  more 
hurt,  than  they  were  ever  able  to  repair, 
enemies  have  taken  advantages  from  thence  to  cait 
the  infamv  of  this  on  him,  and  on  his  party,  to 
G  g  A  make 


4o6  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1672.  make  them  all  odious ;  thq'  the  Prince  fpoke  of  h. 
v-~v-^  always  to  me  with  the  greateft  horror  poffihle.' 
The  Minifters  in  Holland  did  upon  this  occafion 
fliew  a  very  particular  violence.  In  their  fermons, 
and  in  fome  printed  treatifes,  they  charged  the 
Judges  with  corruption,  \vho  had  carried  the  fen- 
tence  no  farther  than  to  banifhment :  AnJ  com 
pared  the  fate  of  the  De  Wits  to  Hainan's.' 

Prince  of       1  need  n0t  ielate  the  Sreat  change  of  the  Magi!", 
Orange     tracy  ,in  ali  the  Provinces  -,  the  repealing  the  Per- 
made*      petual  Edict •,    and  the  advancing  the  Prin.ce   of 
Stadthol-   Orange  to  be  Stadtholder,  after  they  had   voided 
the  obligation  of  the  oath  he   had  taken,  about 
which  he  took  fome  time  to  deliberate.    Both  Law 
yers  and  Divines  agreed,  that  thofe  to  whom  he 
had  made  that  oath  releafing  the  obligation  of  it, 
he  was  no  longer  bound  bjMt.     The  States  gave 
him,  for  that  time,  the  full  power  of  peace°and 
war.     All  this^was  carried  farther  by  the  town  of 
Amfterdam  ;  for  they  fent   a  deputation  to  him, 
offering  him  the  fovereignry  of  their  town.     When 
he  was  pleafed  to  tell  me  this  paffage,  he  faid,  he 
knew  the  reafon  for  which  they  made  it  was,  be- 
caufe  they  thought  all   was  loft  ;  And  they  chofe 
to,  have  the  infamy  of  their  lofs  fall  on  him,  rather 
than  on  themfelves.     Pie  added,  that  he  was  fure 
the  country  could  not  bear  a  fovereign  ;  and  that 
they  would  contribute  more  to  the  war,  when  it 
was  in  order  to  the  preferving  their  own  liberty, 
than  for  any  Prince  whatfoever.     So  he  told  them, 
that,  without  taking  any  time  to  confult  on  the 
anfwer  to  be  m^de  to  fo  great  an  offer,  he  did  im 
mediately  refufe  it.     He  was  fully  fatisfied  with 
the  power  already  lodged  with  him,  and  would  ne 
ver  endeavour  to  c^rry  it  any  farther. 

The  Prince's  advancement  gave  a  new  life  to  the 
whole  country.  He,  tho'  then  very  young,  and 
little  acquainted  with  the  affairs  of  State  or  War, 
did  apply  himfelf  fo  to  both, 'that,  notwithftancU 
sag  the  defperate  ftate  in  which  he  found  matters, 
'-  ^  he 


of  King  CHARLES  II, 

he. neither  loft  heart,  nor  committed  errors.     The 
Duke  of  Buckingham  and  the  Lord  Arlington  tried 
to  bring  the  King  of  France  to  offer  them  better 
terms  •,  but  in  vain.     That  Prince  was  fo  lifted  up,  ^le  £ 
that  he  fesmed  to  confider  the  King  very  little,  lifa  Em- 
While  he  was  fo  high  on  the  one   hand,    and  the 
Prince  of  Orange  fo  fteady  on  the  other,   the  Eng- 
li'fh  Embaffadors  foon  law,  t&at  all  the  offices  they 
could  do  were  ineffectual.  ,  ,One  day  the   Prince  ell  of 
(who  toid  me  this  himfelf)  was  arguing  with  them  Fran 
upon  the  King's  conduct,  as  the  rnoit  unaccount 
able  thing  pofiibie,  who  was  contributing  fo  much 
to  the  exaltation  of  France,  which  muft  prove  in 
conclufion  fatal  to  himfelf ;  and  was  urging  this  in 
feveral  particulars.      The  Duke  or  Buckingham 
broke  out  in  an  oath,  which  was  his  ufual  ftyle,  and 
faid,  he  was  in  the  right ;  and  fo  offered  to  fign  a 
peace  immediately  with  the  Prince.     Lord  Arling 
ton  feemed  amazed  at  his  rafhnefs.     Yet  he  per- 
fifted  in    it,    and  faid  pofitively  he   would  do  it. 
The  Prince  upon  that,  not  knowing  what  fecret 
powers  he  might  have,  ordered  the  articles  to  be 
engroffed.     And  he  believed,  if  he  could  poffibly 
have  got  them  ready  while  he  was  with  him,  that 
he  would  have  figned  them.     They  were  ready  by 
next  morning  :  But  by  that  time  he  had  changed  his 
mind.     That  Duke  at  parting  preffed  him  much, 
to  put  himfelf  wholly  in  the  King's  hands ;  and  af- 
fured  him  he  would  take  care  of  his  affairs,  as  of  his 
own.     The  Prince  cut  him  fhort  :    He  faid,  his 
country  had  trufted  him,  and  he  would  never  de 
ceive,  nor  betray  them  for  any  bafe  ends  of  his  own. 
The  Duke  anfwered,  he  was  not  to  think  any  more 
of  his  country,  for  it  was  loft  :  If  it  mould  weather 
out  the  fummer,  by  reafon  of  the  waters  that  had 
drowned  a  great  part  of  it,  the  winter's  froft  would 
lay  them  open  :  And  he  repeated  the  words  often,  do 
not  you  fee  it  is  loft  ?    The  Prince's  anfwer   de- 
ferves  to  be  remembred  :  He  faid,  he  faw  it  was 
indeed  in  great  danger :  But  there  was  a  fure  way  ne 
ver  to  fee  it  loft,  and  that  was  to  di$  in  the  laft  ditch. 

The 


458  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1672.  The  perfon  that  the  Prince  relied  on  chiefly,  as 

i-^-v-o  to  the  affairs  of  Holland,  was  Fagel  :  A  man  very 

Thecha-  learned  in  the  law,  who  had  a  quick  apprehenfion, 

™aftel°f  and  a  clear  and  ready  judgment.  He  had  a  cor 
pious  eloquence,  more  popular  than  correct :  And 
was  fit  to  carry  matters  with  a  torrent  in  a  nume 
rous  affembly.  De  Wit  had  made  great  ufe  of 
him  ;  for  he  joined  with  him  very  zealoufly  in 
the  carrying  the  Perpetual  Edict,  which  he  ne 
gotiated  with  the  States  of  Frizeland,  who  op- 
pofed  it  moil  :  And  he  was  made  Greffier,  or  Se 
cretary  to  the  States  General,  which  is  the  moft 
beneficial  place  in  Holland.  He  was  a  pious,  and 
virtuous  man :  Only  he  was  too  eager,  and  vio 
lent.  He  was  too  apt  to  flatter  himfelf.  He  had 
much  heart,  when  matters  went  well ;  but  had  not 
the  courage  that  became  a  great  Minifter,  on  un- 
eafy  and  difficult  occafions. 

Prince  -  Prince  Waldeck  was  their  Chief  General  :  A 
Wakieck.  man  of  a  great  compafs,  and  a  true  judgment  ; 
equally  able  in  the  cabinet,  and  in  the  camp.  But 
he  was  always  unfuccefsRil,  becaufe  he  was  never 
furnifhed  according  to  the  fchemes  that  he  had  laid 
down.  The  opinion  that  Armies  had  of  him,  as 
an  unfortunate  General,  made  him  really  fo  :  For 
foldiers  cannot  have  much  heart,  when  they  have 
not  an  entire  confidence  in  him,  that  has  the  chief 
command. 

Dickvek,  Dickvelt  on  his  return  from  England,  feeing 
the  ruin  of  the  De  Wits,  with  whom  he  was  for 
merly  united,  and  the  progrefs  the  French  had 
made  in  Utrecht,  where  his  eftate  and  intereft  lay, 
defpaired  too  foon  •,  and  went  and  lived  under 
them.  Yet  he  did  great  fervice  to  his  Province. 
Upon  every  violation  of  articles,  he  went  and 
demanded  juflice,  and  made  protections  with  a 
boldnefs,  to  which  the  French  were  fo  little  ac- 
cuftomed,  that  they  were  amazed  at  it.  Upon 
the  French  leaving  Utrecht,  and  on  the  re-efta- 
blifhing  that  Province,  he  was  left  out  of  the  Go 
vernment* 


of  King  CHARLES  IIf 

yernment.  Yet  his  great  abilities,  and  the  infi- 
nuating  fmoothnefs  of  his  temper,  procured  him 
fo  many  friends,  that  the  Prince  was  prevailed  on 
to  receive  him  into  his  confidence  :  And  he  had  a 
great  mare  of  it  to  the  laft,  as  he  well  deferved. 
He  had  a  very  perfect  knowledge  of  all  the  affairs 
of  Europe,  and  great  practice  in  many  EmbafTies. 
He  fpoke  too  long,  and  with  too  much  vehe^- 
mence.  He  was  in  his  private  deportment  a  vir 
tuous  and  religious  man,  and  a  zealous  Prote- 
ftant.  In  the  adminiftration  of  his  Province,  which 
was  chiefly  trufted  to  him,  there  was  great  com 
plaints  of  partiality,  and  of  a  defective  juftice. 

Halewyn,  a  man  of   great  intereft  in   the  town 
of  Dort,    and    one   of  the  Judges    in  the  Court I] 
of  Holland,  was  the  perfon  of  them  all  whom  I 
knew  beft,  and  valued  moft  :  And  was   the  next 
Fagel  in  the  Prince's  confidence.     He  had  a  great 
compafs  of  learning,  befides  his  own   profeffion, 
in  which  he  was  very  eminent.     He  had  ftudied 
divinity  with  great  exactnefs  ;  and  was  well  read 
in  all  hiftory,  but  moft  particularly  in  the  Greek 
and  Roman  authors.     He  was  a  man  of  great  vi 
vacity:  He  apprehended  things  foon,  and  judged 
very  correctly.     He   fpoke  ihort,  but  with  life. 
He  had  a  courage  and  vigour  in  his  counfels,  that 
became  one,  who  had  formed  himfelf  upon  the  beft 
models  in  the  ancient  authors.     He  was  a  man  of 
fevere  morals.     And  as  he  had  great  credit  in  the 
Court  where  he  fate,  fo  he  took  care  that  the  par 
tialities  of  friendfhip  mould   not  mix  in  the  ad 
miniftration  of  juftice.     He  had  in  him    all  the 
beft  notions  of  a  great  patriot,  and  a  true  Chri- 
ftian  philofopher.     He  was  brought  in  very  early 
to  the  fecret  of  affairs,  and  went  into  the  bufinefs 
of  the  Perpetual  Edict  very  zealoufly.     Yet  lie 
quickly  few  the  error  of  bringing  matters  of  State 
immediately  into  numerous  aiTemblies.     He  con- 
iidered  the  States   maintaining  in   themfelves  the 
jfovercign  power,  as  the  bafis  upon  which  the  li 
berty 


j^bo  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

16.72.    berty  of  their  country  was  built.     But  he  thought, 
v^-v-w  the   adminiftration  of    the   government   muft  be 
lodged  in  a  Council.     He  thought  it  a  great  mif- 
fortune,  that  the  Prince  was  fo  young  at  his  firft 
exaltation  ;  and  fo  poffefied  with  military  matters, 
to  which  the  extremity   of  their  affairs  required 
that  he  mould  be  entirely  applied,  that  he  did  notf 
then  correct  that  .error,  which  could  only  be  done 
upon  fo  extraordinary  a  conjuncture.     He  faw  the 
great  error  of  De  Wit's  miniftry,  of  keeping  the 
fecret  of  affairs  fo  much  in  his  own  hands.     Such 
a  precedent  was  very  dangerous. to  publick  liber 
ty,  when  it  was  in  the  power  of  one  man  to  give 
up  his  country.     Their  people  could  not  bear  the 
lodging  fo  great  a  truft   with  one,  who  had   na 
diftmction   of  birth  or  rank.     Yet  he  faw  it  was 
necefiary  to  have  (uch  an  authority,  as  De  Wit's 
merits  and  fuccefs  had  procured  him,  lodged  fome 
where.     The  factions  and  animofities,  that  were  in 
almoft  all  their  towns,  made  it   as  neceflary   for 
their  good  government  at  home,  as  it  was  for  the 
command   of  their  armies   abroad,    to  have   this 
power  trufted  to  a  perfon  of  that  eminence  of  birth 
and  rank,  that  he  might  be  above  the  envy,  that  is: 
always  among  equals,  when  any  one  of  them  is 
raifed  to   a   difproportioned   degree  of  greatnefs 
above  the  reft.     He  obferved  fome  errors  that  were 
in  the  Prince's  conduct.     But  after  all,  he  faid,  it 
Was  vifible  that  he  was  always  in  the  true  intereft 
of  his  country  :  So  that  the  keeping  up  a  faction 
againft  him  was  like  to  prove  fatal  Co  all  Europe, 
as  well  as  to  themfelves. 

The  Thegreateft  misfortune  in  the  Prince's  affairs 

]*ri?.cj      was,  that    the  wifeft,  and   the  mofl  confiderable 

correftthe  men  m  ^tir  towns>  tnat  nac*  ^een  acquainted  with 

errors  he   tlie  conduct  of  affairs  formerly,  were  now  under  a 

fell  in  at   cloud,  and  were  either  turned  out   of  the  Magi- 

ilracy,  or  thought  it  convenient  to  retire  from  bufi- 

nefs.     And  many  hot,  but  poor   men,  who  had 

finalized  their  zeal  in  the  turn  newly  made,  came 

to 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

to  be  called  the  Prince's  friends,  and  to  be  put 
every  where  into  the  Magiftracy.  They  quickly 
loft  all  credit,  having  little  difcretion,  and  no  au 
thority.  They  were  very  partial  in  the  govern 
ment,  and  oppreflive,  chiefly  of  thofe  of  the  other 
fide.  The  Prince  faw  this  fooner  than  he  could 
find  a  remedy  for  it.  But  by  degrees  the  men  of 
the  other  fide  came  into  his  intereft  ;  and  promifed 
to  ferve  him  faithfully,  in  order  to  the  driving  out 
the  French,  and  the  laving  their  country.  The 
chief  of  thofe  were  Halewyn  of  Dort,  Pats  of  Rot 
terdam,  and  Van  Beuning  of  Amfterdam. 

The  laft  of  thefe  was  fo  well  known,  both  in 
France  and  England,  and  had  fo  great  credit  in  his  mf 's  cha" 
own  town,  that  he  deferves  to  be  more  particularly 
fet  out.  He  was  a  man  of  great  notions.  He  had 
a  wonderful  vivacity,  but  too  much  levity  in  his 
thoughts.  His  temper  was  inconftant ;  firm,  and 
pofitive  for  a  while  \  but  apt  to  change,  from  a 
giddinefs  of  mind,  rather  than  from  any  falfehood 
in  his  nature.  He  broke  twice  with  the  Prince, 
after  he  came  into  a  confidence  with  him.  He 
employed  me  to  reconcile  him  to  him  for  the  third 
time  :  But  the  Prince  faid,  he  could  not  truft  him 
any  more.  He  had  great  knowledge  in  all  fcien- 
ces,  and  had  fuch  a  copioufnefs  of  invention,  with 
fuch  a  pleafantnefs,  as  well  as  a  variety  of  conver- 
fation,  that  1  have  often  compared  him  to  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham  :  Only  he  was  virtuous,  and 
devout;  much  in  ths  enthufiaftical.way.  In  the 
end  of  his  days,  he  fet  himfelf  wholly  to  mind  the 
Eaft-India  trade.  But  that  was  an  employment 
not  fo  well  fuited  to  his  natural  genius.  And  it 
ended  fatally  :  For  the  actions  finking  on  the  fud- 
den  on  the  breaking  out  of  a  new  war,  that  funk 
him  into  a  melancholy,  which  quite  diftra6ted 
him.  The  town  of  Amfterdam  was  for  many  Errors 
years  conduced  by  him  as  by  a  dictator.  And  ccmmk- 
that  had  expofed  them  to  as  many  errors,  as  the  ted  by  ^ 

i       •  r  i   •  •  r  n      j  <TM        i  ^        tOWH  Ot 

irregularity  of  his  notions  fuggefted.     The  bream-  Awlter. 

5  ing  dam- 


The  HISTORY  cf  the  Reigri 
ing  the  Weft-India  company,  and  the  lofs  of 
Muniier  in  the  year  1658,  was  owing  to  that.  It 
was  then  demonftrated,  that  the  lofs  of  that  town 
laid  the  States  open  on  that  fide  ;  and  that  Mun 
iier,  being  in  their  hands,  would  not  only  cover 
them,  but  be  a  fit  place  for  making  levies  in  Weft- 
phalia.  Yet  Amfterdam  would  not  confent  to  that 
new  charge  ;  and  fancied,  there  was  no  danger  on 
that  fide.  But  they  found  afterwards,  to  their 
coft,  that  their  unreafonable  managery  in  that  par 
ticular  drew  upon  them  an  expence  of  many  mil* 
lions,  by  reafon  of  the  unquiet  temper  of  that 
martial  Bilhop,  who  had  almoft  ruined  them  this 
year  on  the  fide  of  Frifeland.  But  his  mifcarriage 
in  the  fiege  of  Groninghen,  and  the  taking  Coe- 
vorden  by  furprize  in  the  end  of  the  year,  as  it 
was  among  the  firfl  things  that  raifed  the  fpirits 
of  the  Dutch,  fo  both  the  Bifhop's  ftrength  and 
reputation  funk  fo  entirely  upon  it,  that  he  never 
gave  them  any  great  trouble  after  that. 

Another  error,  into  which  the  frugality  of  Am- 
iterdam  drew  the  States,  was  occafioned  by  the  of 
fer  that  D'Ellrades,  the  French  EmbafTador,  made 
them  in  the  year  1663,  of  a  divifion  of  the  Spa- 
niih  Netherlands,  by  which  Oftend  and  a  line  from 
thence  to  Maftricht,  within  which  Bruges,  Ghent, 
and  Antwerp,  were  to  be  comprehended,  was  of 
fered  to  them  ;  the  French  defiring  only  St.  Omer, 
Valenciennes,  Cambray,  and  Luxemburgh  :  And 
the  dominions  that  lay  between  thofe  lines  were  to 
be  a  free  Commonwealth  ;  as  Kalewyn  allured  me, 
who  faid,  he  was  in  the  fecret  at  that  time.  This 
was  much  debated  all  Holland  over.  It  was  vifi- 
ble,  that  this  new  Commonwealth,  taken  out  of 
the  hands  of  the  Spaniards,  mufl  naturally  have 
fallen  into  a  dependence  on  the  States  ;  and  have 
become  more  confiderabie,  when  put  under  a  bet 
ter  conduct.  Yet  this  would  have  put  the  States 
at  that  time  to  fome  confiderabie  charge.  And, 
to  avoid  that,  the  proportion  was  rejected,  chiefly 

by 


tares 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

by  the  oppofition  that  Amfterdam  made  to  it  j 
where  the  prevailing  maxim  was,  to  reduce  their 
expence,  to  abate  taxes,  and  to  pay  their  publick 
debts.  By  fuch  an  unreaionable  parfimony  mat 
ters  were  now  brought  to  that  ftate,  that  they 
were  engaged  into  a  war  of  fo  vaft  an  expence, 
that  the  yearly  produce  of  their  whole  eftates,  did 
not  anfwer  all  the  taxes,  that  they  were  forced  to 
lay  on  their  people. 

After  the  Prince  faw,  that  the  French  demands  The 
were  at  this  time  fo  high,  and  that  it  was  not  pof-  prince 
fible   to  draw  England  into  a  feparate  treaty,  he  ^^fa" 
got  the  States  to  call  an  extraordinary  affembly,  :o  conti- 
the  moft  numerous  that  has  been  in  this  age.     To  nue  the 
them  the  Prince  fpoke  near   three  hours,  to  the  war* 
amazement  of  all  that  heard  him,  which  was  own 
ed  to  me  by  one  of  the  deputies  of  Amfterdam. 
He  had  got  great  materials  put  in  his  hands,  of 
which  he    made  very  good  ufe.     He  firft  went 
thro*  the  French  propofitions,  and  mewed  the  con- 
fequence   and   the   effects    that  would   follow  on 
them  ;  that  the  accepting  them  would  be  certain 
ruin,  and  the   very  treating  about   them   would 
diftract  and  difpirit   their  people :    He  therefore 
concluded,  that  the  entertaining  a  thought  of  thefe 
was  the  giving  up  their  country  :  If  any  could 
hearken  to  fuch  a  motion,  the  lovers  of  religion 
and  liberty  muft  go  to  the  Indies,  or  to  any  other 
country  where  they  might  be  free  and  fafe.     After 
he  had  gone   thro'  this,  near  an  hour,  he   in  the 
next  place  mewed  the  poffibility  of  making  a  ftand, 
notwithftaading  the  defperate  ftate  to  which  their 
affairs  feemed  reduced  :  He  mewed  the  force  of 
all  their  allies  •,  that  England  could  not  hold  out 
long  without  a  Parliament ;  and  they  were  well 
affured,  that  a  Parliament  would    draw   the  King 
to  other  meafures  :  He  fhewed  the  impofilbility  of 
the  French  holding  o-jt  long,  and  that  the  Ger 
mans  coming  down  to  the  lower  Rhine  muft  make 
them   go  out  of  their  country,   as   fail  as   they 

cam: 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reigri 
came  into  it.  In  all  this  he  mewed,  that  he  had 
a  great  infight  into  the  French  affairs.  He  came 
latt  to  fhew,  how  it  was  poffible  to  raife  the  taxes 
that  muft  be  laid  on  the  country,  to  anfwer  fuch  a 
vail  and  unavoidable  expence  $  and  fet  before  them 
a  great  variety  of  projects  for  raifing  money.  He 
concluded,  that  if  they  laid  down  this  for  a  foun 
dation,  that  religion  and  liberty  could  not  be 
purchafed  at  too  dear  a  rate,  and  that  therefore 
every  man  among  them,  and/ every  Minifter  in  the 
country,  ought  to  infufe  into  all  the  people,  that  they 
muft  fubmit  to  the  prefent  extremity,  and  to  very 
extraordinary  taxes  :  by  this  means,  as  their  peo 
ple  would  again  take  heart,  fo  their  enemies  would 
lofe  theirs,  who  built  their  chief  hopes  on  that  uni- 
verfal  dejection  among  them,  that  was  but  too  vi- 
fible  to  all  the  world.  Every  one  that  was  pre 
fent  feemed  amazed  to  hear  fo  young  a  man  fpeak 
to  fo  many  things,  with  fo  much  knowledge,  and 
fo  true  a  judgment.  It  raifed  his  character  won 
derfully,  and  contributed  not  a  little  to  put  new 
life  into  a  country,  almoft  dead  with  fear,  and  dif- 
pirited  with  fo  many  loffes.  They  all  refoived  to 
maintain  their  liberty  to  the  -laft ;  and,  if  things 
mould  run  to  extremities,  to  carry  what  wealth 
they  could  with  them  to  the  Eaft-Indies.  The 
Hate  of  the  fhipping  capable  of  fo  long  a  voyage 
was  examined  :  And  it  was  reckoned,  that  they 
could  tranfport  above  two  hundred  thoufand  peo*1 
pie  thither. 

The  Yet  all  their  courage  would  probably  have  ftoocf 

French     'them  in  little  ftead,  if  the  King  of  France  could 
back  tSo°e"  kave  kcen  prevailed  on  to  flay  longer  at  Utrecht. 
Paris.        But   he  made  hade  to  go  back  to  Paris.     Some* 
faid,  it  was   the  effect  of  his  amours,  and  that  it 
was  haftened  by  fome  quarrels  among  his   Mif- 
trefles.     Others  thought,  he  was  haftening  to  re 
ceive  the    flatteries  that  were  preparing   for   him 
there.     And  indeed  in  the  outward  appearances  ot 
things  there  was  great  occafion  for  them  ,  fince 

he 


of  ^King  CHARLES  II. 
he  had  a  run  of  fuccefs  beyond  all  'expectation,  1672. 
rho*  he  himfelf  had  no  fhare  in  it,  imlefs  it  was 
to  fpoil  it.  He  left  a  garrifon  in  every  place  he 
took,  againft  Turenne's  advice,  who  was  for  dif- 
mantling  them  all,  and  keeping  his  ^army  ilill 
about  him.  But  his  Minifters  law  fo  far  into  his 
temper,  that  they  refolved  to  play  a  fure  game, 
and  to  put  nothing  to  hazard.  Upon  the  Elector 
of-  Bbindenburgrrs  coming  down,  Monfieur  Tu- 
renne  was  fent  againft  him  :  By  which  means  the 
army  about  the  King  was  fo  diminifhed,  that  he 
could  undertake  no  great  defign,  befides  the  fiege 
'of  Nimeguen,  that  held  but  lome  weeks,  with  fp 
fmall  a  force.  And  tho'  the  Prince  of  Orange 
had  not.  above  eight' thoufand  men  about  him, 
"employed  in  keeping  a  pafs  near  Woerden,  yet 
no  attempt  was  made  to  force  him  from  it. 
Another  probable  r'eafon  of  his  returning  back  fo 
foon  was,  a  fuggeftion  of  the  defperate  temper  of 
the  Dutch,  and  that  they  were  capable  of  under 
taking  any  defign,  how  Hack  foever,  rather  than 
perifh.  Some  told  him  of  vaults  under  the  ftreets 
bf  Utrecht,  where  gun  powder  might  be  laid  to 
blow  him  up,  as  he  went  over  them  :  And  all 
thefe  were  obferved  to  be  avoided  by  him.  He 
would  never  lodge  within  the  town,  and  came  bat 
feldom  to  it.  He  upon  one  or  other  of  thefe  mo 
tives  went  back.  Upon  which  the  Prince  of 
Conde  faid,  iie  faw  he  had  not  the  foul  of  a  con- 
"queror  in  'him  ;  and  that  his  Minifters  were  the 
beft  Cominis,  but-  Wie  pooreft  Minifters  in  the 
world,  who  had'ndt  fouls  made  for  great  things, 
or  capable  of  them: 

'If  the  King  had'Ja  mind  to  be  flattered  by  his 

people,  he  found  3fc  his  return  enough   even  to 

.iliricic   him.     SpeetKes,   verfes,    infc-riptions,    tri- 

•  ivmph^r  arches,' and   medals   were  prepared  with 

a  profufion,    and;excefs  of  flattery,' beyond  what 

•had  been  offered  to, the  word  of  the  Roman  Em- 

'  perors.,  bating  thcA<:eremony-  ef  adoration.     But 

VOL,  I.  H  h' 


•466  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1672.  blafphemous  impieties  were  not  wanting  to  raife, 

-— ^— ->  and  feed  his  vanity.     A  folemn  debate  was  held 
all  about  Paris,  what  title  mould  be  given  him. 
Le  Grand  was  thought  too  common.     Some  were 
for  Invincible.     Others  were  for  Le  Conquerant. 
Some,  in  imitation  of   Charlemagne,    for  Lewis 
Le  magne.    Others  were  for  Maximus.    But  Tres 
Grand  Ibunded  not  ib  well  :    No  more  did  Maxi 
me.     So  they  fettled  on  Le  Grand.     And  all  the 
bodies  of  Paris  feemed  to  vie  in  flattery.     It  ap 
peared,    that  the  King    took   pleafure  in  it :    So 
there  has  followed  upon  it  the  greateft  run  of  the 
rhofh  fulfom  flattery  that  is  in  hiftory.     Had  the 
King  of  France  left  fuch  a  man  as  Turenne  at 
Utrecht,  it  might  have  had  ill  effects  on  the  refo- 
lutions  taken  by  the  Dutch.     But  he  left  Luxem- 
burgh   there,     who   had    no   regard  to    articles ; 
but  made  all  people  fee  what  was  to  be  expected, 
when  they  fhould  come  under  fuch  a  yoke,  that 
was  then  fo  intolerable  a  burden,    even  while  it 
ought  to  have  been  recommended  to  thofe,  who 
were  yet  free,  by  a  gentle  adminiflration.     This 
contributed  not    a    little    to    fix    the   Dutch,    in 
thole  obftinate  refolutions  they  had  taken  up. 

Tlie  There  was  one  very  extraordinary  thing  that 

l>utch  fa-  iiappenec[   near  the  Haeue  this    fummer  :    I  had 

ved  by        .     £r  °rt,  .      ,  ,      , 

fomeex-  u  lrom  many  eYe  witnefks  :    And  no  doubt  was 
uao  cii-     made  of  the,  truth  of  it  by  any  at  the  Hague. 
naty  Pro-  soon  aftcr    the  Knglifti  fleet  had  refitted  them- 
dtljce<    ielves,   (for  they  had  generally  been  much  dama 
ged  by  the  engagement  in  Solbay,)    they  appear 
ed  in  fight  of   Scheveling,    making  up    to    the 
jhore.     The  tide  turned  :  Bwt  they  reckoned  that 
\v:di  the  next  flood  they  would  certainly  land' the 
forces  that  were  aboard,  where  they  were  like  to 
.  meet  with  no  refiftance.  So  they  fent  to  the  Prince 
for  fome  regiments  to  hinder  the  defcent.  He  could 
not  fpare  many  men,  having  the  French  very  near 
.  him/   So  between  the  two  the  country  was  given 
for  loft,  unleis  De  Ruyter  fliould  quickly  come 

up. 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  46** 

up.     The  flood  returned,  which  they  thought  was    1672. 
to  end  in  their  ruin.     But  to  ali  their  amazement,  v— -v— -^ 
after  it  had  flowed  two  or  three  hours,  an  ebb  of 
many   hours  fucceeded,    which  carrkd  the   fleet 
again  to  the  fea.     And,  before  that  was  fpent,  De 
Ruyter  came  in  view.     This  they  reckoned  a  mi 
racle  wrought  for  their  prefervation.     Soon  after 
that  they  efcaped  another  defign.,    that  otherwife 
would  very  probably  have  been  fatal  to  them. 

The  Earl  of  Oflbry,  eldeft  fon  to  the  Duke  of  Oflbiy  in- 
Ormond,  a  man  of  great  honour,  generofity,  and  r*"^  to 
courage,  had  been  oft  in  Holland  :  And,  coming  Helvoct- 
by  Helvoetfluys,  he  obferved,  it  was  a  place  of  fluys. 
great  confequence,  but  very  ill  looked  to.  The 
Dutch  trufting  to  the  danger  of  entring  into  it, 
more  than  to  any  ftrength  that  defended  it,  he 
thought  it  might  be  eafy  to  feize,  and  fortify  that 
place.  The  King  approved  this.  So  fome  fhips 
were  fheathed,  and  victualled,  as  for  a  voyage  to 
a  great  diftance.  He  was  to  have  five  men  of 
war,  and  tranfport  mips  for  twelve  or  fifteen  hun 
dred  men.  And  a  fecond  fquadron,  with  a  far 
ther  fupply,  if  he  fucceeded  in  the  attempt,  was 
to  follow.  He  had  got  two  or  three  of  their  pi 
lots  brought  out  on  a  pretended  errand  :  And  thefe 
he  kept  very  fafe  to  carry  him  in.  This  was  com 
municated  to  none,  but  to  the  Duke,  and  to  Lord 
Arlington  :  And  all  was  ready  for  the  execution. 
Lord  OfTory  went  to  this  fleet,  and  faw  every 
thing  ready  as  was  ordered,  and  came  up  to  re 
ceive  the  King's  failing  orders.  ^B-Ut  the,  King, 
who  had  ordered  him  to  come  next  morning  for 
his  difpatch,  difcovered  the  defign  to  the  Duke 
of  Buckingham,  who  hated  both  the  Duke  of  Or- 
mond,  and  Lord  Oflbry,  and  would  have  feen 
the  King  and  all  his  affairs  periih,  rather  than 
that  a  perfon  whom  he  hated  mould  have  the  ho 
nour  of  fuch  a  piece  of  merit.  He  upon  that 
did  turn  all  his  wit  to  make  the  thing  appear  ri 
diculous,  and  impracticable.  He  represented  it 
H  h  2  as 


468  The;  HISTORY  of  'the  Reign 

1672.   as  tmfiife  on  many  accounts  .;  -and  as  a  defperate 
itroke,  that  put  things,  if,  it  .  foould  fuccecd,  out 
of  a  poffibiiity  of  treaty  or  reconciliation.     The 
King  could  not  withftand.this.  .Lord  .Offory  found 
.next   morning,    .that  the  King    had  changed   his 
mind.     Arid  it-broke  out,  by:  the  Dukepf  Buck 
ingham's  loofe  way  of  talking,  -that  it  .was  done 
by  his  means.    ,So  the  defign.was  laid  afide,     But 
when  the  peace  was  made,.  Lord  OfTory  told  it  to 
the  Dutch  Emhafifadors  :    And.faid.,   fmce  jje;.  did 
not  deflroy:them  by  touching-  them,  in  that  -.weak 
and  fore  part,  he.  had  no  .mind  they  fliould  lye  any 
longer  open  to   fuch  another.!  attack:".    .AVheij  tlije 
•EmbafFailors  wrote  this  over,  to  their  matters,  ail 
.were  ienfib'lc,  how  eafy  it,had:heen  to  ;h.ay.£  ifci 
;and  iecurcd.that:  place.-,  and.  .what-  a  tcwfyl 
:der  it  would  jiave  put  t;l|ei*V;tn  j.   And^upon 
.they  gave  order  .to  put  the.pljce,  in  a  betqer  poftur^e 
of  defence  for'.tbe  future*    So  $>^werfully  did^lpite 
.work  orirthofe  about  the-KiQg  :  .£.\\&fo,  e.afy:-wa5 
be.  to  the  inan  ^fv.wit  and  -hitmour^.  .The  Duke 
•ftaid  long  at;  fta^.in  hopes:  to  lj.ave  gpt-d^e  Rait 
India   iiegc.,    But  nth  ey  gai5ae':  failing  fo'rR^ar  ;  f.|ie 
(Uerman  coa{l,Lthat  the/y  paifecl  him,  beforeLhe.  w&p 
:aware  of  it;    S^^iie  -came,  back  .  after  a'  long  .anil 
ingloriouac^U'ip^gn/,   He,  loft-  the  honour  o|.;t4ife 
jadtion  that  was-'atiSolbay  -,,  and  miffed  the  \yeahli 
of  that  fleet,:  -whkh  he  -had  long  waited  for^i  . 
An  army  •   -I    ^'ill  ;  cx>mpleat  the  tracnfatjtiops  of   jthi^  .  m<5- 
from        -noorable  year  vvitii  an;,  .account;  of  the   impreiE.OP 
-cht    jhat  Luxentburgh  made  OR  .the  Dutch  near  the  era^l 
the'icelo  a^-  ^c  '  wWw^l6(#W  have  had  a  very  tragical  £.0a- 
Hoiland.   ^lufion,  if  a  happy  turn  of  .weather  had  not  laved 
•them,     StOiips.w,a.s  then  with  him.,  and  -was  in  the 
jfecret.     By  .maoy:  feints,  that  ainufed  the  Duteli 
fofkil)  fully,  that  there  was  no  fufpicion  of  -the  true 
defi^n,  all  was  prepared  for  an  in  vafion,  when  ,  a 
froft  fhoujd  come;     It  came  at  laft  :   And  at  froze 
and  thawed  by  turns  for  fome  time,  which    they 
reckon  makes  the.  ice  firmeil.     At  laft  a  froft  con 

tinued 


-  of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II. 
tinued  fo  ftrong  for-  fome  days,  that  upon  piercing    1672. 
and  examining  the  ice,  it  v/as  thought  it  could  not  c*-y~w 
be  difToived  by  any  ordinary  thaw,  in  lefs  than  two 
days.     So  about  midnight  Luxemburgh  marched  - 
out  of  Utrecht  towards  Leyden,  with  about  fix- 
teen  thoufand    men.     Thofe  of  Utrecht  told  me, 
that,  in  the  minute  in  which  they  began  to  march, 
a  thaw  wind  blew  very  frefh.     Yet  they   marched 
x  on  till  day    light,  and  came  to  Summerdam  and 
Bodegrave,  which  they  gained   not  without    diffi 
culty^    There  they   ftopt,  and  committed   many 
outrages  of  crying  lull  and  barbarous  cruelty  ;  and 
vented  their  impiety  in  very  blafphemous  expref- 
fions,  upon  the  continuance  of  the  thaw,  which 
now  had  quite  melted  the  ice,  fo  that  it  was  not 
poffible  to    go   back,    the    way  that    they  came, 
where  all  had  been  ice,  but  was  now  diflblved  to 
about   three   foot  depth   of  water.     There   were 
'  caufe-ways  :    And  they  were  forced  to  march  on 
thefe.     But  there  was'a  fort,  thro5  which  they  muft 
pafs.     And  one  Painevine  with  two  regiments  was 
ordered  to  keep  it,  with  fome  cannon   in  it.     If 
he  had  continued  there,  they  muft  all  have  been 
'taken  prifbners,  which  would  have  put  an  end   to 
the  war.     But,  when  he  faw  them  march  to  him 
in  the  morning,  he  gave  all  for  loft  ;  and  went  to 
Tero-ow,  where  he  gave  the  alarm,  as  if  all  was 
gone.     And  he  offered  to  them,  to  come  to  help 
them  by  that  garrilbn  to  a  better  capitulation.    So 
he  left  his  polt,  and  went  thither.     The   French 
army  not  being  ftopt  by  that  fort,  got  fofe  home. 
But  their  behaviour  in  thofe  two  villages  was  iuch, 
that,  as  great  pains  was  taken  to  fpread  it  over  the 
whole  country,  fo  it  contributed  not  a  little  to  the 
eftablifhing  the  Dutch  in  their  refolutions,  of  net 
only  venturing  but  of  lofing  all,  rather  than  come 
under  fo  cruel  a  yoke. 

.  Painevine's  withdrawing  had  loft  them  an  ad 
vantage  never  to  be  regained.     So  the   Prince  or- 
clered  a  Council  of  war  to  try  him.    He  pleaded,  u 
H  h  3  that- 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
that  the  place  was  not  tenable  •,  that  the  enemy^ 
had  pafs'd  it ;  fo  he  thought  the  ufe  it  was  intended 
for  was  loft  :  And  if  the  enemy  had  come  to  attack 
him,  he  muft  have  furrendered  upon  difcretion  : 
And  he  pleaded  farther,  that  he  went  from  it 
u}  on  the  defire  of  one  of  their  towns  to  fave  it. 
Upjn  this  defence,  he  was  acquitted  as  to  his  life, 
but  condemned  to  infamy,  as  a  coward,  and  to 
have  his  fword  broke  over  his  head,  and  to  be  for 
ever  banifhed  the  States  dominions.  But  an  ap 
peal  lay,  according  to  their  difcipline,  to  a  Coun 
cil  of  war  compoied  or  General  Officers  :  And 
they  confirmed  the  fentence.  The  towns  of  Hol 
land  were  highly  offended  at  thefe  proceedings. 
They  faid,  they  faw  the  officers  were  refolved  to 
be  gentle  to  one  another,  and  to  fave  their  fellow 
officers,  how  guilty  foever  they  might  be.  The 
Prince  yielded  to  their  mftances,  and  brought  him 
to  a  third  trial  before  himfelf,  and  a  Court  of  the 
fupreme  officers,  in  which  they  had  the  afliftance 
of  fix  Judges.  Painevine  flood  on  it,  that  he  had 
undergone  two  trials,  which  was  all  that  the  mar 
tial  law  fubjecled  him  to ;  and  in  thofe  he  was  ac 
quitted.  Yet  this  was  over -ruled.  It  was  urged 
againft  him,  that  he  himfelf  was  prefent  in  the 
Council  of  war  that  ordered  the  making  that  fort  -, 
and  he  knew,  that  it  was  not  intended  to  be  a  place 
tenable  againft  an  army,  but  was  only  meant  to 
make  a  little  ftand  for  fome  time,  and  was  intend 
ed  for  a  defperate  ftate  of  affairs  ;  and  that  there 
fore  he  ought  nor  to  have  left  his  poft,  bccaufe  of 
the  danger  he  was  in  :  He  faw  the  thaw  began; 
and  fo  ought  to  have  ftaici,  at  leaft  till  he  had  feen 
how  far  that  would  go  :  And  being  put  there  by 
the  Prince,  he  was  to  receive  orders  from  none  but 
him.  Upon  thefe  grounds  he  was  condemned, 
and  executed,  to  the  great  fatisfadion  of  the 
States,  but  to  the  general  diiguft  of  all  the  officers, 
who  thought  they  were  fafe  in  the  hands  of  an 
ordinary  council  of  war,  and  did  not  like  this  new 
method  of  proceeding.  They, 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

They  were  alfo  not  a  little  troubled  at  the  Uriel 
difcipline  that  the  Prince  fettled,  and  at  the  fevere 
execution  of  it.  But  by  this  means  he  wrought 
up  his  army  to  a  pitch  of  obedience  and  courage, 
of  fobriety  and  good  order,  that  things  put  on 
another  face  :  And  all  men  began  to  hope  that 
their  armies  would  acl  with  another  fpirit,  now 
that  the  difcipline  was  fo  carefully  look'd  to.  It 
feems  the  French  made  no  great  account  of  them  : 
For  they  releafed  twenty  five  thoufand  prifoners, 
taken  in  feveral  places  for  fifty  thoufand  crowns. 

Thus  I  have  gone  far  into  the  itate  of  affairs  of 
Holland  in  this  memorable  year.     I  had   mod  of 
thete  particulars    from   Dyckvelt   and   Halewyn, 
And  I  thought  this  great  turn  deferved  to  be  fet 
out  with  all  the  copioufnefs,  with  which  my  infor 
mations  could  furnim  me.   This  year  the  King  de-  A  French 
clared  a  new  Miftrefs,  and   made  her  Dutchefs  of  Miibeis 
Portfmouth.     She  had  been  Maid  of  Honour  to  j^ceherg 
Madame,  the  King's  filler,    and  had  come  over  Of  pon^ 
with  her  to  Dover  ;  where  the  King  had  expreiled  mouth. 
Rich  a  regard  to  her,  that  the  Duke  of  Bucking 
ham,  who  hated  the  Dutchefs  of  Cleveland,  in 
tended  to  put  her  on  the  King.     He  told  him,  that 
it  was  a  decent  piece  of  tendernefs  for  his  filter,  to 
take  care  of  fome   of  her  fervants.     So  Hie  was 
the  perfon  the  King  eafily  confented  to  invite  over. 
That  Duke  aflured  the  King  of  France,  that  he 
could  never  reckon  himfelf  fure  of  the  King,  but 
by  giving  him  a  Miftrefs  that  mould  be  true  to  his 
interefls.     It  was  foon  agreed  to.     So   the   Duke 
of  Buckingham  fent  her  with  a  part  of  his  equi 
page  to  Dieppe  ;  and  laid,  he  would  prefently  fol 
low.     But  he,  who  was  the  moil  inconflant  and 
forgetful  of  all  men,  never  thought  of  her  more  ; 
but  went  to  England  by  the  way  of  Calais.     So 
Montague,  then  Ernbadador  at  Paris,  hearing  of 
this,  lent  over  for  a  Yacht  for  her,  and  fent  fome 
of  his  fervants  to  wait  on  her,  and  to  -defray  her 
charge,  till   fhe  was  brought  to  Whitehall :  And 
H  h  4  then 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
then  Lord  Arlington  took  care  of  her.  So  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham  loft  the  merit  he  might  have 
pretended  to  ;  and  brought  over  a  Miitrefs,  whom 
his  own  ftrange  conduct  threw  into  the  -hands  of 
his  enemies.  The  King  was  prefently  taken  with 
her.  She  ftudied  to  pleaie  and  oblerve  him  in 
everything  :  So  that  he  pafs'd.away  the  reft  of 
his  life  in  a  great  fondnefs  for  her.  He  kept  her 
at  a  vail  charge.  And  fne,  by  many  6ts  of  fick- 
pefs,  fome  believed  real,  and  others  thought  only 
pretended,  gained  of  him  every  thing  fhe  defined, 
'She  ftuck  firm  to  the  French  intereft,  and  was  its 
chief  fupport.  The  King  divided  himfelf  between 
her  and  Miftrefs  Gwyn  •,  and  had  no  other  avowecl 
amour.  But  he  was  fo  entirely  pofieffed  by  the 
Dutchefs  of  Portfmouth,  and  fo  engaged  by  her. 
in  the  French  intereft,  that  this  threw  him  into, 
great  difficulties,  and  expofcd  him  to  much  con 
tempt  and  diftruit. 

I  now  return  to  the  affairs  of  Scotland,  to  give 
T'Und  an  account  °f  a  Sefiion  of  Parliament,  and  the  other 
tranfa<5tions  there  in  this  critical  year.  About  the 
end  pf  May,  Duke  Lauderdale  came  down  with 
his  Lady  in  great  pomp.  He  was  much  lifted  up 
with- the  French  fuccefs  •,  and  took  fuch  pleafure  in 
talking  of  De  Wit's  fate,  that  it  could  not  be  heard 
without  horror.  He  treated  all  people  with  fuch 
jcorn,  that  few  were  able  to  bear  it.  He  adjourn 
ed  the  Parliament  for  a  fortnight,  that  he  might 
carry  his  Lady  round  the  country  •,  and  was  every 
.where  waited  on,  and  entertained,  with  as  much 
refpect,  and  at  as  great  a  charge,  as  if  the  King 
had  been  there  in  peribn.  This  enraged  the  No 
bility.  And  they  made  great  applications  to  Duke 
Lauder-  Jiamilton,  to  lead  a  party  againfi  him,  and  to  op-- 
dale's  f  pofe  the  tax,  that  he  demanded,  of  a  whole  year's 

Flen'e""  ai^e^men^  ^  ^oon  grew  ^>  weary  of  the  Court, 
tho'  there  was  fcarce  a  perfon  fo  well  tiled  by  him 
as  I  myfelf  was,  that  I  went  out  of  .town.  But 
Duke  Hamihqn  fent  for  me  i  and  told  me,  hovy 

vehemently 


ff~  of  King  C  H  A  R  L  s  s  II.  473 

vehemently  he  was  folicited  by  the  majority  of  the    1672. 
Nobility   to  oppofe  the  demand  of  the  tax.    He 
had   promifed    me  not   to  oppofe  taxes  in  gene 
ral  :  And  I  had  affured  Duke  Lauderdale   of  it. 
But  he  faid,  this  demand  was  fo  extravagant,  that 
he  did  not  imagine  it  would  go  fo  far  :  So  he  did 
not  think  himfelf  bound,  by  a  promife   made   in 
general  words,  to  agree  to  fuch  a  high  one.  Upon 
this  I  fpoke  to  Duke  Lauderdale,  to  mew  him  the 
inclinations  many  had  to  an  oppofition  to,  that  de 
mand,  and  the  danger  of  it.      He  rejefted  it  in  a 
brutal  manner,  faying,  they  durft  as  foon  be  damned 
as  oppofe  him,  Yet  1  made  him  fo  fenfible  of  it,  that 
he  appointed  the  Marquis  of  Athol  to  go  and  talk 
in  his  name  to  Duke  Hamilton,  who  moved  that 
I  might  be  prefent :  And  that  was  eafily  admitted. 
Lord*  Athol  preffed  Duke  Hamilton  to  come  into 
an  entire  confidence  with  Duke  Lauderdale  •,  and 
promifed,  that  he  Ihould  have  the  chief  direction, 
of  all  affairs  in  Scotland  under  the  other.     Duke 
Hamilton   afked,    how   flood  the  Parliament   of 
England  affected  to  the  war.     Lord  Athol  affured 
him,  there  was  a  fettled  defign  of  having  no  more 
Parliaments   in   England.     The  King   would  be 
mailer,  and  would  be  no  longer  curbed  by  a  Houfe 
of  Commons.     He  alfo.  laid  out  the  great  advan 
tages  that  Scotland,   more  particularly  the  great 
"Nobility,  might  find  by  finking  in  heartily  with 
the  King's  defigns,  and  of  making  him  abfolute 
in  England.     Duke  Hamilton   anfwered  very  ho- 
neftly,  that  he  would  never  engage  in  fuch  de 
figns  :    He  would  be  always  a  good  and  faithful 
fubjedt :    But  he  would  be  likewile  a  good  coun 
tryman.     He  was  very  unwilling  to  concur  in  the 
land  tax.     He  faid,  Scotland  had  no  reafon  to  en 
gage  in  the  war,  fince  as  they  might  fuffer  much 
by°it,  fo  they  could  gain  nothing,  neither  by  the 
prefent  war,    nor  by  any  peace  that   (hould  be 
jnade.     Yet  he  was  prevailed  on,  in  conclufion, 
to  ap-ree  to  it.     And  upon  that  the  bufmefs  of  the 

icflion 


474  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1672.  feffion  of  Parliament  went  on  fmoothly  without 
^y-xo  any  oppofition. 

The  Dutchefs  of  Lauderdale,  not  contented 
with  the  great  appointments  they  had,  fet  her- 
felf  by  all  pofTible  methods  to  raife  money.  They 
lived  at  a  vaft  expence  :  And  every  thing  was  fet 
to  fale.  She  carried  all  things  with  a  haughtinefs, 
that  could  not  have  been  eafily  born  from  a  Queen. 
She  talked  of  all  people  with  an  ungoverned  free 
dom,  and  grew  to  be  univerfally  hated.  I  was 
out  of  meafure  weary  of  my  attendance  at  their 
Court,  but  was  preiTed  to  continue  it.  Many 
found  I  did  good  offices.  I  got  fome  to  be  confi- 
dered,  and  advanced,  that  had  no  other  way  of 
accefs.  But  that  which  made  it  more  necelFary 
was,  that  I  law  Sharp  and  his  creatures  were  mak 
ing  their  Court  with  the  mod  'abjed:  flattery,  and 
all  the  fubmiffions  poffible.  Leightoun  went  fel- 
dom  to  them,  tho'  he  was  always  treated  by  them 
with  great  diftin&ion.  So  it  was  neceflary  for  me 
to  be  about  them,  and  keep  them  right :  Other- 
wife  all  our  defigns  were  loft  without  recovery. 
This  led  me  to  much  uneafy  compliance  •,  tho'  I 
afferted  my  own  liberty,  and  found  fo  often  fault 
with  their  proceedings,  that  once  or  twice  I  uied 
fuch  freedom,  and  it  was  fo  ill  taken,  that  I 
thought  it  was  fit  for  me  to  retire.  Yet  I  was 
fent  for,  and  continued  in  fuch  high  favour,  that 
I  was  again  tried  if  1  would  accept  of  a  Bifhoprick, 
and  was  promifed  the  firft  of  the  two  Archbifhop- 
ricks  that  mould  fall.  But  I  was  ilill  fixed  in  my 
former  rcfolutions,  not  to  engage  early,  being 
then  but  nine  and  twenty  :  Nor  could  I  come  into 
a  dependence  on  them. 

HP  ex-          Duke  Lauderdale  at  his  coming  down  had  ex- 

pe&ed  ad-pe6led,    that  the  Prefbyterians  mould  have   ad- 

Kr  drefTed  themfelves  to  him  for  a  fhare  in  that  li- 

a  i  olera-  berty,  which  their  brethren  had  now  in  England  ; 

and  which  he  had  aflerted  in   a  very  particular 

manner  at  the  Council  table  in  White-hall.     One 

i  Whatley, 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

Whatley,  a  Juftice  of  peace  in  Lincolnfhire,  if  I 
remember  the  County  right,  had  difturbed  one  of 
the  Meeting-houfes,  that  had  got  a  licence  purfu- 
ant  to  the  declaration  for  a  Toleration  :    And  he 
had  fet  fines  on  thofe  that  met  in  it,  conformably 
to  the  Acl  againft  Conventicles.     Upon  which  he 
was  brought  up  to  Council,    to  be   reprimanded 
for  his  high  contempt  of  his  Majefty's  declaration. 
Some  Privy  Counfellors  fhewed  their  zeal  in  fe- 
vere  reflections  on  his  proceedings.     Duke  Lau- 
derdale  carried  the  matter  very  far  :    He  faid,  the 
King's  edidts  were  to  be  confidered,  and  obeyed  as 
laws,  and  more  than  any  other  laws.     This  was 
writ  down  by  fome  that  heard  it,  who  were  re- 
folved  to  make  ufe  of  it  againft  him  in  due  time. 
He   looked  on  near  two  months   after  he  came 
down  from  Scotland,  waiting  ftill  for  an  applica 
tion  for  liberty  of  confcience.     But  the  defigns  of 
the  Court  were  now  clearly  feen  into.     The  Pref- 
byferians  underftood,  they  were  only  to  be  made 
ufe  of  in  order  to  the  introducing  of  Popery.    So 
they  refolved  to  be  filent  and  paiTive.     Upon  this 
he   broke  out  into  fury  and  rage  againft  them. 
Conventicles  abounded  in  all  places  of  the  coun 
try.      And  fome  furious  zealots  broke  into  the 
houfes  of  fome  of  the  Minifters,  wounding  them 
and  robbing  their  goods,  forcing  fome  of  them  to 
fwear,  that  they  would  never  officiate  any  more  in 
their  Churches.     Some  of  thefe  were  taken,  and 
executed.     I  vifited  them   in   prifon  ;  and  faw  in 
them  the  blind  madnefs  of  ill  grounded  zeal,  of 
which  they  were  never  fully  convinced.     One  of 
them  feemed  to  be  otherwife  no  ill  man.    Another 
of  them  was  a  bold  villain.     He  juftified  all  that 
they  had  done,    from  the  Ifraelites  robbing  the 
./Egyptians,  and  deftroying  the  Canaanites. 

That  which   gave  Duke  Lauderdale    a  jufter  Defign« 
ground  of  offence  was,  that  one  Carftairs,  much  j^°™  ™ " 
employed  fince  that  tkne  in  greater  matters,  was  rail-e  a  rc- 
taken  in  a  fhip  that  came  from  Rotterdam.     He  b  llion  in 

himfelfScodand. 


47 6  \  The.H  i  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1672. himfelf  efcaped  out  of  their  hands:  But  his  let-'/ 
XYN;  ters  were  taken.     They  had  a  great  deal  writ  in  I 
white  ink  \  which  {hewed,  that  the  defign  of  fend 
ing,  him  ever  was,  to  know  in  what  difpofition  the 
people  were,  promifing  arms  and  other  neceiTaries, 
if  they  were  in   a  condition  to  give  the  Govern 
ment  any    difturbance.      But   the  whole   was  fa 
darkly  writ,  much  being  referred  to  the  bearer, 
that  it  was  not  pofTible  to  underitand  what  lay  hid 
under  fo  many  myiterious  exprefTions.     Upon  this 
a  fevere  profecution  of  Conventicles  was  let  on 
foot :    And  a  great  deal  of  money  was  raifed  by 
arbitrary  fines.     Lord  Athol  made  of  this  in  one 
week  1900!.  fter.     I  did  all  I  could  to  moderate 
this  fury  :  But  all  was  in  vain.    Duke  Lauderdale 
broke  out  into  the  moft  frantick  fits  of  rage  pof-  - 
iible.     When  I  was  once  faying  to  him,  was  that  • 
a  time  to  drive  them  .into  a  rebellion  ?    Yes,  laid 
he,  would  to  Gqd  they  would   rebel,  that  fo  he 
might  brine;  over  an  army  of  Irifh  Papifts  to  cut 
all 'their  throats.     Such  a  fury  as  this  feemed  to 
furrriili  work  for  a  phyfician,  rather  than  for  any 
other  fort  of  men.     But  after  he  had  let  himfdf ' 
loofe  into,  theie  fits  for  near  a  month,  he  calmed 
all  on  the  fudden  :    Perhaps  upon  Ibme  ligniiica- 
tion  from  the. King;  for  the  party  complained  to 
their  friends  in  London,  who  had  flill  Come  credit 
at  Court. 

A  farther    .- He -called  for  me  all  on   the  fudden,  and  put 
Jndul-       me  in  niind  of  the  project  I  had  laid  beiore  him, 
getice.      Of  putting. all  the  ou ted  Miniiters  by  couples  in 
to  parifhes :    So  that  inftead  of  wandring  about 
the  country,    to  hold  Conventicles  in  all  places, 
they  might  be  fixed  to  a  certain  abode,  and  every 
one  might  have  the  half  of  a  benefice.    I  was  ftill- 
of  the  fame  mind  :    And  f6  was  Leigluoun  -,  who 
'compared   this    to   the  gathering  the  coals    that 
'were- Scattered  over  the  houfe,    fetting  it  all  orv 
fire,  into  the  chimney,    where-, they  might  burn 
away  lately.     Duke  Laucjerdale  fee  about  it  im- 

niediately  \ 


r)X>f  King  CHARLES'  II;  477 

mediately:  And  the  benefit  of  the  Indulgence  .5672. 
.was  extended  to  forty  more-  Churches.  This$  if 
followed  as  to  that  of  doubting'  them  in  a  parifa, 
and  of  confining  them  within  their  parifhes,  would 
.have  probably  laid'  a  >  flame  that  was  fpreading 
over  the  Nation*  ; and  was  like'  to1,  prove  fatal  in 
conclufion.  '.But  Buke'Laudetfda-1-e's  way  was,  to 
govern  by  fits,-  and -to  pals  from  hot  to  cold  ones, 
.:always  in  extreams.  So  this  "»of  doubling  them, 
jwhich  was  .the  chief  part  o'-'oiir  ic.reme,  was  quite 
.neglected.  Single  Miniiters  "  went  into  thofe 
Churches :  And  thofe,  who  \\  ^p'Tiot-  yet  -provided 
-for,  i. -went  about  the  country  •  •  ConveMi- 

•cles  very  boldly, -  without  a$;y  te  i&ftdh;;-.:'.  And  no 
care.iat.  all  was  takeivof  the«H1tdJf-;^: 
r u rSharp  and  hish  inft ruiberrts- 3cdt3k  (3>:caiion-  from 
tliis  to  /  complain^ i  -that  the  C,'#uwfer  was  Rikied 
by  I  Leightoun's  means,;  :>Aivd  l/^cu^ted  not  my  retire,  and 
•/hare  'in  the  .charge-  LAhd-1  eit^ct*/ '.-le- remMhtfe  to  ieave 
of  the;  government --was -  vigils  yytd?.  there  wa;s  juH:  hl3  See- 
•caufe  ,-of  compdaiat;  i  Gre/4t-  wwti  »  ?'  met  in'1  the 
fields.  •  Men"-  Wdnif  > TO«  '  ckoi d i/ri i«*:r nif|s  with  fuefi 
armsras  they  hadu  i.And  vVe^weje^bi<imed  fof  all 
£hisvri!  It  .was  laidv''^that  tl£:^sj  eiisti-fo  far  beyorid 
•Wihat^-a  ;principbe  efafrifhfocidraifbn  -could  fuggeft, 
that  .we  did  certainly,  defign  to  rum  'and  overturn 
$heo  conflitution..  -  rjL'eightoun  upon  all  this  coni 
eluded  he  could  da:  rroLgoad-'on .^ei^fer<  fide?  He 
had  gained  no  ^:dundioa;thp'.P;Ceil>yterians;  and 
was.  fufpeded  and  hated"  by  the  Epiicopal  party^ 
So  he^refolveditaoretire  IVom-  all  publickemploy- 
rneiits, .  and  to;  fpend  the  reil  ;x>f  his  day^-in  a 
coiner,  for  'frojn  fnoife  and  builnefs,  and  to  give 
himfelf  \7holJy  to  prayer  and- meditation,  fince  he 
faw  he  could  not  carry  on  his  great  defigns  of 
healing  and  reforming  the  Church, -on  which- he 
had  jfet  his  heart.  He  brad. gathered  together  many 
jnilances  out  .of  ..Church  hiitory  of:  Bifhops  that 
had  Jeft  their -Sees,  and  retired  from  the -worlds 
was  much  pleafed  with  thefe.  He  and  I 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
1672.  had  many  difcourfes  on  this  argument.  I  thought 
a  man  ought  to  be  determined  by  the  providence 
of  God,  and  to  continue  in  the  ftation  he  was  in, 
tho'  he  could  not  do  all  the  good  in  it  that  he  had 
propofed  to  himfelf :  He  might  do  good  in  a 
private  way  by  his  example,  and  by  his  labours, 
more  than  he  himfelf  could  know  :  And  as  a  man 
ought  to  fubmit  to  ficknefs,  poverty,  or  other 
afflictions,  when  they  are  laid  on  him  by  the  hand 
providence ;  fo  I  thought  the  labouring  without 
fuccefs  was  indeed  a  very  great  trial  of  patience, 
yet  fuch  labouring  in  an  ungrateful  employment 
was  a  crofs,  and  fo  was  to  be  born  with  fubmif- 
fion  j  and  that  a  great  uneafincfs  under  that,  or 
the  forfaking  a  ftation  becaufe  of  it,  might  be 
the  effect  of  fecret  pride,  and  an  indignation 
againft  providence.  He  on  the  other  hand  faid, 
his  work  feemed  to  be  at  an  end :  He  had  no 
more  to  do,  unlefs  he  had  a  mind  to  pleafe  him 
felf  with  the  lazy  enjoying  a  good  revenue.  So 
he  could  not  be  wrought  on  by  all  that  could  be 
laid  before  him  ;  but  followed  Duke  Lauderdale 
to  Court,  and  begged  leave  to  retire  from  his 
Archbifhoprick.  The  Duke  would  by  no  means 
confent  to  this.  So  he  defired,  that  he  might  be 
allowed  to  do  it  within  a  year.  Duke  Lauder 
dale  thought  fo  much  time  was  gained  :  So  to  be 
rid  of  his  importunities  he-  moved  the  King  to 
promife  him,  that,  if  he  did  not  change  his 
mind,  he  would  within  the  year  accept  of  his  re- 
fignation.  He  came  back  much  p leafed  with 
what  he  had  obtained  ;  and  faid  to  me  upon  it, 
there  was  now  but  one  uneafy  ilage  between  him 
and  reft,  and  he  would  wreftle  thro*  it  the  belt 
he  could. 

And  now  I  am  come  to  the  period  that  I  fet  out 
for  this  book.  The  world  was  now  in  a  general 
combuflion,  fet  on  by  the  ambition  of  the  Court 
of  France,  and  fupported  by  the  feeblenefs  and 
treachery  of  the  Court  of  England.  A  Hand 

was 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

was  made  by  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  the 
Elector  of  Brandenburgh.  But  the  latter,  not  be 
ing  in  time  allifted  by  the  Emperor*  was  forced  to 
accept  of  fuch  conditions  as  he  could  obtain. 
This  winter  there  was  great  practice  in  all  the 
Courts  of  Europe,  by  the  Agents  of  France,  to 
lay  them  every  where  afleep  •,  and  to  make  the 
world  look  on  their  King's  defign  in  that  cam 
paign,  as  a  piece  of  glory,  for  the  humbling  of  a 
rich  and  proud  Common-wealth  j  and  that,  as 
foon  as  that  was  done  fuitably  to  the  dignity  of 
the  Great  Monarch,  he  would  give  peace  to  the 
world,  after  he  had  fhewn  that  nothing  could  Hand 
before  his  arms.  But  the  opening  the  progrefs  of 
thefe  negotiations,  and  the  turn  that  the  affairs  of 
Europe  took,  belongs  to  the  next  period. 


BOOK 


Jv>   «(lli..^! 

r>*.u  q:  2 
brifiii  bii 

to  ti -''.:.* 


s'j."    oyg 


3HO       c^iv/    3f;li'J    8£ 

sd  «ii:>ififipM  li 


J  Jua     ,2Hii£  eu  s 

il   f'.nft       •  fUii  -  vl  f  •;  '-Of! 


THE 


HISTORY 


O  F 


My  Own  Times* 


BOOK     III. 


.  .  .     .     ; 

Of  the  reft  of  King  Charles  H's  reign,  from 
the  year  1673  to  the  year  1685,  in  which 
he  died. 


[therto  the  reign  of  King  Charles  1673." 
was  pretty  ferene  and  calm  at  home.  <— - NT*- 
A  nation,  wearv  of  a  Ions  civil  pr*ac 

4  r^i      ,  P     .         loufies  or 

war,  was  not  eafily  brought  into  the  Kintr< 
jealoufies  and  fears,  which  were  the 
feeds  of  diftradion,  and  might  end 
in  new  confufions  and  troubles.  But  the  Court 
had  now  given  fuch  broad  intimations  of  an  ill 
defign,  both  on  our  religion  and  the  civil  confti- 
tution,  that  it  was  no  more  a  jealoufy  :  All  was 
now  open  and  barefaced.  In  the  King's  prefence 
the  Court-flatterers  were  always  magnifying  able- 
lute  government,  and  reflecting  on  the  infolence 
of  a  Houfe  of  Commons.  The  King  faid  once 
to  the  Earl  of  Eflex,  as  he  toid  me,  that  he  did 
not  wifti  to  be  like  a  Grand  Sfgnior,  with  fome 
'  VOL,  I,  I  i  mutes 


The  HISTORY  ot  the  Reign 
mutes  about  him,  and  bags  of  bow-firings  to 
ftrangle  men,  as  he  had  a  mind  to  it  :  But  he  did 
not  think  he  was  a  King,  as  long  as  a  company 
of  fellows  were  looking  into  all  his  actions,  and 
examining  his  Miniit-ers,  as  well  as  his  accounts.  • 
He  reckoned,  now  he  had  fet  the  Church  party 
at  fuch  a  diftance  from  the  dhTenters,  that  it  was 
impoffible  to  make  them  join,  in  oppofition  to 
his  defigns."  He  hoped,  the  Church  party  would 
be  always  fubmiffive  :  And  he  had  the  difienters 
at  mercy. 

The  proceedings  of  the  former  year  had  open 
ed  all  mens  eyes.  The  King's  own  religion  was 
fufpected,  as  his  brother's  was  declared  :  And  the 
whole  conduct  fhewed  a  defign  to  govern  by  the 
French  model.  A  French  General  was  brought 

Schom-     over  to  command  our  armies.    Count  Schomberg, 
who  was  a  German  by  birth,    (but  his  mother  was 

tcTcom*     an  Englifli  woman,)    was  fent  over.     He  was  a 


the  firm  proteftant,  and  ferved  at  firft  in  Holland.  But 
army.  upon  the  Prince  of  Orange's  death  he  went  into 
France,  where  he  grew  into  fo  high  a  reputation, 
that  he  was  kept  under  and  not  raifed  to  be  a 
marmal,  only  on  the  account  of  his  religion. 
He  was  a  calm  man,  of  great  application  and 
conduct.  He  thought  much  better  than  he  fpoke. 
He  was  a  man  of  true  judgment,  of  great  pro 
bity,  and  of  an  humble  and  obliging  temper  : 
And  at  any  other  time  of  Jhis  life  he  would  have 
been  very  acceptable  to  the  Englifh.  But  now  he 
was  looked  'on  as  one  fent  over  from  France, 
to  bring  our  army  under  a  French  difcipline  : 
And  fo  he  was  hated  by  the  nation,  and  not  much 
loved  by  the  Court.  He  was  always  prefling  the 
King  to  declare  himfelf  the  head  of  the  Proteftant 
party.  I;ic  prefs'd  him  likewife  to  bring  his  bro 
ther  over  from  popery  :  But  the  King  fakl  to 
him,  you  know  my  brother  long  ago,  tl>at  he  is 
as  iliff  as  a  mule.  He  liked  the  way  of  Charen- 
tea  fo  well,  that  he  went  once  a  week  in  London 


of  King  CH  A  RL  ES  II. 
to  the  French  Church  there,  that  was  accord-  1673. 
ing  to  that  form :  So  the  Duke  and  Lord  ^V^ 
Clifford  looked  on  him  as  a  prefbyterian,  and  an 
unfit  man  for  that  purpofe.  The  Duke  of  Bucking 
ham  hated  him ;  for  he  hoped  to  have  command 
ed  the  army.  And  as  an  army  is  a  very  unac 
ceptable  thing  to  the  Englilh  nation,  fo  it  catne 
to  be  the  more  odious,  when  commanded  by  a 
General  fent  over  from  France.  Schomberg  told 
me,  he  faw  it  was  impomble  that  the  King  could 
bring  any  great  defign  to  a  good  effecl: :  He 
loved  his  eafe  fo  much,  that  he  never  minded  bu- 
fmefs  :  And  every  thing  that  was  faid  to  him  of 
affairs  was  heard  with  fo  little  attention,  that  k 
made  no  impreflion. 

The  miniftry  was  all  broke   to  pieces.     The  The 
Duke  of  Buckingham  was  alone,  hated  by  all,  as  Court  wa 

,     ,       °  „         -r-»        i  r  •     i  rr.Uch  di~ 

he  hated  all  the  reft.  But  he  went  lo  entirely  into  videda 
all  their  ill  defigns,  that  the  King  confidered  him, 
and  either  loved  or  feared  him  fo  much,  that  he 
had  a  deep  root  with  him.  Lord  Clifford  ftuck 
firm  to  the  duke,  and  was  heated  with  the  defiga 
of  bringing  in  popery,  even  to  enthufiafm.  It 
was  believed,  if  the  defign  had  fucceeded,  he  had 
agreed  with  his  wife  to  take  orders,  and  to  afpirc 
to  a  cardinal's  hat.  He  grew  violent,  and  could 
fcarce  fpeak  with  patience  of  the  Church  of  Eng 
land,  and  of  the  Clergy.  The  Earl  of  Arling 
ton  thought,  that  the  defign  was  now  loft,  and 
that  it  was  neceflary  for  the  King  to  make  up  with 
his  people  in  the  beft  manner  he  could.  The  EarF 
of  Shaftfbury  was  refolved  to  fave  himfelf  on  any 
terms. 

The  money  was  exhaufted  :  So  it  was  neceffary  A 
to  have  a  feffion  of  Parliament.     And  one  was  of 
called    in  the    beginning  of  the  year.      At  the 
opening  it,  the  King  excufed  the  iffuing  out  the 
writs,  as  done  to  fave  time,  and  to  have  a  full 
Houfe  at  the  firft  opening  :  But  he  left  that  mat 
ter  wholly  to  them  :    He  fpoke  of  the  declaration 

1  i  2.  for 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
for  liberty  of  conference  in  another  ftyle  :  He 
faid,  he  had  feen  the  good  effects  of  it ;  and  that 
he  would  flick  to  it,  and  maintain  it :  He  faid, 
he  was  engaged  in  a  war  for  the  honour  of  the 
Nation,  and  therefore  he  demanded  the  fupplies 
that  were  neceffary  to  carry  it  on.  On  thefe 
heads  Lord  Shaftfbury  enlarged.  But  no  part  of 
his  fpeech  was  more  amazing  than  that,  fpeak- 
ing  of  the  war  with^the  Dutch,  he  faid,  Delenda 
eft  Carthago.  Yet,'  while  he  made  a  bafe  com 
plying  fpeech  in  favour  of  the  Court,  and  of  the 
war,  he  was  in  a  fecret  management  with  another 
party. 

The  De-  The  Houfe  of  Commons  was  upon  this  all  in 
clarapon  a  flame.  They  faw  Popery  and  flavery  lay  at  the 
was  voced  bottom.  Yet,  that  they  might  not  grafp  at  too 
1  e£  '  much  at  once,  they  refoived  effectually  to  break 
the  whole  defign  of  Popery'.  They  argued  the 
matter  of  the  Declaration  j  whether  it  was  ac 
cording  to  law  or  not.  It  was  plainly  an  annul 
ling  of  the  penal  Laws,  made  both  againft  Pa- 
pifts  and  Diffenters.  It  was  faid,  that  tho'  the 
King  had  a  power  of  pardoning,  yet  he  had  not 
a  power  to  author ife  men  to  break  laws.  This 
muft  infer  a  power  to  alter  the  whole  govern 
ment.  The  flrength  of  every  law  was  the  pe 
nalty  laid  upon  offenders :  And,  if  the  King 
could  fecure  offenders  by  indemnifying  them  be 
fore  hand,  it  was  a  vain  thing  to  make  laws  ; 
fmce  by  that  maxim  they  had  no  force,  but  at  the 
King's  discretion.  Thofe  who  pleaded  for  the 
Declaration  pretended  to  put  a  difference  between 
penal  Laws  in  fpiritual  matters,  and  all  others  : 
And  faid,  that  the  King's  fupremacy  feemed  to 
give  him  a  peculiar  authority  over  thefe  :  By  vir 
tue  of  this  it  was,  that  the  fynagogue  of  the 
Jews,  and  the  Walloon  Churches,  had  been  fo 
long  tolerated.  But  to  this  it  was  anfwered,  that 
the  intent  of  the  law  in  afferting  the  fupremacy 
was  only  to  exclude  all  foreign  jurifdi&ion,  and 

to 


of  King  CHARLES   II.  485 

to  lodge  the  whole  authority  with  the  King  :  But  1673. 
that  was  ftill  to  be  bounded,  and  regulated  by  law  :  ^xv^' 
And  a  difference  was  to  be  made  between  a  conni 
vance,  .fuch  as  that  the  Jews  lived  under,  by 
which  they  were  frill  at  mercy,  and  a  legal  autho 
rity  :  The  Parliament  had  never  difputed  the  le 
gality  of  the  Patent  for  the  Walloon  congregations, 
which  was  granted  to  encourage  ftrangers,  pro- 
feffing  the  fame  religion,  to  come  among  us,  when 
they  were  perfecuted  for  it  in  their  own  country  : 
It  was  at  firft  granted  only  to  ftrangers  :  But  after 
wards  in  the  days  of  their  children,  who  were  na 
tives,  it  had  been  made  void  :  And  now  they  were 
excepted  by  a  fpecial  claufe  out  of  the  Act  of  Uni 
formity.  The  Houie  came  quickly  to  a  very  una 
nimous  refolution,  that  the  Declaration  was  againft 
law.  And  they  fet  that  forth,  in  an  addrefs  to 
the  King,  in  which  they  prayed  that  it  might  be 
called  in.  Some  were  Itudying.  to  divert  this,,,  by 
fetting  them  on  to  enquire  into  the  ifluing  out  the 
writs.  And  the  Court  feemed  willing  that  the 
ftorm  mould  break  on  Lord  Shaftfbury,  and  would 
have  gladly  compounded  the  matter  by  making 
him  the  facrifice.  He  law  into  that ;  and  fo  was 
reiblved  to  change  fides  with  the  firft  oppor 
tunity. 

The  Houfe  was  not  content  with  this  :  But  they  A  bill  for 
brought  in  a  bill  difabling  all  Papiils  from  hold-  a ne-,v  Kft. 
ing  any  employment,  or  place  at  Court  ;  requir 
ing  all  perfons  in  publick  truft  to  receive  the  Sa 
crament  in  a  parifli  Church,  and  to  carry  an  at- 
tefted  certificate  of  that,  with  witnefles  to  prove  it, 
into  Chancery  or  the  County  Seflions  •,  and  there 
to  make  a  declaration  renouncing  Tranfubftanti- 
ation  in  full  and  pofitive  words.  Great  pains  was 
taken  by  the  Court  to  divert  this.  I  hey  propofed 
that  fome  regard  might -be  had  to  Proteftant  Dii- 
fenters,  and  that  their  Meetings  might  be  allowed. 
By  this  means  they  hoped  to  have  let  them  and  the 
Church  party  into  new  heats  -,  for  now  all  were  uni- 
I  i  3  tcd 


4-86  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1673.  ted  againft  Popery*     Love   who   ferved  for   the 

\^\r^s  city  of  London,  and  was  himfelf  a  Diffenter,  faw 

Jhe  pru-  wnat  ill  effects  any  fuch  quarrels  might  have :    So 

the  Dif-     ke  moved,  that  an  effectual  fecurity  might  be  found 

tenterr.      agatnft  Popery,  and  that  nothing  might  interpofe 

till  that  was  done.     When  that  was  over,  then 

they  would  try  to  deferve   fome  favour  :  But   at 

prefent  they  were  willing  to  lye  under  the  feverity 

of  the  laws,  rather  than  clog  a  more  neceflary  work 

with   their  concerns.      The   chief  friends  of  the 

fects  agreed  to  this.    So  a  vote  pafs'd  to  bring  in  a 

bill  in  favour  of  Proteftant  Diflenters,  tho1  there 

•was  not  time  enough,  nor  unanimity  enough,  to 

finifn  one  this  feliion  :  For  it  went  no  farther  than 

a  fecond  reading,  but  was  dropt  in  the  Committee. 

But  this  prudent  behaviour  of  theirs  did  fo  foften 

the  Church  party,  that  there  was  no  more  votes 

nor  bills  offered  at  againft  them,  even  in  that  angry 

Parliament,  that  had  been  formerly  fo  fevere  upon 

them. 

The  Court  was  now  in  great  perplexity.  If  they 
c/Lords S  Save  waY  to  PrGceedings  in  the  Houfe  of  Com* 
rnons,  there  was  a  full  ftop  put  to  the  defign  for 
Popery  :  And  if  they  gave  not  way  to  it,  there  was 
an  end  of  the  war.  The  French  could  not  furnifh 
ps  with  fo  much  money,  as  was  ncceiTary  :  And 
the  fhutting  up  the  Exchequer  li.id  put  an  end  to 
all  credit.  The  Court  trieu  what  could  be  done 
in  the  Houfe  of  Lords.  Lord  Cluford  refolved  to 
aflfert  the  Declaration  with  all  the  force,  and  all  the 
arguments,  he  could  bring  for  it.  He  fhewed  the 
heads  he  intended  to  fpeak  on  to  the  King,  who 
approved  of  them,  and  fuggeited  fome  other  hints 
$o  him.  He  began  the  debate  with  rough  words  : 
He  called  the  vote  of  the  Commons  Monftrum 
Horrendum  Ingens,  and  run  on  in  a  very  high 
ftrain.  He  faid  all  that  could  be  faid,  with  great 
'heat,  and  many  indecent  expreflions.  When  he 
had  done,  the  Earl  of  Shaftfbury,  to  the  ajnaze- 
of  ih$  whole  Ho.ufe,  laid,  he,  muft  differ 

from 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  y  i 

fro.m  the  Lord  that  fpoke  lafl  toto  ccclo.  He  faid, 

while  thofe  matters  were  debated  out  of  doors,  he 

might  think  with  others,  that  the  Supremacy,  af- 

ferted  as  it  was  by  law,  did  warrant  the  Declaration  : 

But  now  that  fuch  a  Houle  of  Commons,  ib  loyal 

and  affectionate  to  the  King  were  of  another  mind, 

he  fubmitted  his  reafons  to  theirs  :  They  were  the 

King's  great  Council  :  They  muft  both  adviie  and 

fupport  him  :  They  had  done  it  •,  and  would  do  it 

ftili,  if  their  laws  and  their  religion  were  once  fe- 

cure  to  them.     The  King  was  all  in  a  fury  to  be 

thus  forfaken  by  his  Chancellor :  And  told  Lord 

Clifford,  how  well  he  was  pleafed  with  his  fpeech, 

and  how  highly  he  was  offended  with  the  other. 

The   debate  went   on,  and  upon   a  divifion   the 

Court  had  the  majority.      But  againft  that  vote 

about  thirty  of  the  moil  confiderable  of  the  Houfe 

protefted.      So   the  Court  faw,  they  had   gained 

nothing  in  carrying  a  vote,  that  drew  after  it  fuch 

a  proteftation. 

This  matter  took  foon  after  that  a  quick  turn. 
It  had  been  much  debated  in  the  cabinet,  what 
the  King  fhould  do.      Lord  Clifford  and  Duke 
Lauderdale  were  for  the  King's  {landing  his  ground. 
Sir  Ellis  Leightoun  affured  me,  that  the  Duke  of 
Buckingham  and  Lord  Berkeley  offered   to  the 
King,  if  he  would  bring  the  army  to  town,  that 
they  would  take  out  of  both  Houfes  the  Members 
that  made  the  oppofition.     He  fancied,  the  thing 
might  have  been  eafily  brought  about,  and  that, 
if  the  King  would  have  acled  with  the  fpirit  that 
he  fontetimes   put   on,  they    might  have   carried 
their  bufmefs.     Duke  Lauderdale  talked  of  bring 
ing  an    army  out  of   Scotland,    and   Ieizing  on  Cty 
Newcaftie  •,  and  prefs'd  this  with  as  much  vehe-  nion.sjn 
mence,  as  if  he  had  been  able  to  have  executed  it.  !h^u 
Lord  Clifford  faid  to  the  King,  his  people  did  now  c 
fee  thro'  all  his  defigns  :  And  therefore  he  muft 
refolve  to  make  himfelf  mafter  at  once,  or  be  for 
(ever  fubject  tp  much  jealoufv  and  contempt.    The 
I  i  4  Earls 


488  Tiic  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1673.  Earls  of  Shaftfbnry  and  Arlington  prefied  the 
King  on  the  other  hand  to  give  the  Parliament  full 
content  :  And  they  undertook  to  procure  him 
money  for  carrying  on  the  war  :  And,  if  he  was 
fuccefsful  in  that,  he  might  eafily  recover  what  he 
mu  ft  in  this  extremity  part  with.  This  fuited  the 
King's  own  temper.  Yet  the  Duke  held  him  in 


The 

1  r  -nch       ;  Colbert's  brother,  Croiffy,  was  then  the  French 

the  Embalfador  here.  Lord  Arlington  poflefled  him 
nr  10  witk  fucn  an  apprehcnfion  of  the  madnefs  of  vio- 
lent  counfels>  and  that  the  leaft  of  the  ill  effects 
tney  m'ght:  have  would  be  the  leaving  the  war 
wholly  on  the  French  King,  and  that  it  would  be 
impoflible  to  carry  it  on,  if  the  King  mould  run 
to  fuch  extremities,  as  fome  were  driving  him  to 
at  home  ;  that  he  gained  him  both  to  prefs  the 
King  and  his  brother  to  comply  with  the  Parlia 
ment,  and  to  fend  an  cxprcfs  to  his  own  maftcr, 
reprcfenting  the  whole  matter  in  the  light  in  which 
Lord  Arlington  had  fet  it  before  him. 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  day  in  which  the  matter 
had  been  argued  in  the  Houle  of  Lords,  the  Earls 
of  Shaft/bury  and  Arlington  got  ail  thofe  Mem 
bers  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons  on  whom  they 
had  any  influence,  (and  who  had  money  from  the 
King,  and  were  his  fpies,  but  had  leave  to  vote 
with  the  party  againft  the  Court,  for  procuring 
them  the  more  credit)  to  go  privately  to  him, 
and  to  tell  him  that  upon  Lord  Clifford's  fpeech 
the  Houfe  was  in  fuch  fury,  that  probably  they 
would  have  gone  to  fome  high  votes  and  impeach 
ments  :  But  the  Lord  Shaftfbnry  fpeaking  on  the 
other  fide  rcftrained  them  :  They  believed,  he 
fpokc  the  King's  fenfe,  as  the  other  did  the  Duke's  : 
This  calmed  them.  So  they  made  the  King  ap 
prehend,  that  the  Lord  Chancellor's  fpeech,  with 
which  he  had  been  fo  much  offended,  was  really 
?  great  fervice  done  him  :  And  they  perfuaded  him 
farther,  that  he  rpight^iow  fare  himfelf,  and  obtain 

an 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  489 

an  indemnity  for  his  Minifters,  if  he  would  part   1672; 
with  the  Declaration,  and  pafs  the  bill.     This  was  v-*>v^- 
fo  dextroufly  managed  by  Lord  Arlington,  who  The  King 
got  a  great  number  of  the  Members  to  go  one 
after  another  to  the  King,  who  by  concert  fpoke  all 
the  fame  language,  that  before  night  the  King  was 
quite  changed,  and  faid  to  his  brother,  that  Lord 
Clifford  had  undone  himfelf,  and  had  fpoiled  their 
bufmefs  by  his  mad  fpeech ;  and  that,  tho*  Lord 
Shaftfbury  had  fpoke  like  a  rogue,  yet  that  had 
ftopt  a  fury  which  the  indifcretion  of  the   other 
had  kindled,  to  fuch  a  degree   that  he  could  ferve 
him  no  longer.     He  gave  him  leave  to  let  him 
know  all  this.     The  Duke  was  ilruck  with  this  ; 
and  imputed  it  wholly  to  Lord  Arlington's  ma 
nagement.     In  the  evening  he  told  Lord  Clifford 
what  the  King  had  faid.     The  Lord  Clifford,  who 
was  naturally  a  vehement  man,  went  upon  that  to 
the  King,  who  fcarce  knew  how  to  look  him  in 
the  face.     Lord  Clifford  faid,  he  knew  how  many 
enemies  he  muft  needs  make  to  himfelf  by   his 
fpeech  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords  :  But  he  hoped  that 
in  it  he  both  ferved  and  pleafed  the  King,  and  was 
therefore  the  lefs  concerned  in  every  thing  elfe  : 
But  he  was  furprifed  to  find  by  the  Duke,  that  the 
King  was  now  of  another  mind.    The  King  was  in  Clifford 
•  fome  confufion  :  He  owned,  that  all  he  had  faid  diigraced 
was  right  in  itfelf  :  But  he  faid,  that  he,  who  fat 
long  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  fhould  have  con- 
fidered  better  what  they  could  bear,  and  what  the 
neceffity  of  his  affairs  required.     Lord  Clifford  in 
his  firft  heat  was  inclined  to  have  laid  down  his 
white  flaff,  and  to  have  expoftulated  roundly  with 
the  King.     But  a  cooler  thought  flop'd  him.  He 
reckoned  he  muft  now  retire  :  And  therefore  he 
had  a  mind  to  take  fome  care  of  his  family  in  the 
way  of  doing  it :  So   he  reftrained  himfelf ;  and 
faid,  he  was  forry   that  his    beft  meant   fervices 
were  fo  ill  underftood.     Soon    after  this,  letters 
carne  from  the  French  King,  prefling  the  King  to 

do 


490  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1673.  do  all  that  was  neceffary  to  procure  money  of  his 
Parliament,  fince  he  could  not  bear  the  charge  of 
the  war  alone.  He  alfo  writ  to  the  Duke,  and 
excufed  the  advice  he  gave  upon  the  necefTity  of 
affairs  •,  but  promifed  faithfully  to  efpoufe  his 
concerns,  as  foon  as  he  got  out  of  the  war,  and 
that  he  would  never  be  eafy,  till  he  recovered  that 
which  he  was  now  forced  to  let  go.  Some  parts 
of  thefe  tranfactions  I  had  from  the  Duke,  and 
from  Duke  Lauderdale  :  The  reft,  that  related  to 
the  Lord  Clifford,  Titus  told  me,  he  had  from 
his  own  mouth. 

As  foon  as  Lord  Clifford  faw  he  muft  lofe  the 
white  ftaff,  he  went  to  the  Duke  of  Buckingham, 
who  had  contributed  much  to  the  procuring  it  to 
him  ;  and  told  him,  he  brought  him  the  firft 
notice  that  he  was  to  lofe  that  place  to  which  he 
had  helped  hin\,  and  that  he  would  afliit  him  to 
procure  it  to  fome  of  his  friends.  After  they  had 
talked  round  all  that  were  in  any  fort  capable  of 
it,  and  had  found  great  objections  to  every  one 
of  them,  they  at  laft  pitched  on  Sir  Thomas 
Ofborn,  a  Gentleman  of  Yorkfhire,  whofe  eftate 
Treafurer.  was  mucn  funk.  He  was  a  very  plaufible  fpeaker, 
but  too  copious,  and  could  noteafily  make  an  end 
of  his  difcourfe.  He  had  been  always  among  the 
high  Cavaliers  :  And  miffing  preferment  he  had 
oppoled  the  Court  much,  and  was  one  of  Lord 
Clarendon's  bittereft  enemies.  He  gave  himfeft 
great  liberties  in  difcourfe,  and  did  not  feem  to 
have  any  regard  to  truth,  or  fo  much  as  to  the  ap 
pearances  of  it  ;  and  was  an  implacable  enemy : 
But  he  had  a  peculiar  way  to  make  his  friends 
depend  on  him,  and  to  believe  he  was  true  to 
them.  He  was  a  pofitive,  and  undertaking  man  : 
So  he  gave  the  King  great  eafe,  by  alluring  him 
all  things  would  go  according  to  his  mind  in  the 
next  fefllon  of  Parliament.  And  when  his  hopes 
tilled  him,  he  had  always  fome  excufe  ready  to  put 
the  mlfcarriage  upon.,  And  by  this  means  he  got; 

1  into 


of  King  G  H  A  R  L  E  s  II. 
into   the   higheft  degree   of  confidence  with   the    1673, 
King,  and  maintained  it  the  longed,  of  all  that  v^w// 
ever  ferved  him. 

The  King  now  went  into  new  meafurcs.  He  A  great 
called  for  the  Declaration,  and  ordered  the  feal  put  fuPPty 
to  it  to  be  broken.  So  the  Act  for  the  taking  the  was£ivcB' 
Sacrament,  and  the  Teft  againft  Tranfubftanti- 
ation  went  on  :  And  together  with  it  an  Act  of 
Grace  pafs'd,  which  was  defired  chiefly  to  cover 
the  Miniftry,  who  were  all  very  obnoxious  by  their 
late  actings.  The  Court  defired  at  leaft  1200000!. 
for  that  fum  was  necefTary  to  the  carrying  on  the 
war.  The  great  body  of  thofe  who  oppofed  the 
Court  had  refolved  to  give  only  600000!.  which 
was  enough  to  procure  a  peace,  but  not  to  con 
tinue  the  war.  Garroway  and  Lee  had  led  the 
oppofition  to  the  Court  all  this  feflion  in  the  Houfe 
of  Commons :  So  they  were  thought  the  propereft 
to  name  the  furn.  Above  eighty  of  the  chief  of  the 
party  had  met;  over  night,  and  had  agreed  to  name 
600000!.  But  Garroway  named  1200000,  and  was 
feconded  in  it  by  Lee.  So  this  furprife  gained  ttet 
great  fum,  which  enabled  the  Court  to  carry  on  the 
war.  When  their  party  reproached  thefe  perfons  for 
it,  they  faid,  they  had  tried  fome  of  the  Court  as  to 
the  fum  intended  to  be  named,  who  had  aflured 
them,  the  whole  agreement  would  be  broke,  if 
they  offered  fo  fmall  a  fum  ;  And  this  made  them 
venture  on  the  double  of  it.  They  had  good  re 
wards  from  the  Court  :  And  yet  they  continued 
ftill  voting  on  the  other  fide.  They  faid,  they  had 
got  good  pennyworths  for  their  money :  A  fure 
law  againft  Popery,  which  had  claufes  in  it  never 
ufed  before  ;  for  all  that  continued  in  office  after 
the  time  lapfed,  they  not  taking  the  Sacrament, 
and  not  renouncing  Tranfubftantiation  (which 
came  to  be  called  the  Teft,  and  the  Act  from  it 
the  Teft  Act)  were  rendered  incapable  of  holding 
any  office :  All  the  Acts  they  did  in  it  were  de- 
invalid  a^d  illegal,  befides  a  fine  of  500!.  to 

the 


492  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1673.  the  difcoverer.  Yet  upJon  that  Lord  Cavendifli, 
v-<V^  now  Duke  of  Devonlhire,  faid,  that  when  much 
money  was  given  to  buy  a  law  againft  Popery,  the 
force  of  the  money  would  be  ftronger  in  order  to 
the  bringing  it  in,  than  the  law  could  be  for  keep 
ing  it  out.  I  never  knew  a  thing  cf  this  nature  car 
ried  fo  fuddenly,  and  fo  artificially,  in  the  Houfe 
of  Commons,  as  this  was,  to  the  great  amazement 
of  the  Dutch,  who  relied  on  the  Parliament,  and 
did  not  doubt  but  that  a  peace  with  England  would 
be  procured  by  their  interpofition. 

The  Duke  Thus  this  memorable  feffion -ended.  It  was 
laid  down  indeed  much  the  befl  feffion  of  that  long  Parlia- 
Commiffi-  ment<  ^he  Church  party  mewed  a  noble  zeal  for 
ons™  l"  their  religion  :  And  the  Difieriters  got  great  Re 
putation  by  their  filent  deportment.  After  the 
iefilon  was  over,  the  Duke  carried  all  his  Com- 
miffions  to  the  King,  and  wept  as  he  delivered 
them  up  :  But  the  King  ihewed  no  concern  at  all. 
Yet  he  put  the  Admiralty  in  a  CommifTion  com- 
pofed  wholly  of  the  Duke's  creatures  :  So  that  the 
power  of  the  navy  was  ftill  in  his  hands.  Lord 
Clifford  left  the  Treafury,- and  was  fucceeded  by 
Ofborn,  who  was  foon  after  made  Earl  of  Danby. 
The  Earl  of  Shaftfbury  had  loft  the  King's  favour 
quite.  But  it  was  not  thought  fit  to  lay  him  afide, 
till  it  mould  appear  what  fervice  he  could  do  them 
in  another  feffion  of  Parliament.  Lord  Arlington 
had  loft  the  Duke  more  than  any  other.  He  look 
ed  on  him  as  a  pitiful  coward,  who  would  for- 
fake  and  betray  any  thing,  rather  than  run  any 
danger  himfelf.  Prince  Rupert  was  fent  to  com 
mand  the  fleet.  But  the  Captains  were  the  Duke's 
creatures  :  So  they  crofs'd  him  all  they  could,  and 
•  complained  of  every  thing  he  did.  In  a  word  they 
laid,  he  had  neither  fenfe  nor  conduct  left.  Little 
could  be  expected  from  a  fleet  fo  commanded, 
and  fo  divided.  He  had  two  or  three  engagements 
with  the  Dutch,  that  were  well  fought  on  both 
fides,  but  were  of  no  great  confequence,  and  were 

drawn 


.of  King  CHARLES  II. 

drawn  battles.  None  of  the  French  Ihips  enga 
ged,  except  one,  who  charged  their  Admiral  for 
his  ill  conduct  :  But,  inftead  of  reward,  he  was 
clapt  in  the  Baflille  upon  his  return  to  France. 
This  opened  the  eyes  and  mouths  of  the  whole 
Nation.  All  men  cried  out,-  and  faid,  we  were 
engaged  in  a  war  by  the  French,  that  they  might 
have  the  pleafure  to  fee  the  Dutch  and  us  deftroy 
one  another,  while  they  knew  our  feas  and  ports, 
and  learned  all  our  methods,  but  took  care  to 
preierve  themfelves.  Count  Schomberg  told  me, 
he  prefs'd  the  French  Embaflador  to  have  the 
matter  examined.  Otherwife,  if  fatisfadion  was 
not  given  to  the  Nation,  he  was  fure  the  next 
Parliament  would  break  the  alliance.  But  by  the 
EmbafTador's  coldnefs  he  faw,  the  French  Admi 
ral  had  acted  according  to  his  inftructions.  So 
Schomberg  made  hafte  to  get  out  of  England,  to 
prevent  an  addrefs  to  fend  him  away  :  And  he  was 
by  that  time  as  weary  of  the  Court,  as  the  Court 
was  of  him. 

The  Duke  was  now  looking  for  another  wife.  The 
He  made  addrefTes   to  the  Lady  Bellafis,    the  wi-  Duke 
dow  of  the  Lord  Bellafis's  fon.     She  was  a  zea-  "?**% 

.        .  a  iecond 

lous  Proteftant,  tho  me  was  married  into  a  Po-  marriage, 
pifh  family.  She  was  a  woman  of  much  life,  and 
great  vivacity,  but  of  a  very  fmall  proportion  of 
beauty  -,  as  the  Duke  was  often  obferved  to  be  led 
by  his  amours,  to  objects  that  had  no  extraordi 
nary  charms.  Lady  Bellafis  gained  fd  -much  on 
the  Duke,  that  he  gave  her  a  promife  under  his 
'hand  to  marry  her.  And  he  fent  Coleman  to  her 
to  draw  her  over  to  Popery :  But  in  that  me 
could  not  be  moved.  When  fome  of  her  friends 
reproached  her,  for  admitting  the  Duke  fo  freely 
to  fee  her,  me  could  not  bear  it,  but  faid,  me 
could  mew  that  his  addrefies  to  her  were  honoura 
ble.  When  this  came  to  the  Lord  Bellafss's  ears, 
who  was  her  father  in  law,  and  was  a  zealous  Pa- 
pift,  and  knew  how  intractable  the  Lady  was  in 

thofe 


494-  The  HISTO-RV  of  the  Reign 

1673.  thofe  matters,  he  gave  the  whole  defign  of  bring- 
J  ing  in  their  religion  for  gone,  if  that  was  not 
quickly  broke  :  So  he,  pretending  a  zeal  for  the 
King,  and  the  Duke's  honour,  went  and  told  the 
King  all  he  had  heard.  The  King  fent  for  the 
Duke,  and  told  him,  it  was  too  much  that  he  had 
plaid  the  fool  once  :  That  was  not  to  be  done  a 
iecond  time,  and  at  fuch  an  age.  The  Lady  was 
alfo  fo  threatened,  that  The  gave  up  the  promife, 
but  kept  an  attefted  copy  of  it,  as  me  herfelf  told 
me.  There  was  an  Archduchefs  of  Infpruck,  to 
whom  marriage  was  folemnly  propofed  :  But,  the 
Emprefs  happening  to  die  at  that  time,  the  Em 
peror  himfelf  married  her.  After  that  a  match 
was  propofed  to  the  Duke  of  Modena's  daughter, 
which  took  effect.  But  becaufe  thofe  at  Rome 
"were  not  willing  to  confent  to  it,  unlefs  me  might 
have  a  publick  Chapel,  which  the  Court  would 
not  hearken  to,  another  marriage  was  propofed 
for  a  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Crequi's.  I  faw  a 
long  letter  of  the  Duke's  writ  to  Sir  William 
Lockhart,  upon  this  fubject,  with  great  anxiety. 
He  apprehended,  if  he  was  not  married  before 
the  feflion  of  Parliament,  that  they  would  fall  on 
that  matter,  and  limit  him"  fo,  that  he  mould  ne 
ver  be  able  to  marry  to  his  content :  He  was 
vexed  at  the  ftiffnefs  of  the  Court  of  Rome,  who 
were  demanding  terms  that  could  not  be  granted  : 
He  had  fent  a  pofitive  order  to  the  Earl  of  Peter 
borough,  who  was  negotiating  the  bufmefs  at 
Modena,  to  come  away  by.  fuch  a  day,  if  all  was 
not  conferred  to  :  In  the  mean  while  he  hoped, 
the  King  of  France  would  not  put  that  mortifica 
tion  on  him,  as  to  expofe  him  to  the  violence  of 
the  Parliament,  (1  ufe  his  own  words  •,)  but  that 
he  would  give  order  for  dif  patching  that  matter 
with  all  poflible  haile.  But,  while  he  was  thus 
perplexed,  the  Court  of  Rome  yielded  :  And  fo 
the  Duke  married  that  Lady  by  proxy  :  And  the 

Eari 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

Earl  of  Peterborough  brought  her    over    thro'    1673 
France. 


The  Swedes  offered  at  this  time  a  mediation  in  A  trcaty 
order  to  a  peace:  And  Coloign  was  propofed  ,to 
be  the  place  of  treaty.  The  King  ordered  the^ 
Earl  of  Sunderland,  Sir  Leolin  Jenkins,  and  Sir 
Jofeph  Williamfon  thither,  to  be  his  Plenipoten 
tiaries.  Lord  Sunderland  was  a  man  of  a  clear 
and  ready  apprehenfion,  and  a  quick  decifion  in  Su™|er- 
bufmefs.  He  had  too  much  heat  both  of  imagi- 
nation  and  pafllon,  and  was  apt  to  fpeak  very 
freely  both  of  perfons  and  things.  His  own  notions 
were  always  good  :  But  he  was  a  man  of  great 
expence.  And,  in  order  to  the  fupporting  him- 
felf,  he  went  into  the  prevailing  counfels  at  Court  : 
And  he  changed  fides  often,  with  little  regard  ei 
ther  to  religion,  or  the  interefl  of  his  country. 
He  raifed  many  enemies  to  himfelf,  by  the  con 
tempt  with  which  he  treated  thofe  who  differed 
from  him.  He  had  indeed  a  fuperior  genius  to 
all  the  men  of  bufmefs  that  I  have  yet  known. 
And  he  had  the  dexterity  of  infmuating  himfelf 
fo  entirely,  into  the  greateft  degree  of  confidence 
with  three  fucceeding  Princes,  who  let  up  on  very 
different  interefts,  that  he  came  by  this  to  lofe 
himfelf  fo  much,  that  even  thofe  who  efteemed 
his  parts,  depended  little  on  his  firmnefs. 

The  treaty  of  Coloign  was  of  a  fhort  contin 
ance  :  For  the  Emperor,  looking  on  Furftenberg,  ^  ro  e 
the  Dean  of  Colpign,  and  Bilhop  of  Strafbourg, 
afterwards  advanced  to  be  Cardinal,  who  was 
the  Elector's  Plenipotentiary  at  that  treaty,  as  a 
fubject  of  the  Empire,  who  had  betrayed  it,  or 
dered  Mm  to  be  feized  on.  The  French  look'd 
on  this  as  fuch  a  violation  of  the  pafs-ports,  that 
they  fet  it  up  for  a  preliminary,  before  they  would 
enter  upon  a  treaty,  to  have  him  fet  at  liberty  t 

Maftricht  was  taken  this  fummer  ;  in  which  the 

Duke    of    Monmouth   diilinguifhed    himfelf   fo 

eminently,  that  he  was  much  confidered  upon  it. 

i  '  The 


49  6  The  Hi s  T  OR  Y  of  the  Reign 

1673.   The  King  of  France  was  there.     After  the  taking 

l/^VX;  of  Mailricht  he  went  to  Nancy  in  Lorraine,  and 
left  the  Prince  of  Conde  with  the  army  in  Flan 
ders,  Turenne  having  the  command  of  that  on 
the  upper  Rhine  againfl  the  Germans ;  for  the 
Emperor  and  the  whole  Empire  were  now  en 
gaged. 

The  af-         But  I  return  now  to  the  intrigues  of  our  Court. 

J,airs  of  I  came  up  this  fummcr,  in  order  to  the  publiming 
'  the  Memoirs,  of  the  Dukes  of  Hamilton.  I  had 
left  Scotland  under  an  univerfal  difcontent.  The 
whole  adminiflration  there  was  both  violent  and 
corrupt,  and  feemed  to  be  formed^  on  a  French 
model.  The  Parliament  had  in  tlie  year  1663, 
in  order  to  the  bringing  our  trade  to  a  balance 
with  England,  given  the  King  in  truft  a  power  to 
•lay  impofitions  on  foreign  commodities.  So  upon 
that  a  great  duty  was  lately  laid  upon  French  fait, 
in  order  to  the  better  vending  the  fait  made  at 
'home  :  Upon  which  it  was  fold  very  dear.  And 
that  raifed  great  complaints  :  For,  as  the  fait  was 
exceffive  dear,  fo  it  did  not  ferve  all  purpofes. 
All  people  looked  on  this,  as  the  beginning  of  a 
gabel.  An  impofition  was  alfo  laid  on  Tobacco  : 
And  all  brandy  was  prohibited  to  be  imported, 
but  not  to  be  retailed  :  So  thofe  who  had  the 
grant  of  the  feizures  fold  them,  and  raifed  the 
price  very  much.  Thefe  occkfioned  monopolies  : 
And  the  price  of  thofe  things  that  were  of  great 
confumption  among  the  Commons  was  much 
raifed  :  •  So  that  a  truft  lodged  with  the  Crown 
was  now  abufed  in  the  higheft  degree.  As  thefe 
things  provoked  the  body  of  the  people,  fo  Duke 
Lauderdale's  infolence,  and  his  engroffing  every 
thing  to  himfelf,  and  to  a  few  of  his  friends,  and 
his  wife  and  his  brother  fetting  all  things  to  fale, 
raifed  a  very  high  difcontent  all  over  the  Nation. 
The  affairs  of  the  Church  were  altogether  neg- 
leded  :  So  that  in  all  refpedts  we  were  quite  out 
of  joint. 

I  went 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

*  I  -went  up  with  a  full  refolution  to  do  my  conn-  1673* 
try  all  the  fervice  I  could,  and  to  deal  very  plain-  v^y^ 
ly  with  the  Duke  of  Lauderdale,  refolving  if  I 
could  do  no  good,  to  retire  from  all  affairs,  and 
to  meddle  no  more  in  publick  bufinefs.  I  loft  in 
deed  my  beft  friend  at  Court.  Sir  Robert  Mur 
ray  died  fuddenly  at  that  time.  He  was  the  wifeft,. 
and  worthier!  man  of  the  age,  and  was  as  another 
father  to  me.  I  was  fenfible  how  much  I  loft  in 
fo  critical  a  conjuncture,  being  bereft  of  the  trueft 
and  faithfulleft  friend  I  had  ever  known  :  And 
fo  I  faw,  I  was  in  danger  of  committing  great  er 
rors,  for  want  of  fo  kind  a  monitor. 

At  my  coming  to  Court,  Duke  Lauderdale  T.,3uc:er- 
took  me  into  his  clofet,  and  afked  me  the  ftate  of die5(ie" 
Scotland.  I  upon  that  gave  him  a  very  punctual  "SRt 
and  true  account  of  it.  He  feemed  to  think  that 
I  aggravated  matters  ;  and  afked  me,  if  the  King 
flipuld  need  an  army  from  Scotland  to  tame  thole 
in  England,  whether  that  might  be  depended  on  ? 
I  told  him,  certainly  not :  The  Commons  in  the 
fouthern  parts  were  all  Prefbytenans  :  And  the 
Nobility  thought  they  had  been  ill  tiled,  and  were 
generally  difcontented,  and  only  waited  for  an  oc- 
cafion  to  fhew  it.  He  laid,  he  was  of  another 
mind  :  The  hope  of  the  fpoil  of  England  would 
fetch  them  all  in.  I  anfwer'd,  the  King  was  ruined 
if  ever  he  trufted  to  that :  Arid  I  added,  that  with 
relation  to  other  more  indifferent  peribns,  who 
might  be  otherwife  ready  enough  to  pufh  their 
fortunes,  without  any  anxious  enquiries  into  the 
grounds  they  went  on,  yet  even  thefe  would  not 
truft  the  King,  fince  he  had  fo  lately  faid,  he 
would  ftick  to  his  Declaration,  and  yet  had  fo 
foon  after  given  it  up.  He  faid,  Hinc  illae  La,- 
cryrrue  :  But  the  King  was  forfaken  in  that  mat 
ter,  for  none  (luck  to  him  but  Lord  Clifford,  and 
himfelf :  And  then  he  fet  himfelf  into  a- fit  of  rail 
ing  at  Lord  Shaftfbury.  1  was  ftruck  with  this  con- 
verfation  :  And  by  it  I  clearly  faw  into  the  def- 

VOL.  I.  K  k  perate 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1673.  perate  defigns  of  the  Court,  which  were  as  fool* 
*•— -v*—>  ilh,  as  they  were  wicked  :  For  I  knew,  that  up 
on  the  leait  diforder  in  England,  they  were  ready 
in  Scotland  to  have  broke  out  into  a  rebellion : 
So  far  were  they  from  any  inclination  to  have  af- 
fifted  the  King,  in  the  mattering  of  England;^) 
was  much  perplexed  in  myfelf  what  I  ought  to 
do,  whether  I  ought  not  to  have  tried  to  give  the 
King  a  truer  view  of  our  affairs  :  But  I  refolved 
to  flay  for  a  fit  opportunity.  I  tried  the  Dutcheis 
of  Lauderdale,  and  fet  before  her  the  injuilice 
and  oppreffion  that  Scotland  was  groaning  under  : 
But  I  law  me  got  too  much  by  it  to  be  any  way 
concerned  at  it.  They  talked  of  going  down  to 
hold  a  feffion  of  Parliament  in  Scotland  :  I  warn 
ed  them  of  their  danger.  But  they  defpifed  all  I 
could  fay  :  Only  great  offers  were  made  to  my 
felf  to  make  me  wholly  theirs,  which  made  no 
impreffion  on  me. 

The  Kino-  ^e  carriec^  me  to  tne  King,  and  propofed  the 
liked  my&  licenfing  my  Memoirs  to  him.  The  King  bid  me 
Memoirs,  bring  them  to  him  ;  and  laid,  he  would  read  them 
himfelf.  He  did  read  fome  parts  of  them,  parti 
cularly  the  account  I  gave  of  the  ill  conduct  of 
the  Bifhops,  that  occafioned  the  beginning  of  the 
wars  ;  and  told  me,  that  he  was  well  pleafed  with 
it.  He  was  at  that  time  fo  much  offended  with 
the  Engliih  Bifhops  for  oppofmg  the  toleration, 
that  he  feemed  much  fharpened  againft  them.  He 
gave  me  back  my  book  to  carry  it  to  Secretary 
Coventry,  in  order  to  the  licenfing  it.  The  Se 
cretary  faiel,  he  would  read  it  all  himfelf:  So  this 
obliged  me  to  a  longer  ftay  than  J  intended.  Sir 
Ellis  Leightoun  carried  me  to  the  Duke  of  Buck 
ingham,  with  whom  I  pafs'd  almoft  a  whole  night  5 
and  happened  fo  far  to  pleafe  him,  that  he,  who 
was  apt  to  be  fired  with  a  new  acquaintance,  gave 
fudi  a  character  of  me  to  the  King>  that  ever  af 
ter  that  he  took  much  notice  of  me,  and  faid,  he 
.would  hear  me  preach.  He  feemed  well  pleafed 

with 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  499 

with  my  fermon-,  and  fpoke  of  it  in  a  ftrain  that   1673. 
drew  much  envy  on  me.  IX"V~NJ 

He  ordered  me  to  be  fworn  a  Chaplain,  and  ad-  And  (hew- 
mitted  me  to  a  long  private  audience,  that  lafted 
above  an  hour,  in  which  I  took  all  the  freedom 
with  him,  that  I  thought  became  my  Profeffion. 
He  run  me  into  a  long  difcourfe  about  the  authority 
of  the  Church,  which  he  thought  we  made  much 
of  in  our  difputes  with  the  Difienters,  and  then 
took  it  all  away  when  we  dealt  with  the  Papifts.    I 
faw  plainly  what  he  aimed  at  in  this  :  And  I  quick 
ly  convinced  him,  that  there  was  a  great  difference 
between  an  authority  of  government  in  things  in 
different,  and  a  pretence  to  infallibility.     He  com 
plained  heavily  of  the  Bifhops  for  neglecting  the 
true  concerns  of  the  Church,  and  following  Courts 
fo  much,  and  being  fo  engaged  in  parties,     i  went 
thro'  fome  other  things  with  relation  to  his  courfe 
of  life,    and  entree!  into   many   particulars   with 
much  freedom.     He  bore  it  all  very  well ;  and 
thank'd   me  for  it :  Some  things  he  freely  con 
demned,  fuch  as  living  with  another  man's  \ 
Other  things  he  excufed,  and  thought  C 
not  damn  a  man  for  a  little  irregular  pleaiure, 
feemed  to  take  all  I  had  faid  very  kindly  : 
during  my  (lay  at  Court  he  ufed  me  in  fo  particu 
lar  a  manner,  that  I  was  confidered  as  a  man  grow 
ing  into  a  high  degree  of  favour. 

At  the  fame  time  Lord  Ancram,  a  Scotch  Earl,  b 
but  of  a  fmall  fortune,  and  of  no  principles,  either 
as  to  religion  or  virtue,  whofe  wife  was  a  Papifr, 
and  himlelf  a  member  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons, 
told  the  Duke  that  I  had  a  great  Intereft  in  Scot 
land,  and  might  do  him  fervice  in  that  Kingdom. 
He  depended  on  Duke  Lauderdaie  •,  but  hated 
him,  becaufe  he  did  nothing  for  him.  We  were 
acquainted  i  here  :  And,  he  having  iludied  the 
moft  divinity  of  any  man  of  quality  I  ever  knew, 
we  found  many  fubjeds  of  difcourfe.  He  faw,  I 
did  not  flatter  Duke  Lauderdaie.:  And  he  fancied 
K  k  2  he 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
'he  might   make  a  tool  of  me.     So  he  feemed  to 
wonder  that  I  had  not  been  carried  to  wait  on  the 
Duke  ;  and  brought  me  a  merTage  from  him,  that 
he  Would  be  glad  to  fee  me  :  And  upon  that  he 
carried  me  to  him.     The  Duke  received  me  very 
gracioufly.     Lord  Ancram  had  a  mind  to  engage 
me  to  give  him  an  account  of  the  affairs  of  Scot 
land  :  'But  I  avoided  that,  and  very  bluntly  entred 
into  much  difcourfe  with  'him  about  matters  of  re 
ligion.   He  faid  fome  of  the  common  things,  of  the 
neceffity  of  having  but  one  Church,  otherwife  we 
law  what  fwarms  of  feels  did  rife  up  on  our  revolt 
from  Rome,  and  thefe  had  raifed  many  rebellions, 
and  the  (bedding  much  blood  :   And  he   named 
both  his  father's  death,  and  his  great  grandmother's, 
Mary  Queen  of  Scots  :   He  alfo  turned  to  fome 
paffages  in  Heylin's  hiftory   of  the    Reformation, 
which  he  had  lying  by  him :  and  the  paffages  were 
marked,  to  fhew  upon  what  motives  and  principles 
•men  were  led  into  the  changes  that  were  then  made. 
I  enlarged  upon  all  thefe  particulars  ;  and  mewed 
him  the  progrefs  that  ignorance  and  fuperftition 
had  made   in   many   dark  ages,  and   how    much 
bloodfhed    was   occafioned   by  the   Papal  preten- 
fions,  for  all  which  the  opinion  of  infallibility  was 
•a  fource  never  to  be  exhaufled.     And  I  fpoke  long 
to  fuch  things  as  were  belt  fuited  to  his  temper, 
and  his  capacity.    I  law  Lord  Ancram  helped  him 
all  he  could,  by  which  I  perceived  how  he  made 
his  Court  ;  for   which  when    I    reproached   him 
afterwards,  he  laid,  it  was  ill  breeding  in  me  to 
prels  ib  hard  on  a  Prince.     The  Duke  upon  this 
•conversion  exprefled  fuch  a  liking  to  me,  that  he 
•ordered  me  to  come  oft  to  him  :  And  afterwards 
he  allowed  me  to  come  to  him  in  a  private  way, 
as  oft  as  I  pleaied.     He  defired  to  know  the  ftate 
'of  affairs  in  Scotland.     I  told  him  how  little  that 
Kingdom  could    be  depended   on.     1   turned  the 
difcourfe  often  to  matters  of  religion.     He  broke 
it  very 'gently  ,  for  he  was  not  at  all  rough  in  pri 
vate 


of  King  CHARLES    II. 

vate  convcrfation.  He  wifhed,  I  would  let  thofe 
'matters  alone :  I  might  be  too  hard  for  him,  and 
filence  him,  but  I  could  never  convince  him.  J 
told  him,  it  was  a  thing  he  could  never  anfwer  to 
(Sod  nor  the  world,  that,  being  born  and  baptized 
in  our  Church,  and  having  his  father's  Jafr  orders 
to  continue  ftedfaft  in  it,  he  had  furlered  himfelf 
to  be  feduced,  and  as  it  were  ftollen  out  of  it, 
hearing  only  one  fide,  without  offering  his  fcruples 
to  our  divines,  or  hearing  what  they  had  to  fay  in 
anfwer  to  them  ;  and  that  he  was  now  fo  fixed  in 
his  Popery^,  that  he  would  not  fo  much  as  examine 
the  matter.  He  laid  to  me,  he  had  often  picqueered 
out  (that  was  his  word)  on  Sheldon,  and  fome 
other  Bifhops ;  by  whofe  anfwers  he  could  not  but 
conclude,  that  they  were  much  nearer  the  Church 
of  Rome,  than  fome  of  us  young  men  were. 

Stillingfleet  had  a  little  before  this  time  publifhed 
a  book  of  the  idolatry  and  fanaticifm  of  the  Church 
of  Rome.     Upon  that  the  Duke  faid,  he   afkud 
Sheldon,  if  it  was  the  doctrine  of  the  Church  of 
England,  that  Roman  Catholicks  were  idolaters  : 
Who  anfwered  him,  it  was  not  -,  but  that  young 
men  of  parts  would  be  popular ;  and  fuch  a  charge 
was  the  way  to  it.    He  at  that  time  mewed  me  the 
Dutchefs's  paper,  that  has  been  fmce  printed  :  It 
was   all  writ  with  her  own  hand.     He  gave  me 
leave  to  read  it  twice  over  :  But  would  not  fuffer 
me  to  copy  it.     And  upon  the  mention  made  in 
it  of  her  having  fpoke  to  the  Bifhops,  concerning 
fome  of  her  fcruples,  and  that  me  had  fuch  an 
fwers    from   them,  as  confirmed  and    heightened 
them,  I  went  from   him   to  Morley,  as  was  faid 
formerly,  and  had  from  him  the  anfwer  there  fet 
down.     I  afked  the  Duke's  leave  to  bring  Doctor  r 
StilJingfteet  to  him.     He    was  averfe  to  it-,  and  Doflor 
laid,  it  would  make  much  noife,  and  could  do  nQ 
good.     I  told  him,  even  the  noife  would  havea, 
good  effect :  It  would  mew  he  was  not  fo  obttinate, 
but  that  he  was  willing  to  hear  our  divines.     I 
K  k  3.  preiTed 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

'lt  mach  :  For  it  became  neceflary  to  me> 
w  on  my  own  account,  to  clear  myfelf  from  the  fuf- 
picion  or  Popery,  which  this  extraordinary  favour 
had  drawn  upon  me.  I  at  laft  prevailed  with  the 
Duke  to  confent  to  it  :  And  he  affigned  an  hour 
of  audience.  Stillingfleet  went  very  readily,  tho* 
he  had  no  hopes  of  iuccefs.  We  were  about  two 
hours  with  him,  and  went  over  mofl  of  the  points 
of  controverfy.  Stillingfleet  thought,  the  point 
that  would  go  the  eafieft,  and  be  the  bed  under- 
flood  by  him,  was  the  Papal  pretenfions  to  a  power 
over  Princes,  in  depofing  them,  and  giving  their 
dominions  to  others  :  And  upon  that,  he  fhewed 
him,  that  Popery  was  calculated  to  make  the 
Pope  the  fovereign  of  all  Chriftendom.  The  Duke 
fhifted  the  difcourfe  from  one  point  to  another  ; 
and  did  not  feem  to  believe  the  matters  of  fact, 
and  hiflory  alledged  by  us.  So  we  defired,  he 
would  call  for  foine  Priefls,  and  hear  us  difcourfe 
of  thofe  matters  with  them  in  his  prefence.  He 
declined  this  •,  and  faid,  it  would  make  a  noife. 
He  allured  us,  he  defired  nothing,  but  to  follow 
his  own  confcience,  which  he  impofed  on  no  body 
elfe^  and  that  he  would  never  attempt  to  alter  the 
eftablifhed  Religion.  He  loved  to  repeat  this  often. 
But  when  I  was  alone  with  him,  I  warned  him  of 
the  great  difficulties  his  religion  was  like  to  call 
him  into.  This  was  no  good  argument  to  make 
him  change  :  But  it  was  certainly  a  very  good 
argument  to  make  him  confider  the  matter  fo  well, 
that:  he  might  be  fure  he  was  in  the  right.  He 
pbjecled  to  me  the  doctrine  of  the  Church  of 
England  in  the  point  of  fubmiffion,  and  of  paftive 
obedience.  I  told  him,  there  was  no  trufting  to  a 
difputable  opinion  :  There  were  alio  diflinctions 
and  referves,  even  in  thofe  who  had  afierted  thefe 
pqints  the  moii :  And  it  was  very  certain,  that 
When  men  faw  a  vifible  danger  of  being  firft  un 
done,  and  then  burnt,  they  would  be  inclined  tQ 
the  Ihorteft  way  of  arguing,  and  to  fave  them- 

felves 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

fclves  the  beft  way  they  could  :  Intereft  and  felf- 
prefervation  were  powerful  motives.  He  did  very 
often  aflure  me,  he  was  againft  all  violent  methods, 
and  all  perfecution  for  confcience  fake,  and  was 
better  furnimed  to  fpeak  well  on  that  head,  than 
on  any  other.  I  told  him,  all  he  could  fay  that 
way  would  do  him  little  fervice  ;  For  the  words 
of  Princes  were  looked  oo  as  arts  to  lay  men 
afleep  :  And  they  had  generally  regarded  them  fo 
little  themfelves,  that  they  ought  not  to  expect 
that  others  mould  have  great  regard  to  them.  I 
added,  he  was  now  of  a  religion,  in  which  others 
had  the  keeping  of  his  Confcience,  who  would  now 
hide  from  him  this  point  of  their  religion,  fince  it 
was  not  fafe  to  own  it,  till  they  had  it  in  their 
power  to  put  it  in  practice  :  And  whenever  that 
time  mould  come,  I  was  fure  that  the  principles  of 
their  Church  mull  carry  him  to  all  the  extremities 
of  extirpation.  I  carried  a  volume  of  Judge 
Crook's  to  him,  in  which  it  is  reported,  that  King 
James  had  once  in  Council  complained  of  a 
Ilander  caft  on  him,  as  if  he  was  inclined  to  change 
his  religion  •,  and  had  folemnly  vindicated  him- 
felf  from  the  imputation  ;  and  prayed,  that  if  any 
fhould  ever  fpring  out  of  his  loins  that  mould 
maintain  any  other  religion  than  that  which  he 
truly  maintained  and  profeffed,  that  God  would 
take  him  out  of  the  world.  He  read  it :  But  it 
made  no  imprefiion.  And  when  I  urged  him  with 
fome  things  in  his  father's  book,  he  gave  me  the 
account  of  it  that  was  formerly  mentioned.  Fie 
entered  into  great  freedom  with  me  about  all  his^ 
affairs :  And  he  mewed  me  the  journals  he  took  ot 
bufmefs  every  day  with  his  own  hand  :  A  method 
he  faid,  that  the  Earl. of  Clarendon  had  fet  him  on, 
The  Dutcheis  had  begun  to  write  his  life.  He 
mewed  me  a  part  of  it  in  a  thin  volume  in  folio, 
I  read  fome  it,  and  found  it  writ  with  a  great  deal 
of  fpirit.  Fie  told  me,  he  intended  to  truft  me 
with  Jiis  journals,  that  I  might  draw  a  hiilory  out 
•K  k  gf 


504  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1673.  of  them.     And  thus,  in  a  few  weeks  time,  I  had 
got  far  into  his  confidence.     He  did  alfo  allow  me 
to  fpeak  to  him  of  the  irregularities  of  his  life, 
fome  of   which  he  very   freely   conferled  :    And 
when  I  urged  him,  how  fuch  a  courfe  of  life  did 
agree  with  the  zeal  he  (hewed  in  his  religion  •,  he 
arifwered,  muft  a  man  be  of  no  religion  unlefs  he 
is  a  faint  ?  Yet  he  bore  my  freedom  very  gently, 
and  feemed  to  like  me  the  better  for  it.     My  fa 
vour  with  him  grew  to  be  the  obfervation  of  the 
whole  Court.  Lord  Ancram  faid,  I  might  be  what 
I  pleafed,  if  I  would  be  a  little  fofter  in  the  points 
of  religion.      Sir  Ellis  Leightoun  brought  me  a 
merTage  from  F.  Sheldon,  and  fome  of  his  priefts, 
a  {luring  me,  they  heard  fo  well  of  me,  that  they 
offered  me  their  fervice.    .He  prefled  me  to  im 
prove  my  prefent  advantages  to  the  making  my 
fortune  :  The  See  of  Durham  was  then  vacant  : 
And  he  was  confident,  it  would  be  no  hard  matter 
for  me  to  compals  it.     But  I  had  none  of  thofe 
views,  and  fo  was  not  moved  by  them.     The  Duke 
of  Buckingham  afked  me,  what  I  meruit  in  being 
fo  much  about  the  Duke  ?  If  I  fancied  I  could 
change  him  in  point -of  religion,  I  knew  him  and 
the  world  very  little  :  If  I  had  a  mind  to  raife  my 
felf,  a  fure  method  for  that  was,  to  talk  to  him  of" 
the  Reformation,  as  a  thing  done  in  heat  and  hafte, 
and  that  in  a  calmer  time  it  might  be  fit  to  re 
view  it  all.     He  faid,  I  needed  go  no  farther ;  for 
fuch  an  intimation  would  certainly  raife  me/    And 
when  I  was  pofnive  not  to  enter  into  fuch  a  Com 
pliance,  he  told  me,  he  knew  Courts  better  than 
I  did  :  Princes  thought  their  favours  were  no  ordi 
nary  things  :  They  expecled  great  fubmifTions  in 
return  :  Otherwife  they  thought  they  were  deijpifed  : 
And  I  would  feel  the  ill  effects  of  the  favour  I  then 
-had,  if  I  did  not  (hike  into  fome  compliances  : 
And,  fince  I   was  refolved  againft   thefe,  he  ad- 
yifed  me  to  withdraw  from  the  Court ;  the  fooner 
iht  better.     I  imputed  this  to  his  hatred  of  the 

Duke ; 


of  King   CHARLES  II.  505 

Duke:  But  I  found  afterwards  the  advice  was  1673. 
found  and  good.  I  likewife  faw  thofe  things  in  o-v^» 
the  Duke's  temper,  from  which  I  concluded,  I 
could  not  maintain  an  intereft  in  him  long.  He 
was  for  fubjects  fubmitting  in  all  things  to  the 
King's  notions ;  and  thought,  that  all  who  oppo- 
fed  him,  or  his  Minifters  in  Parliament,  were 
rebels  in  their  hearts  \  and  he  hated  all  popular 
things,  as  below  the  dignity  of  a  King.  He  was 
much  fharpened  at  that  time  by  the  proceedings 
of  the  Houfe  of  Commons. 

In  the  former  feffion  it  was  known,  that  he  was  The 
treating  a  marriage  with  the  Archdutchefs  :  And  Dukf's 
yet  no  addrefs  was  made  to  the  King  to  hinder  his  ^"fof 
marrying  a  Papift.  His  honour  was  not  then  en-  by  the 
gaged  :  So  it  had  been  feafonable,  and  to  good  Commons 
purpofe  to  have  moved  in  it  then.  But  now  he 
v/as  married  by  proxy,  and  Lord  Peterborough 
had  brought  the  Lady  to  Paris.  Yet  the  Houfe 
of  Commons  refolved  to  ^follow  the  pattern  the 
King  of  France  had  lately  fet.  He  treated  with 
the  Elector  Palatine,  for  a  marriage  between  his 
brother  and  the  Elector's  daughter  •,  in  which  one 
of  the  conditions  agreed  to  was,  that  me  mould 
enjoy  the  freedom  of  her  religion,  and  have  a 
private  Oratory  for  the  exercife  of  it.  When 
me  came  on  her  way  as  far  as  Metz,  an  order 
was  fent  to  llop  her,  till  fne  v/as  better  inftrucl:- 
ed  :  Upon  which  ilie  changed,  at  lead  as  to  out 
ward  Appearance.  It  is  true,  the  Court  of  France 
gave  it  out  that  the  Elector  had  confented  to 
this  method,  for  the  faving  his  own  honour. 
And  he  had  given  the  world  caufe  to  believe,  he 
was  capable  of  that,  tho'  he  continued  openly  to 
deny  it.  The  Houfe  of  Commons  refolved  to 
follow  this  precedent,  and  to  make  an  addrefs  to 
the  King,  to  flop  the  Princefs  of  Modena's  coming 
to  England,  till  me  fhpuld  change  her  Religion. 
Upon  this  the  Duke  moved  the  King  to  prorogue 
fhe  Parliament  for  a  week  :  And  a  Commiffion 


56  6  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1673*  was  ordered  for  it.  The  Duke  went  to  the  Houfe 
on  that  day,  to  prefs  the  calling  up  the  Commons 
before  they  could  have  time  to  go  on  to  bufmefs. 
Some  Peers  were  to  be  brought  in.  The  Duke 
preffed  Lord  Shafcfbury  to  put  that  off,  and  to 
prorogue  the  Parliament.  He  faid  coldly  to  him, 
there  was  no  hafte.  But  the  Commons  made  more 
hafte  :  For  they  quickly  came  to  a  vote  for  Hop 
ping  the  marriage.  And  by  this  means  they  were 
engaged,  (having  put  fuch  an  affront  on  the 
Duke)  to  proceed  farther.  He  prefently  told  me, 
how  the  matter  went,  and  how  the  Lord  Chancellor 
had  ufed  him  :  He  was  confident  the  King  would 
take  the  Seals  from  him,  if  he  could  not  manage 
the  feflions  fo  as  to  procure  him  money,  of 
which  there  was  indeed  fmall  appearance.  I  told 
him,  I  looked  on  that  as  a  fatal  thing,  if  the 
Commons  began  once  to  affront  him  :  That  would 
have  a  fad  train  of  confequences,  as  foon  as  they 
thought  it  necefTary  for  their  own  prefervation,  to 
fecure  thernfelves  from  falling  under  his  revenges. 
He  faid,  he  was  refolved  to  ftand  his  ground,  and 
to  fubmit  to  the  King  in  every  thing  :  He  would 
never  take  off  an  enemy  :  But  he  would  let  all  the 
world  fee,  that  he  was  ready  to  forgive  every  one, 
that  fhould  come  off  from  his  oppofition,  and 
make  applications  to  him.  When  the  week  of 
the  prorogation  was  eaded,  the  feffion  was  opened 
by  a  fpeech  of  the  King's,  which  had  fuch  various 
.ftrains  in  it,  that  it  was  plain  it  was  made  by  dif 
ferent  perfons.  The  Duke  told  me,  that  Lord 
Clarendon  during  his  favour,  had  penned  all  the 
King's  Speeches  :  but  that  now  they  were  com- 
pofed  in  the  Cabinet,  one  Minifter  putting  in  one 
period,  while' another  made  another;  fo  that  all 
was  not  of  a  piece.  He  told  me,  Lord  Arlington 
was  almoft  dead  with  fear  :  But  Lord  Shaftfbury 
reckoned  himfelf  gone  at  Court,  and  a&ed  more 
roundly.  In  his  fpeech  he  ftudied  to  correct  his 
Pelenda  eft  Carthago,  applying  it  to  the  Loeveftein 


of  King  CHARLES  IL 

party,  whom  he  called  the  Carthaginians:  But 
this  made  him  as  ridiculous,  as  the  other  made 
him  odious.  The  Houfe  of  Commons  took  up 
again  the  matter  of  the  Duke's  marriage,  and 
moved  for  an  addrefs  about  it.  But  it  was  faid, 
the  King's  honour  was  engaged.  Yet  they  ad- 
drefled  to  him  againft  it.  But  the  King  .made 
them  no  anfwer.  By  that  time  I  had  obtained  a 
licence  of  Secretary  Coventry  for  my  book,  which 
the  King  faid  mould  be  printed  at  his  charge. 

But  now  I  muft  give   an  account  of  a  ftorm  A  Parj;a. 
raifed  againft  myfelf,  the  effecls  of  which   were  ment  in 
very  fenfible  to  me  for  many  years.     The  Duke  Scotland. 
of  Lauderdale  had  kept  the  Scotch  Nation  in  fuch 
a  dependence  on  himfelf,  that  he  was  not  pleafed 
with  any  of  them  that  made  an  acquaintance  in 
England,  and  leaft  of  all  in  the  Court :  Nor  could 
he  endure,  that  any  of  them  mould  apply  them- 
felves  to  the  King  or  the  Duke,  but  thro'  him. 
So  he  looked  on  the  favour  I  had  got  into  with  a 
very  jealous   eye.     His  Dutchefs  questioned    me 
about  it.    Thofe  who  know  what  Court  jealoufies 
are  will  eafily  believe,  that  I  muft  have  faid  forne- 
what  to  fatisfy  them,  or  break  with  them.     I  told 
.her,  what  was  very  true  as  to  the  Duke,  that  my 
converfation  with  him  was  about  religion  •,    and 
that  with  the  King  I  had  talked  of  the  courfe  of 
life  he  led.     I  obferved  a  deep  jealoufy  of  me  in 
them  both  -,  efpecially,  becaufe  I  couicl  not  go  with 
them  to  Scotland.     1  faid,  I  would  follow,  as  foon 
as  the  Secretary  would  difpatch  me.     And  as  foon 
as  that  was  done  I  took  poft,  and  by  a  great  fall 
of  fnow  was  ftopt  by  the  way.     But  I  unhappily 
got  to  Edinburgh  the  Night  before  the  Parliament 
met.     Duke  Hamilton,  and  many  others,  told  me 
how  ftrangely  Duke  Lauderdale  talked  of  my  in- 
tereft  at  Court  •,  as  if  I  was   ready  to  turn  PapifL 
Duke  Plamiiton  alfo  told  me,  they  were  refolved 
next  day  to   attack  Duke   Lauderdale,    and    his 
wiiole  adrmmftraupn  in  Parliament.  I  was  troubled 

at 


508  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1673,  at  this  ;  and  argued  with  him  againfl  the  fitnefs 
v-**V-w  of  it  all  I  could.  But  he  faid  he  was  engaged : 
The  Earls  of  Rothes,  Argile,  and  Tweedale,  and 
all  the  Cavalier  party,  had  promifed  to  ftick  by 
him.  I  told  him,  what  afterwards  happened, 
that  moil  of  thefe  would  make  their  own  terms, 
and  leave  him  in  the  lurch  :  And  the  load  would 
lye  on  him.  When  I  law  the  thing  was  pail  re 
medy,  I  refolved  to  go'home,  and  follow  my  flu- 
dies  ;  fmce  I  could  not  keep  Duke  Lauderdale 
and  him  any  longer  in  a  good  understanding. 
A  party  Next  day,  when  the  Parliament  was  opened, 
formed  tne  King's  letter  was  read,  defiring  their  affiftance 
in  carrying  on  the  war  with  Holland,  and  alluring 
dale.  them  of  his  affection  to  them  in  very  kind  words. 
This  was  feconded  by  Duke  Lauderdale  in  a  long 
•fpeech.  And  immediately  it  was  moved  to  ap 
point  a  Committee  to  prepare  an  anfwer  to  the 
Kind's  letter,  as  was  ufual.  Duke  Hamilton 
moved,  that  the  flare  of  the  Nation  might  be 
firft  confidered,  that  fo  they  might  fee  what 
grievances  they  had:  And  he  hinted  at  fome. 
And  then,  as  it  had  been  laid,  about  twenty  men, 
one  after  another,  fpoke  to  feveral  particulars. 
Some  mentioned  the  iak,  others  the  tobacco,  and 
the  brandy  :  Some  complained  of  the  adminiftra- 
tion  of  juilice,  and  others  of  the  coin.  With 
this  the  Duke  of  Lauderdale  was  flruck,  as  one 
dead  ;  for  he  had  raifed  his  credit  at  Court  by  the 
opinion  of  his  having  all  Scotland  in  his  hand, 
and  in  a  dependence  on  him  :  So  a  difcovery  of 
this  want  of  credit  with  us  he  faw  mull  fink  him 
there.  He  had  not  looked  for  this  j  tho'  I  had 
warned  him  of  a  great  deal  of  it.  But  he  re 
flecting  on  that,  and  on  the  credit  I  had  got  at 
Court,  and  on  the  haile  I  made  in  my  journey, 
and  my  coming  critically  the  night  before  the 
feflion  opened  -/he  laid  all  this  together,  and  fan 
cied  I  was  fent  on  defign,  as  the  agent  of  the 
party,  and  that  the  licenfing  my  book  was  only  a 

blind ; 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  TL  s  II.  509 

blind:  He  believed  Sir  Robert  Murray  had  laid 
it,  and  that  the  Earl  of  Shaftfbury  had  managed 
it.  And  becaufe  it  was  a  common  artifice  of 
King  Charles's  Mi n liters,  to  put  the  mifcarriage 
of  arfairs  upon  fome  accident,  that  had  not  been 
forefeen  by  them,  but  mould  be  provided  againft 
for  the  future  ;  he  allured  the  King,  that  i  had 
been  the  incendiary,  that  I  had  my  uncle's  temper 
in  me,  and  that  I  muft  be  fubdued,  otherwife  I 
would  embroil  all  his  affairs.  The  'King  took  all 
things  of  that  kind  eafily  from  his  Minifters, 
without  hearing  any  thing  to  the  contrary  :  For 
he  was  wont  to  fay,  all  apologies  were  lies  :  Up 
on  which  one  faid  to  him  once,  then  he  would  al 
ways  believe  the  firil  lye.  But  all  this  was  much 
encreafed,  when  Duke  Lauderdale  upon  his  com 
ing  up  told 'the  King,  that  I  had  boafled  to  his 
wife  of  the  freedom  that  I  had ;  ufed  with  him, 
upon  his  courfe  of  life.  With  this  the  King  was 
highly  offended  :  Or  at  leafl  he  made  much  ufe  of 
it,  to  juftify  many  hard  things  that  he  faid  of 
me  :  And  for  many  years  he  allowed  himfelf  a 
very  free  fcope  in  talking  of  me.  1  was  certainly 
to  blame  for  the  freedom  I  had  ufed  with  the 
Dutchefs  of  Lauderdale  :  But  I  was  furprized  by 
her  queftion  :  And  I  could  not  bring  myfelf  to 
tell 'a  lye  :  So  I  had  no  other  lliift  ready  to  fatisfy 
her.  But  the  Duke  kept  up  ftill  a  very  good  opU 
nion  of  me.  I  went  home  to  Glafgow,  where  I 
profecuted  my  ftudies  till  the  June  following, 
when  I  went  again  to  London. 

Duke  Lauderdaie  put  off  the  fefilon  of  Parliar  He  offers 
ment  for  fome  time;    and  called  a  Council,  in  tc 
which  he  faid,  great  complaints  had  been  made  in 
Parliament  of  grievances  :    He  had  full  authority 
to  redrefs  them  all  in- the  King's  name  :    There 
fore  he  charged  the  Privy  Counfellors  to  lay  all 
things  of  that  kind  before  that  board,  and  not  to 
carry  them  before   any  other  aiTembly,    till  they 
faw  what   redrefs  was  to  be  had  there.      Duke 
l  Hamilton 


510  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1673.  Hamilton  faid,  the  regular  way  of  complaints  was 
vxv^s./  to  make  them  in  Parliament,  which  only  could 

redrefs  them  effectually  ;  fmce  the  putting  them 
down  by  the  authority  of  Council,  was  only  lay 
ing  them  afide  for  a  while,  till  a  fitter  opportunity 
was  found  to  take  them  up  again.  .  Upon  this 
Duke  Lauderdale  proteited,  that  he  was  ready  in  the 
King's  name  to  give  the  fubject  eafe  and  freedom, 
and  that  thofe  who  would  not  affiil  and  concur 
\vith  him  in  this,  were  wanting  in  duty  and  re- 
fpect  to  the  King ;  and  fmce  he  faw  the  matter  of 
the  fait,  the  tobacco,  and  the  brandy,  had  raifed 
much  clamour,  he  would  quafh  thele.  But  the 
party  had  a  mind  to  have  the  inftruments  of  their 
oppreilion  punifhed,  as  well  as  the  opprefllon  it- 
felf  removed  ;  and  were  refolved  to  have  thele 
things  condemned  by  fome  exemplary  punifli- 
nients,  and  to  purfue  Duke  Lauderdale  and  his 
party  with  this  clamour. 

1674.  Next  feffion  of  Parliament  new  complaints  were 
v-O<"s-;  offered.     Duke  Lauderdale  faid,    thele  ought  tq> 
raiitdPUt '  ke  made  firit  to  the  Lords  of  the  Articles,    to 
about  the  whom  all  petitions  and  motions  ought  to  be  made 
Lords  of    firft  •,    and  that  they  were  the  only  Judges,  what 
the  Arti-    matters  were  fit  to  be  brought   into  Parliament. 

The  other  fide  faid,  they  were  only  a  Committee 
of  Parliament,  to  put  motions  into  the  form  of 
acts  y  but  that  the  Parliament  had  flill  an  entire 
authority  to  examine  into  the  ftate  of  the  Nation. 
In  this  debate,  they  had  the  reafon  of  things  on 
their  fide  :  But  the  words  of  the  Act  favoured 
Duke  Lauderdale.  So  he  lodged  it  now  where 
he  wifhed  it  might  be,  in  a  point  of  prerogative. 
He  valued  himfelf  to  the  King  on  this,  that  he 
had  drawn  the  Act  that  fettled  the  power  of  the 
Lords  of  the  Articles ;  who  being  all  upon  the 
matter  named  by  the  King,  it  was  of  great  concern 
to  him  to  maintain  that,  as  the  check  upon  facti 
ous  fpirits  there  *  which  would  be  no  fooner  let 

3  S°> 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

go,  than  the  Parliament  of  Scotland  would  grow   167 
as  unquiet,  as  a  Houfe  of  Commons  was  in  Eng- 
land :    That    was  a  confideration  which   at  this 
time  had  great  weight  with  the  King.  I  now  return 
to  give  an  account  of  this  year's  feflion  in  England. 

In  the  beginning  of  it,  the  Duke  of  Onnond,  The  pro- 
the  Earls  of  Shaftfbury,  and  Arlington,  and  Se-  ceedings" 
cretary  Coventry,  offered  an  advice  to  the  King, in  the  Par- 
for  fending  the  Duke  for  fome  time  from  tHefe** 
Court,  as  a  good  expedient  both  for  himfelf  and  'nsan  * 
the  Duke.  The  King  hearkened  fo  far  to  it,  that 
he  fent  them  to  move  it  to  the  Duke.  He  was 
highly  incenfed  at  it :  He  faid,  he  would  obey 
all  the  King's  orders,  but  would  look  on  thofe  as 
his  enemies,  who  offered  him  fuch  advices.  And 
he  never  forgave  this  to  any  of  them  ;  no  not  to 
Coventry,  for  all  his  good  opinion  of  him.  He 
preiTed  the  King  vehemently  to  take  the  feals  from 
the  Earl  of  Shaftfbury.  So  it  was  done  :  And 
they  were  given  to  Finch,  then  Attorney  General, 
made  afterwards  Earl  of  Nottingham.  He  was  pjnci,-s 
a  man  of  probity,  and  well  veried  in  the  laws, 
He  was  long  much  admired  for  his  eloquence  : 
But  it  was  laboured  and  affected  :  And  he  faw  it 
much  defpifed  before  he  died.  He  had  no  fort; 
of  knowledge  in  foreign  affairs  :  And  yet  h0 
loved  to  talk  of  them  perpetually  :  By  which  he 
cxpofed  himfelf  to  thofe  who  underftood  them. 
He  thought  he  was  bound  to  juftify  the  Court  in 
all  debates  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords,  which  he  did 
with  the  vehemence  of  a  pleader,  rather  than 
with  the  foiemnity  of  a  fenator.  He  was  an  in 
corrupt  Judge :  And  in  his  Court  he  could  re- 
flft  the  ftrongeft  applications,  even  from  the 
King  himfelf,  tho*  he  did  it  no  where  elfe.  He 
was  too  eloquent  on  the  bench,  in  the  Houfe  of 
Lords,  and  in  common  conversation.  One  thing 
deferves  to  be  remembered  of  him :  He  took 
great  care  of  filling  the  Church  livings,  that  be^ 
longed  to  the  Seal  with  worthy  men  :  And  he 

obliged 


5*2  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1674.  obliged  them  all  to  refidence.~    Lord  Shaftfbury 
v~>o  was  now   at  liberty  to  open  himfelf  againft  the 
Court  ;    which  he    did   with  as  little  referve  as 
decency. 

The  Houfe  of  Commons  were  refolved  to  fall 
on  all  the  Miniftry.  They  began  with  *puke 
Lauderdale,  and  voted  an  addrefs  to  remove  him 
from  the  King's  Councils  and  prefence  for  ever. 
They  went  next  upon  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  : 
And,  it  being  moved  in  his  name,  that  the  Houfe 
would  hear  him,  he  was  fuffered  to  come  ~t# 
the  Houfe.  The  firft  day  'of  his  being  t>efore 
them  he  fell  into  fuch  a  diibrder,  that  he  pretend 
ed  he  was  taken  ill,  and  defired  to  be  admitted 
again.  Next  day  he  Was  more  compofed.  He 
j uftified  his  own  defigns,  laying  all  the  ill  coun- 
fels  upon  others,  chiefly  on  Lord  Arlington,  in 
timating  plainly  that  the  root  of  all  errors  was  in 
the  King  and  the  Duke.  He  faid,  hunting  was 
a  good  diverfion,  but  if  a  man  would  hunt  with 
a  brace  of  lobfters,  he  would  have  but  ill  fport. 
He  had  ufed  that  figure  to  myfelf ;  but  had  then 
applied  it  to  Prince  Rupert  and  Lord  Arlington : 
But  it  was  now  underftood  to  go  higher.  His 
fpeech  fignified  nothing  towards  the  faving  of 
himfelf:  But  it  loft  him  the  King's  favour  fo  en 
tirely,  that  he  never  recovered  it  afterwards. 
Lord  Arlington  was  next  attack'd  :  He  appeared 
alfo  before  the  Commons,  and  fpoke  much  better 
than  was  expected  :  He  exctifed  himfelf,  but 
without  blaming  the  King  :  And  this  had  fo 
good  an  effect,  that  tho'  he,  as  Secretary  of  State, 
was  mere  expofed  than  any  other,  by  the  many 
warrants  and  orders  he  had  ligned,  yet  he  was  ac 
quitted,  tho'  by  a  fmall  majority.  But  the  care 
he  took  to  preierve  himfelf,  and  his  fuccefs  in  it, 
loft  him  his  high  favour  with  the  King,  as  the 
Duke  was  out  of  meafure  offended  at  him  :  So  he 
quitted  his  poft,  and  was  majie  Lord  Cham- 
berlain. 

The 


btaces. 


of  King  CHARLES  II,  513 

The  Houfe  of  Commons  was  refolved  to  force  1674. 
the  King  to  a  peace  with  the  Dutch.  The  Court  x*>rv^/ 
of  France  recalled  Croiffy,  rinding  that  the  Duke 
was  offended  at  his  being  Jed  by  Lord  Arlington. 
Rouvigny  was  fent  over  :  A  man  of  great  practice 
in  buQnefs,  and  in  aii  intrigues.  He  was  ftill  a 
firm  Proteftant,  but  in  all  other  refpecls  a  very 
dextrous  Courtier,  and  one  of  the  greater!  Statef- 
men  in  Europe.  He  had  the  appointments  of  an 
Embaffador,  but  would  not  take  the  character, 
that  he  might  not  have  a  Chapel,  and  Mafs  faid 
in  it.  Upon  his  coming  over,  as  he  himfelf  told 
me,  he  found  all  the  Minifters  of  the  Allies  were 
perpetually  plying  the  Members  of  the  Houfe  of 
Commons  with  their  memorials.  He  knew  he 
could  gain  nothing  on  them  :  So  he  never  left  the 
King.  The  King  was  in  great  perplexity  :  He  A  peace 
would  have  done  any  thing,  and  parted  with  any  concluded 
perfons,  if  that  would  have  procured  him  money  u 
For  carrying  on  the  war.  But  he  law  little  ap 
pearance  of  that.  He  found  he  was  indeed  at  the 
mercy  of  the  States.  So  Lord  Arlington  preffed 
the  Spanifh  Minifters  to  prevail  with  the  States, 
and  the  Prince  of  Orange,  to  get  a  propofition 
for  a  peace  to  be  fet  on  foot.  And  that  it  might 
have  fome  mew  of  a  peace  both  begg'd  and 
bought,  he  propofed  that  a  fum  of  money  fhould 
be  offered  the  King  by  the  States,  which  fhould 
be  made  over  by  him  to  the  Prince,  for  the  pay 
ment  of  the  debt  he  owed  him.  Rouvigny  prefs'd 
the  King  much  to  give  his  Parliament  all  fatis- 
faction  in  points  of  religion.  The  King  anfwered 
him,  if  it  was  not  for  his  brother's  folly,  (La 
Sottife  de  mon  Frere,)  he  would  get  out  of  all 
his  difficulties.  Rouvigny  drew  a  memorial  for 
informing  the  Houfe  of  Commons  of  the  modefly 
of  his  mafter's  pretenfions  :  For  now  the  French 
King  was  fenfible  of  his  errors  in  making  fuch 
high  demands,  as  he  had  made  at  Utrecht ;'  and 
was  endeavouring  to  get  out  of  the  war  on  eafier 
VOL.  I.  L  1  terms. 


514  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1674.  terms.  The  States  committed  a  great  error  in 
defiring  a  peace  with  England,  without  defiring 
at  the  fame  time,  that  the  King  fhould  enter  in 
to  the  alliance,  for  reducing  the  French  to  the 
terms  of  the  Triple  Alliance.  But  the  Prince  of 
Orange  thought,  that  if  he  conld  once  feparate 
the  King  from  his  alliance  with  France,  the  other 
point  wonld  be  foon  brought  about.  And  the 
States  were  much  fet  on  the  having  a  peace  with 
England,  hoping  then  both  to  be  freed  of  the 
great  trouble  of  fecuring  the  coaft  at  a  vaft  charge^ 
and  alfo  by  the  advantage  of  their  fleet  to  ruin, 
the  trade,  and  to  infult  the  coaft  of  France.  The 
States  did  this  winter  confer  a  new  and  extraordi 
nary  dignity  on  the  Prince  of  Orange.  They  • 
made  him  Hereditary  Stadtholder.  So  that  this 
was  entailed  on  him,  and  his  iiTue  male.  He  had 
5n  a  year  and  a  half's  time  changed  the  whole  face 
of  their  affairs.  He  had  not  only  taken  Naer- 
den,  which  made  Amfterdam  eafy  :  But  by  a 
very  bold  undertaking  he  had  gone  up  the 
Rhine  to  Bon,  and  had  taken  it  in  a  very  few  days-: 
And  in  it  had  cut  off  the  fupplies  that  the  French 
fent  clown  to  their  garrifons  on  the  Rhine  and  the 
Ifel.  So  that  the  French  finding  they  could  not 
fubfiil  longer  there,  were  now  refolved  to  evacu 
ate  all  thofe  places,  and  the  three  Provinces  of 
which  they  were  poflefied  :  which  they  did  a 
few  months  after.  An  alliance  was  alfo  made 
with  the  Emperor.  And  by  this  means  both  the 
Elector  of  Cologn,  and  the  Bilhop  of  Munfter, 
were  brought  to  a  peace  with  the  States.  The 
Elector  of  Brandenburgh  was  likewife  returning 
to  the  alliance  with  the  States  :  For  in  the 
treaty,  to  which  he  was  forced  to  fubmit,  witfy 
^Turenne  for  a  truce  of  a  year,  he  had  put  an  ar 
ticle,  reierving  to  himfelf  a  liberty  to  act  in  con- 
f  urrence  with  the  Empire,  according  to  fuel)  refo- 
lutions  as  fhould  be  taken  in  the  Diet.  This 
fhange  of  the  affairs  of  tlie  States  had  got  the 

Prince 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  i  s   II.  5*5  -. 

Prince  of  Orange  the  affections  of  the  people  to,  1.674.. 
fuch  a  degree,  that  he  could  have  obtained  .every  ^rv^.: 
thing  of  them  that  he  would  have  denred  :  And; 
even  the  lofs  of  fo  important  a  place  as  Maftrichti 
was  not  at  all  charged  on  him.  So  lie  brought- thes 
States  to  make  applications  to  the  Kirig  in  the ..fty-lg; 
of  thofe  who  begg'd  a  peace,  tho'  it  was  vifibleAhey 
could  have  forced  it.  In  conclufion,  a  project  ,ol  a. 
peace  with  England  was  formed,  or  rather  the  peace 
of  Breda  was  writ  over  again,  with  the  offer  of 
2  or  300000!.  for  the  expence  of  the  war.  .And. 
the  King  figned  it  at  Lord  Arlington's  office. 

He  came  up  immediately  into  the  drawing 
room  •,  where  feeing  Rouvigny  he  took  him  afide,- 
and  told  him,  he  had  been  doing  a  thing  that 
went  more  againil  his  heart,  than  the  lofmg  of 
his  right  hand  :  He  had  figned  a  peace  with  the 
Dutch,  the  projecl  being  brought  him  by  the  Spa- 
mm  Embaffador  :  He  law  nothing  could  content 
the  Houfe  of  Commons,  or  draw  money  from 
them  :"  And  Lord  Arlington  had  prefled  -him  fo 
hard,  that  he  had  flood  out  till  he  was  weary  of 
his  life  :  He  faw  it  was  impoffible  for  him  to  carry 
on  the  war  without  fupplies,  of  which  it  was  plain 
he  could  have  no  hopes.  Rouvigny  told  him,  T  King 
what  was  done  could  not  be  helped  :  But  he  ™™*d. 
would  let  him  fee  how  faithfully  he  would  ler»c£t,rofth"fl 
him  on  this  occafion  :  He  did  not  doubt  but  his  p,acc. 
mailer  would  fubmic  all  his  pretenfions  to  him, 
and  make  him  the  arbiter  and  mediator  ot  the 
peace.  This  the  King  received  with  great  joy; 
and  faid,  it  would  be  the  moil  acceptable  fervice 
that  could  be  done  him.  The  French  refolved 
upon  this  to  accept  of  the  King's  mediation.  And 
fo  the  King  got  out  of  the  war,  very  little  to  his 
honour,  having  both  engaged  in  it  upon  unjuft 
grounds,  and  managed  it  all  along  with  ill  con- 
du6t,  and  bad  fuccefs :  And  now  he  got  out  ot 
\t  in  fo  poor  and  fo  dishonourable  a  manner,  that 
With  it  he  loft  his  credit  both  at  home  apd  abroad. 
L  1  3 


5  l  &  The  HIST  OR  Y  of  the  Reign 

16^4.   Yet  he  felt  little  of  all  this.     He  and  his  brother 

IX~V*V;  were  now  at  their  eafe.  Upon  this,  the  Parlia 
ment  was  quickly  prorogued  :  And  the  Court  de 
livered  itfelf  up  again  to  its  ordinary  courfe  oi 
floth  and  luxury.  But  Lord  Arlington,  who  had 
brought  all  this  about,  was  fo  entirely  loft  by  it, 
that  tho'  he  knew  too  much  of  the  fecret  to  be  ill 
ufed,  yet  he  could  never  recover  the  ground  he 
had  lolt. 

The  xfye  Dutchcfs  of  York  came  over  that  winter. 

epfcha-  ^ie  was  tnen  very  y°unS>  about  fixteen,  but  of  a 
latter.  full  growth.  She  was  a  graceful  perfon,  with  a 
good  meafure  of  beauty,  and  fo  much  wit  and 
cunning,  that  during  all  this  reign  me  behaved 
herfelf  in  fo  obliging  a  manner,  and  feemed  fq 
innocent  and  good,  that  me  gained  upon  all  that 
Came  near  her,  and  pofTerTed  them  with  fuch  im- 
prefilons  of  her,  that  it  was  lopg  before  her  be 
haviour,  after  me  was  a  Queen,  could  make  them 
change  their  thoughts  qf  her.  So  artificially  did 
this  young  Italian  behave  herfelf,  that  me  deceived 
even  the  eldeil  and  moft  jealous  perfons,  both  in 
the  Court  and  Country.  Only  fometimes  a  faty- 
rical  temper  broke  out  too  much,  which  was  im 
puted  to  youth  and  wit,  not  enough  practifed  in 
the  world.  She  avoided  the  appearances  of  a 
zealot,  or  a  meddler  in  bufmefs  •,  and  gave  her 
felf  up  to  innocent  cheerfulnefs  -,  and  was  univer- 
fally  eileemed  and  beloved,  as  long  as  me  wa$ 
Dutchefs. 

Cole-  She  had  one  put  about  her  to  be  her  Secretary, 

n;an's        Coleman  ;  who  became  fo  active  in  the  affairs  of 
charac  er.  ^  ancj  ended  his  life  fo  unfortunately,  that 


fince  I  had  much  conyerfation  with  him,  his  cir- 
cumftances  may  cleferve  that  his  character  ihould 
be  given,  tho'  his  perfon  di^l  not.  I  was  told;> 
he  was  a  Clergyman's  Ion  :  But  he  was  early 
catched  by  the  Jefaks,  and  bred  many  years 
among  them.  He  underftood  the  art  of  mana 
ging  controverfies.,  chiefly  that  great  one  of  tfoe 

authority 


of  King  CHARLES!!.  517 

authority  of  the  Church,  better  than  any  of  their  1674. 
Priefts.  He  was  a  bold  man,  reioived  to  raife  u*v^ 
himfelf,  which  he  did  by  dedicating  himfelf  wholly 
to  the  Jefuits :  And  fo  he  was  raifed  by  them.  He 
had  a  great  eafinefs  in  writing  in  feveral  languages  -, 
and  writ  many  long  letters,  and  was  the  chief  cor- 
refpondent  the  party  had  in  England.  He  lived  at 
a  vail  expence.  And  talked  in  fo  pofitive  a  man 
ner,  that  it  looked  like  one  who  knew  he  was  well 
fupported:  I  foon  faw  into  his  temper  5  and  I 
warned  the  Duke  of  it :  For  I  looked  on  him*  as 
a  man  much  liker  to  fpoil  btifmefs,  than  to  carry- 
it  oh  dextroufly.  He  got ,  into  the  confidence  of 
P.  Ferrier  the  King  of  France's  confefibr ;  and 
tried  to  get  into  the  fame  pitch  of  confidence  witk 
P.  de  la  Cha'ife,  who  fucceeded  him  in  that  pofh 
He  went  ajDout  every  where j  even  to  the  jayk 
among  the  criminals,  to  make  profelytes.  He  dealt 
much  both  in  the  giving  and  taking  of  bribes.  But 
now  the  affairs  of  England  were  calmed,  I  look 
again  to  Scotland,  which  was  yet  in  a  ftorm. 

The  King  writ  to  Duke  Hamilton  to  co'me  up;  TJieaffairs 
And  when  he  and  Lord  Tweedaie  arrived,  they 
were  fo  well  received,  that  they  hoped  to1  carry 
their  point.  But  the  King's  ddlgn  in.  this  was, 
that,  if  he  could  have  brought  the  Houfe  of  Com 
mons  to  have  given  money,  he  was  refolved  to 
have  parted  with  Duke  Lauderdale,  and  have  em 
ployed  them.  And  his  kind  ufage  of  them  was 
on  defign  to  perfuade  the  Commons  to  ufe  him* 
ie'lf  better,  by  fh'ewing  that  he  was  ready  to  com 
ply  with  them.  He  gave  them  fo  good  a  hearing, 
that  they  thought  they  had  fully  convinced  him  : 
And  he  blamed  them  only  for  not  complaining  to 
himfelf  of  thofe  grievances.  But,  as  foon  as  he 
faw  it  was  to  no  purpofe  to  look  for  money  from 
the  Houfe  of  Commons,  and  had  figned  the  peace, 
he  lent  them  down  with  full  afiurances  that  all 
things  fliould  be  left  to  the  judgment  of  the  Par 
liament,,  They  came  down  thro'  the  greateft  fall 

L  1  3  of 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
1674.  of  "ihow  that  has  been  in  all  my  life- time.   When 
*^-v^>  they  got  home,  inflead  of  a  feffion,  there  was  an 
The  Par  i- order  for  a  prorogation-,  which  gave  fuch  an  uni- 
ment  vvas  Aerial  difcdntent,  that  many  offered  at  very  extra- 
prorogue  iVa^ant  pr0pofitions,  for  deftroying  Duke  Lauder- 
•dafe  and  all  his  party.    Duke  Hamilton,  who  told 
^ne  this  fome -years  after,  when  an  Act  of  Grace 
was  -published,  was  neither  fo  bad  nor   fo  bold  as 
to  hearken  to  thefe.    The  King  writ  him  a  cajoling 
letter,,  defiring   him  to  come  up  once  more,  and 
to  refer  all  matters  to  him  :  And  he  allured  him, 
he  would  make  up  all  differences. 

In  the  mean  while  Duke  Lauderdale   took  all 

^ofiibie  methods  to  become   more   popular.     He 

Connived  at  the   infolence   of  the   Prefbyterians, 

•who  took  pofMion  of  one  of  the  vacant  Churches 

b£Edinburghvand  preached  in. it  for  fome  months. 

The  Earl  of  Argile  and  Sir  James  Dalrimple  were 

the'  men  on  whom  the  Prefbyterians  depended/noft. 

Duke  Lauderdale  returned  to  his  old  kindnefs  with 

t>  the  former  :  And  Lord  Argile  was  very  ready  to 

forget  his  late  unkindnefs.     So  matters  were  made 

Ba!          Up  between  them.     Dalrimple  was  the  Prefident 

rimple's    of-'the  feffion,  a  man  of  great  temper,  and  of  a 

character,  .very  mild  deportment,  but  a  cunning  man.    He 

VMs  now  taken  into  the  chief  confidence.     He  told 

the  Prelbyterians,  if  they  would  now  fupport  Duke 

Lauderdale,  this   would  remove  the  prejudice  the 

King  had  againft  them,  as  enemies  to  his  fervice. 

This  wrought  on  many  of  them. 

The  What  influence  foever  this  might  have  on   the 

Clergy      Prefbyterians,  the  ftrange  conduct  with  relation 

'to  them  pr°voked  the  Clersy  out  of  meafure- 

''Some  hot  men,  that  were  noc  preferred  as  they 
thought  they 'cleferved,  grew  very  mutinous,  and 
complained  that  things  were  let  fall  into  much 
confufion.  And  they'raifed  a  grievous  outcry  for 
the  want  of  a  National  Synod,  to  regulate  our 
"Sftrorfhip"  and  government :  And  fo  moved  in  the 
'Biocefan  Synods^that  a  petition -{hould  be  offered 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

to  the  Privy  Council,  fetdng  forth  the  neceflity  of  1674. 
'having  a  National  Synod.  I  liked  no  part  of  this.  *— v— 
I  knew  the  temper  of  our  Clergy  too  well,  to  de 
pend  much  on  them.  Therefore  I  went  out  of  the 
way  on  purpofe  when  our  Synod  was  to  meet.  Pe 
titions',  were  offered  for  a  National  Synod,  which 
was  thought  an  innocent  thing.  Yet,  it  being 
done  on  deQgn  to  heighten  the  fermentation  the 
Kingdom  was  in,  great  exceptions  we're  taken  to 
it.  One  'Bifnop,  and  four  of  the  Clergy,  were 
turned  out  by  an  order  from  the  King,  purfuant 
to  the  A6b  afiertin^  the  Supremacy.  After  a  year, 
upon  their  fubmifilon,  they  were  r/eftcred.  Tho* 
I  was  not  at  all  concerned  in'  this,  (for  I  was  ever 
of  Nazianzen's  opinion,  who  never  wifhed  to  fee 
any  more  Synods  of  the  Clergy)  yet  the  King  was 
made  believe,  that  I  had  laid  the  whole  matter, 
even  tho'  I  did  not  appear  in  any  part  of  it. 

Another  diforder  broke  out,  which  had  greater  A  great 
effeds-.  A  caufe  being  judged  in  the  fupreme  Court  di 
of  SeffioiV  the  party  appealed  to  the  Parliament, 
This  was  looked  on  as  a  .'high  contempt,  done  on 
defign  to  make  the  Parliament  a  Court  of  judi 
cature,  that  fo  there  might  be  a  neceflity  of  fre 
quent  Parliaments.  So  the  Judges  required  all  the 
lawyers  to  condemn  this,  as  contrary  to  law.  And 
they  had  the  words  of  a  law  on  their  fide  :  For 
there  lay  no  fuch 'appeal  as  ftopt  pfqcefs,  nor 
was  there  a  writ  of  error  in  their  law/.  But  upon 
petitions,  Parliaments  had,  tho*  but  feldom,  re 
viewed  and  reverfed  the  judgment  of  the.  Courts,  So 
the  debate  lay  about  the  fenfe  of  the  word  "  Ap 
peal."  'Sir  George  Lockhart,  brother  to  the  Em- 
bafTador,  was  the  moft  learned  lawyer,  and  the 
bed  pleader  I  have  ever  yet  known  in  any  Nation  ; 
and  he  had  all  the  lawyers  aimoft  in  a  dependence 
on  him.  He  was  engaged  with  the  party,  and  re- 
folved  to  ftand  it  out.  The  King  fent  down  an 
order  to  put  all  men  from  the  bar,  that  did  not 
coa&rhh  Appeals,  And,  when  that  wrought  not 

L14  on 

T  c 


r*  V  It    "•  -'  i  ?  *  H  CX  vir  •-{  '•»* 

520  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1674.  on  them,  they  were  by  Proclamation  banifhcd 
W^  Edinburgh,  and  twelve  miles  about  it :  And  a  new 
day  was  afligned  them  for  making  their  fubmiflion  *, 
the  King  in  a  very  unufual  flyle  declaring,  on  the 
word  of  a  prince,  that,  if  they  fubmitted  not  by 
that  day,  they  mould  never  be  again  admitted  to 
their  practice.  They  Hood  it  out  :  And  the  day 
lapied  without  their  fubmitting.  Yet  afterwards 
they  renounced  appeals  in  the  fenfe  of  the  Roman 
law  :  And,  notwithflanding  the  unufual  thre-atning 
in  the  Proclamation,  they  were  again  reflored  to 
practice.  But  this  made  a  flop  for  a  whole  year  in 
all  legal  proceedings. 

Lauder-  The  government  of  the  city  of  Edinburgh  was 
dale's  pro-  not  fo  compliant,  as  was  expected.  So  Duke  Lau- 
derdale  Procui*ed  a  letter  from  the  King  to  turn 
out  twelve  of  the  chief  Magiflrates,  and  to  declare 
them  for  ever  incapable  of  all  publick  trufls  :  So 
entirely  had  he  forgot  his  complaints  formerly  made 
againfl  incapacity,  even  when  pafs'd  in  an  Act  of 
Parliament.  The  boroughs  of  Scotland  have  by 
law,  a  privilege  of  meeting  once  a  year  in  a  body, 
to  confider  of  trade,  and  of  by-laws  relating  to  it. 
At  a  convention  held  this  year  a  petition  was 
agreed  on,  and  fent  to  the  King,  complaining  of 
fome  late  Acts  that  hindred  trade,  for  the  repeal 
of  which  there  was  great  need  of  a  feffion  of  Par 
liament  :  They  therefore  prayed,  that  when  the 
King  fent  down  a  CommilTioner  to  hold  a  ieflion, 
he  might  be  inflructed  in  order  to  that  repeal.  This 
was  judged  a  legal  thing  by  the  lawyers  there  ;  for 
this  was  a  lawful  afTembly  :  They  did  not  petition 
for  a  Parliament,  but  only  for  inflections  to  the 
iefTion.  Yet  it  was  condemn'd  as  feditious  :  And 
thofe  who  promoted  it  were  fined  and  imprifoned 
for  it.  Thus  Duke  Lauderdale  was  lifted  up  out 
of  meafure,  and  refolved  to  crulh  all  that  flood 
in  his  way.  He  was  made  Earl  of  Guilford  in 
England,  and  had  a  penfion  of  goool.  And  he  let 
himfelf  loofe  into  a  very  ungoverned  fury.  When 
5  Duke 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  521 

Duke  Hamilton,  and  fome  other  Lords  came  up,  1674* 
the  King  defired  they  would  put  their  complaints  s^v"^ 
in  writing.  They  faid,  the  laws  were  fo  oddly 
worded,  and  more  oddly  executed,  in  Scotland, 
that  the  modeftefl  paper  they  could  offer  might  be 
condemned  as  leafing-making,  and  mifreprefent- 
ing  the  King's  proceedings  :  So  they  would  not 
venture  on  ic.  The  King  promifed  them,  that  no 
ill  ufe  mould  be  made  of  it  to  their  prejudice. 
But  they  did  not  think  it  fafe  to  truft  him  •,  for 
he  feemed  to  be  entirely  delivered  up  to  all  Duke 
Lauderdale's  pafiions. 

It  is  no  wonder  then  that  I  could  not  ftand  be-  I  was  dif- 
fore  him  •,  tho'  at  my  coming  up  the   Duke   of  graced. 
York  received  me  with  great  kindnefs,  and  told 
me,  hew  he  had  got  out  of  great  difficulties,  and 
added,  that  the  King  was  very  firm  to  him  :  He 
commended  likewife  his  new  Dutchefs  much  :   He 
was  troubled  at  our  diforders  :    He  was  firm  to 
Duke  Lauderdale  :  But  he  would  have  endeavour 
ed  to  reconcile  matters,  if  there  had  been  room  for 
it.     He  told  me,  the  King  was  highly  incenfed 
againft  me  s  and  was  made  believe,  that  I  was  the 
chief  fpring  of  all  that  had  happened  :  He  him- 
felf  believed  me  more  innocent ;  and  laid,  he  would 
endeavour  to  fet  me  right  with  him  :  And  he  car 
ried  me  to  the  King,  who  received  me  coldly.  Some 
days  after,  when  the  Duke  was  a  hunting,  the  Lord 
Chamberlain  told  me,  he  had  orders  to  (hike  my 
name  out  of  the  lift  of  the  Chaplains  j  and  that 
the  King  forbad  me  the  Court,  and  expected  I 
mould  go  back  to  Scotland.     The  Duke  feemed 
troubled  at  this,  and  fpoke  to  the  King  about  it ; 
But  he  was  pofitive.     Yet  he  admitted  me  to  fay 
to  him  what  1  had  to  offer  in  my  own  justification. 
I  faid  all  that  I  thought  neceflary  ;  and   appealed 
to  Duke  Hamilton,  who  did  me  jufUce  in  it.   But 
the  King  faid,  he  was  afraid  I  had  been  too  bufy  i 
and  wifhed  me  to  go  home  to  Scotland,  and  be 
more  quiet.     The  Duke  upon  this  told  me,  that, 

if 


The  HISTORY,  of  ttie  Reigri 

if  I  went  home  without  reconciling  myfeif  to  Duke 
Lauderdale,    I  fhould  be  certainly  flint  up  in  a 
clofe  prifon,  where  I  might  perhaps  lye  too  long. 
This  I  looked  on  as  a  very  high  obligation  :  So  I 
refigned  my  employment,  and  refolved  to  flay  in 
England.     I  preached  in  many  of  the  Churches 
"of  London  ;  and  was  fo  weW  received,  that  it  was 
probable  I  might  be  accepted  of  in  any,  that  was 
to  be   difpofed  of  by  a  popular  election.     So  a 
Church  failing  to  be  given  in  that  way,  the  electors 
had  a  mind  to  choofe  me  :  But  yet  they  were  not 
willing  to  offend  the  Court.     The  Dul>e  fpoke  to 
Duke   Lauderdale,    and  told  him  that  he  had  a 
mind  I  mould  be  fettled  in  London,  and  deTfircd 
he  would  not  oppofe  it.     Duke  Lauderdale  faid, 
all 'this  was  a  trick  of  the  party  in  Scotland,  to 
fettle  me,    that  I  might  be  a  correfpondcnt  be 
tween- the  factions  in  both  'Kingdoms.     Yet,  upon 
the  Duke's  undertaking  that  I  mould  not  meddle 
in  thofe,  matters,  he  was  contented  that  the  King 
ihould  let  the  electors  know,  he'  was  not   againft 
their  choofing  me.     Upon  this  DuKe  Lauderdale, 
feeing  what  a  root  I  had  with  the  Duke,  fenC  a 
meffage  to  me,  that,  if  I  would  promife  to  keep 
no  farther  correfpondence  with  Duke  Hamilton,  I 
fhould  again  be  reilored  to  his  favour.     I  faid,  I 
had  promifed  the  Duke   to  meddle  no  more  in 
Scotch  affairs :  But  I  could  not  forfake  my  friends, 
nor  turn  againft  them.     By  this  :h"e  judged  I  was 
in-flexible.     So  he  carried  a  ilory  to  the  King  the 
very  night  before  the  election,  that  upon  enquiry 
was  found  to  be  falfe,  when  it  was  too  late  to 
help  what  was  done. "    Upon  that,  the  King  fent  a 
fevere  meffage  to  the  electors.     So  I  miffed  that. 
And  fometime  after  a  new  ftory  was  invented,  of 
which  Sharp  was  indeed  the  author,  by  which'  the 
King  was  made  believe,  that  I  was  ppffeffmg  both 
Lords  and  Commons  againft  Duke  Lauderdale. 
Upon  that,   the  King  ordered  Coventry  to  com* 
jpand  me  to  leave  London,  and  not  to  come  with" 


of  King  CHARLES  I|. 

in  twenty- miles  of  it.  The,  Duke  told  me  what  the 
particulars  were,  which  were  all  falfe  :  For  Lord 
Faulconbridge  and  Lord  Carlifle  were  the  Lords, 
into  whom  it  was  faid  I  was  infufing  thofe  preju 
dices.  Now  I  was  known  to  neither  of  them  ;  for, 
tho'  they  had  defired  my  acquaintance,  I  had  de 
clined  it.  So  I  told  all  this  to  Secretary  Coventry, 
who  made  report  of  it  to  the  King  in  the  Duke's 
prefence  :  And  thofe  Lords  juftified  me  in  the 
matter.  I  hoped  the  King  would  upon  all  this  re 
call  his  order.  But  he  would  not  dp  it.  So  I  alked 
to  have  it  in  writing.  The  Secretary  knew  it  wa« 
againft.law  :  So  he  would  not  do  it.  But  I  was 
forbid  the  Court.  The  Duke  brought  Duke  Lau- 
derdale  and  me  once  together,  to  have  made  u£ 
friends.  But  nothing  would  do,  unlefs  I  would 
forfake  all  my  friends,  and  difcover  fecrets.  I  faid, 
I  knew  no  wicked;  ones  :  And  i  could  not  break 
with  perfons,  with  whom  1  had  lived  long  in  great 
friendfhip.  The  Duke  fpoke  to  the  Lord  Trea- 
furer,  to  foften  Duke  Lauderdale  with  relation  to 
me-,  and  fent  me  to  him.  He  undertook  to  do 
it  j  but  faid  afterwards,  Duke  Lauderdale  was  in 
tractable, 

This  violent  and  groundlefs  prp.fecution  laded 
fome  months.  And  during  that  time  I  faid  to 
fome,  that  Duke  Lauderdale  had  gone  Ib  far  in 
opening  fome  wicked  defigns  to  me,  that  1  per 
ceived  he  could  not  be  fatisfied,  unlefs  I  was  un 
done.  So  I  told  what  was  mentioned  before,  of 
the  difcourfes  that  pafs'd  between  him  and  me. 
This  I  ought  not  to  have  done,  fmce  they  were  the 
effects  of  confidence  and  friendfhip.  But  fuch  a 
eourfe  of  provocation  might  have  heated  a  cooler 
and  elder  man  than  I  was,  being  then  but  thirty, 
to  forget  the  caution  that  I  ought  to  have  ufed. 
The  perfons!  who  had  this  from  me,  refolved  to 
make  ufe  of  it  againft  him,  in  the  next  feffion  of 
parliament :  For  which  the  Earl  of  Danby  and 
.he  were  preparing,  by  turning  to-new  methods. 

3  Lord 


The  HISTORY  6f  tKc  Reign 

Lord  Danby  fet  up  to  be  the  patron  of  the 
Church-party,  and  of  the  old  Cavaliers  :  And 
The  Mi-  Duke  Lsuderdale  joined  himfelf  to  him.  It  was 
nifters  faid  the  Ki  had  H  along  negle&ed  his  beft  and 

turned        rkr-jo  r  ^  c 

to  the  iureit  mends  :  bo  a  new  meaiure  was  taken  up,  or 
Church  doing  all  poflible  honours  to  the  memory  of  King 
party.  Charles  I.  and  to  all  that  had  been  in  his  i'nterefts. 
A  ftatue  of  brafs  on  horfe  back,  that  had  beeft 
long  neglecfted,  was  bought,  and  fet  up  at  Charing- 
crols  :  And  a  magnificent  funeral  was  defigned  for 
him.  The  building  of  St.  Paul's  in  London  was 
ROW  fet  on  foot  with  great  zeal.  Morley  and  fome 
of  the  Bifhops  were  fent  for  :  And  the  new  Mi- 
niftry  fettled  a  fcheme  v/ith  them,  by  which  it  was 
offered  to  crufh  all  the  defigns  of  Popery.  The 
Minifters  expreiTed  a  great  zeal  in  this  ;  and  openly 
accufed  all  the  former  M millers  for  neglecting  it 
fo  long.  But,  to  excufe  this  to  the  Duke,  they 
told  him,  it  was  a  great  misfortune,  that  the 
Church  party  and  the  Diflenters  were  now  run  into 
one  ;  that  the  Church  party  muft  have  fome  con 
tent  given  them  •,  and  then  a  teft  was  to  be  fet  on 
foot,  that  fhould  for  ever  fhut  out  all  Diflenters, 
who  were  an  implacable  fort  of  people.  A  De- 
claration  renouncing  the  lawfulnefs  of  refiftance  in 
any  cafe  whatfoever,  and  an  engagement  to  en 
deavour  no  alteration  in  Church  or  State,-  was  de- 
figned  to  be  a  neceflary  qualification  of  all  that 
might  choofe,  or  be  chofen  Members  of  Parlia 
ment.  If  this  could  be  carried,  the  King's  party 
would  be  for  ever  feparated  from  the  Diflenters; 
and  be  fo  much  the  more  united  to  him.  In  order 
•to  this,  it  was  neceflary  to  put  out  feVere  ordefs 
of  Council  againft  all  convicled  or  fufpe&ed  Pa- 
pifts.  The  Duke  acquainted  me  with  this  fcheme. 
He  didiked  it  much.  He  thought  this  would  raife 
the  Church  party  too  high.  He  looked  on  them 
as  intractable  in  the  point  of  Popery.  Therefore 
•he  thought,  it  was  better  to  keep  them  under,  by 
fupportmg  the  Papifts*  He  looked  on  .the  whole 

projed, 


pf  King  CHARLES  II.  525 

project,  as  both  knavifh  and  foolilh.  And  upon  1674. 
this  he  fpoke  feverely  of  Duke  Landerdale,  who  <— ~v~~ 
he  faw  would  do  any  tlfing  to  fave  himfelf:  Hfe 
had  been  all  along  'in  ill  terms  both  with  Sheldoi} 
and  Morley  :  But  now  he  reconciled  himfelf  to 
them ;  He  brought  Sharp  out  of  Scotland,  who 
went  about  alluring  all  people,  that  the  party  fe£ 
againft  him  was  likewife  fet  againft  the  Church. 
This,  tho*  notoriouily  falfe,  palled  for  true  among 
Grangers.  And,  Leightoun  coming  up  at  the 
year's  end  to  quit  his  Archbifhoprick  of  Glafgow, 
Burnet  had  made  fuch  fubmiffions  that  he  was  re- 
flored  to  it.  So  that  wound?  which  had  been  given 
to  Epifcopacy  in  his  perfon,  was  now  healed.  And 
Leightoun  retired  to  a  private  hpufe  in  SufTex, 
where  he  lived  ten  years  in  a  moft  heavenly  manner, 
and  with  a  mining  converfation.  So  now  Duke 
Lauderciale  was  at  the  head  of  the  Church  party. 

The  Court  was  fomewhat  difturbed  with  dif-  Corref- 
coveries  that  were  made  at  this  time.     When  Sir  j^1  ^ 
Jofeph  Williamfon  came  back  from  Cologn,  he  iami  aif- 
fecretly  met  with  Wicquefort,  who  has  publifhed  covered. 
a  work  about  EmbafTadors.     He  was  the  Dutch 
Secretary,  that  tranflated  the  intelligence  that  came 
from  England.     And  fometimes  the  originals  were 
left  in  his  hands.     Williamfon  prevailed  with  him 
to  deliver  thefe  to  him.     Moft  of  them  were  writ 
fry  the  Lord  Howard's   brother,   who  upon  his 
brother's  death  was  afterwards  Lord  Howard.   He 
was  a  man  of  wit  and  learning,  bold  and  poor, 
who  had  run  thro'  many  parties  in  religion.     In 
Cromwell's    time    he    was   rebaptized,    and  had 
preached  in  London.     He  fet  up  in  oppofition  to 
Cromwell,  as  a  great  Common-wealth's  man,  and 
did  fome  fervice  in  the  Rpftoration.     But  he  was 
Always  poor,  and  ready  to  engage  in  any  thing 
that  was  bold.     He  went  over  in  the  beginning  of 
the  war,  ^nd  offered  to  ferve  De  Wit,    But  he  told 
me,  he  found  him  a  dry  man.     As  foon  as  the 
frince  was  raifed,  he  waited  on  him,  and  on  Fagel ; 

and 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

and  undertook  not  only  to  fend  them  good  intel- 
ligence,  but  to  make  a  great  party  for  them.     He 
prefied  the  Prince  to  make  a  defcent  on  England, 
only  to* force  the  King  to  call  a  Parliament,  and  to 
be  advifed  by  it.     And  he  drew  fuch  a  Manifeflo, 
as  he  believed  would  be  acceptable  to  the  Nation. 
He,    and  one  of  the  Du  Moulins,  that  was  in 
Lord  Arlington's  office,  joined  together,  and  gave 
the   States  very  good  intelligence.     Du  Moulin, 
fearing  that  he  was  difcovered,  took  the  alarm  in 
time,  and  got  beyond  fea.     Moft  of  the  papers 
that  Wicquefort  delivered  were  of  Howard's  writ 
ing.     So  upon  his  examination  in  the  Tower,   it 
appeared  they  had  his  letters  againft  him.     And, 
when  notice  was  fent  of  this  to  Holland,  Wicque 
fort  was  called  on  to  bring  before  them  all  the  ori- 
final  letters  that  v/ere  truiled  to  him.     And,  upon 
is  not  doing  it,  he  was  clapt  up.    And  the  States 
fent  word  to  the  King,  that,  if  any  perfon  fuffered 
in  England  on  the  account  of  the  letters  betrayed 
by  him,  his  head  mould  go  for  it.     Halewyn  told 
me,  when  it  was  put  to  the  Judges  to  know  what 
fbrt  of  crime  this  could  be  made,  fmce  the  papers 
were  given  up   after  the  Peace  was    concluded, 
(otherwife  the  betraying  the  fecrets  of  the  State  to 
enemies  was  a  manifefl  crime)  they  came  to  this 
refolution,  that  as  by  the  Roman  law  every  thing 
v/as  made  capital  that  was  contra  falutem  Populi 
Romani,  fo  the  delivering  up  fuch  papers  was  a 
capital  crime.      This  threatning   faved  Howard. 
But  yet  Wicquefort  was  kept  yery  long  in  prifon, 
and  ruined  by  it.     He  had  a  fort  of  a  character 
from  one  of  the  Princes  of  Germany,  upon  which 
he  infifted.     But  the  States  thought,  that  his  com 
ing  into  their  fervice  was  the  throwing  up  of  that 
jealouftes  character.  Upon  this  occafion  Carftairs,  mentioned 
of  the       in  the  year  1672,  was  fent  over  from  Holland  to 
?rince  of  England.  And  he  was  feized  on.  with  a  paper  of 
Arrange,     inftructions,  that  were  drawn  fo  darkly,  that  no 
if  they  gave  a  jealoufy  of  fome  ill  defigns 

then 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

then  on  foot.  The  Prince  faid,  when  alked  about 
it,  that  it  was  only  meant  for  a  direction  for  car 
rying  on  the  levies  of  fome  regiments,  that  the 
King  had  allowed  -the  Dutch  to  make  in  Scotland, 
which  the  King  did  the  better  to  excufe  his  letting 
fp  many  continue  in  the  French  fervice.  How- 
foever,  mention  bbing  made  of  money  to  be  paid, 
2nd  of  men  to  be.  raifed,  and  a  compliment  being 
ordered  to  be  made  to  Duke  Hamilton,  this  looked 
fufpicious.  Howard  had  confeffcd.  all  he  knew 
upon  promife  of  pardon.  So  that  and  this  laid 
together,  gave  the  Court  fome  apprehenfions. 
Duke  Lauderdale  made  ufe  of  it  to  heighten  the 
King's  ill  opinion  of  the  party  againft  him.  '  And, 
becaufe  Lieutenant  General  Drummond  was  of  all 
the  military  men,  he  that  had  the  beft  capacity, 
and  the  greateft  reputation,  he  moved  that  he 
might  be  fee  u  red.  The  method  he  took  in  doing 
it  fhewed,  that  he  neither  fufpected  him,  nor  re 
garded  the  law.  The  ancient  method  was  to  re-  r>um_ 
quire  men  to  render  themielves  prifoners  by  fuch  mond  was 
a  day.  This  was  a  fnare  to  many,  who,  though  ordered 
innocent,  yet  hating  reitraint  went  out  of  the  way,  to<3t11 
and  were  proceeded  againfl  by  an  outlawry  :  But 
an  Act  of  Parliament  had  been  made,  condemning 
that  method"  for  the  future.  Yet  Duke  Lander- 
dale  refolved  to  follow  it.  And  Drummond  know 
ing  his  innocence,  rendred  hirnfelf  as  required^ 
and  was  kept  a  year  in  a  very  cold  and  inconve 
nient  prifon,  at  Dunbarton,  on  the  top  of  a  high 
rock.  This,  coming  after  a  whole  life  of  loyalty 
and  zeal,  was  thought  a  very  extraordinary  reward 
for  fuch  high  pretenfjons. 

One  thing  on  this  occafion  may  be  fit  to  be  told.  N 
Lord  Kincardin  had  ferved  Duke  Lauderdale  faith 
fully,  even  longer  than  he  could  do  with  a  goocj 
confcience  :  For  he  had  {luck  to  him,  and  was  left 
by  him  with  the  King,  when  he  went  to  Scotland, 
who  knew  well  with  how  much  zeal  he  had  fup- 
his  intereft,  and  excufed  his  faults.  When 

Duke 


ported 


^2$  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1674.  Duke  Lauderdale  was  hotly  pufhed  at,  he  then 
promifed  to  all  his  friends,  that  he  would  avoid 
all  former  errors,  if  he  got  out  of  his  trouble  : 
And  that  made  Lord  Kirk:ardin  fo  earneft  to  ferve 
him.  But,  when  he  faw  Into  how  much  fury  he 
was  running,  he  tried  to  have  perfuaded  him  to 
more  temper  -?  but  found  it  was  in  vain.  Then 
he  confeffed  to  me,  that  I  had  judged  truer  than 
he  had  done  -,  for  I  believed  he  would  grow  worfe 
than  ever.  When  Lord  Kincarclin  found,  he  could 
not  hinder  things  in  private,  he  oppofed  them  in 
Council :  And  fo  they  broke  with  him,  He  came 
up  tojuftify  himfelf  to  the  King,  who  minded 
thofe  matters  very  little  ;  but  thought  it  was  ne- 
cefTary  to  give  a  full  fcope  to  Duke  Lauderdale's 
motions,  who  had  tolci  the  King  there  was  a  fpirit 
of  rebellipn  that  run  thro'  all  forts  of  people^ 
and  that  was  to  be  fubdued  by  acts  of  power,  thov 
perhaps  neither  legal  nor  juft  :  And  when  that 
evil  fpirit  was  once  broken,  then  it  would  be  fit  to 
return  to  rnore  legal  and  moderate  counfels.  So 
Lord  Kincardin  found,  there  was  no  arguing  with 
the  King  upon  particulars.  Therefore  he  begg'd 
leave  to  flay  fome  time  at  Court,  that  he  might 
not  be  obliged  to  oppofe  that,  which  the  King 
was  made  believe  his  fervice  required^  The  King 
confented  to  this ;  and  upon  all  occafions  ufed 
him  very  well.  Duke  Lauderdale  could  not  bear 
that,  and  prefTed  the  King  often  to  command  him 
home ;  which  he  refilled  to  do.  Once  he  urged 
it  with  much  vehemence  :  And  the  King  anfwered 
as  pofitively,  that  he  faw  no  reafon  for  it,  and  he 
would  not  do  it.  Upon  this  he  came  home  as  in 
a  fit  of  diftra&ion,  and  was  gathering  together 
all  his  commiffions  to  deliver  them  up  to  the 
King.  Upon  that  the  Marquis  of  Athol,  who 
was  then  in  high  favour  with  him,  went  to  the 
King  ;  and  told  him  that  he  had  fent  Duke  Lau 
derdale  home  half  dead,  and  half  mad ;  and 
begg'd  the  King  to  take  pity  on  him.  So  the 

King 


of  King  CHARLES  IT. 

King  fent  a  mefiage  to  Lord  Kincardin,  ordering 
him  to  go  home.  This  Lord  Athol  himfeif  told 
me  afterwards. 

Towards  the  end  of  fummer  the  battle  of  Seneff  yhe  b'V~ 
was  fought  :  In  the  beginning  of  which  the  ^eff° 
French  had  a  great  advantage  :  But  the  Prince  of 
Conde  puflied  it  too  far  t  And  the  Prince  of 
Orange  engaged  the  whole  army  with  fo  mtidi 
bravery,  that  it  appeared  that  the  Dutch  army 
was  now  brought  to  another  ilate,  than  he  had 
found  it  in.  He  charged  himfeif  in  many  places, 
with  too  great  a  neglect  of  his  perfon,  confidering 
how  much  depended  upon  it.  He  once  was  en 
gaged  among  a  body  of  French,  thinking  they 
were  his  own  men,  and  bid  them  charge  :  They 
told  him,  they  had  no  more  powder  :  He,  per 
ceiving  they  were  none  of  his  men,  with  great 
prefence  of  mind  got  out  of  their  hands,  and 
brought  up  a  body  of  his  army  to  charge  them  ; 
who  quickly  routed  them.  The  action  in  the  af 
ternoon  recovered  the  lofs  that  was  made  in  the 
morning  ;  and  porTefTed  all  the  world,  the  Prince 
of  Conde  in  particular,  with  a  great  efteem  of 
the  Prince's  conduct  and  courage.  I  will  fay  lit 
tle  of  foreign  affairs  •,  becaufe  there  are  many  co 
pious  accounts  of  them  in  print ;  and  I  can  add 
little  to  them.  With  relation  to  the  battle  of 
Seneff,  the  Prince  himfeif  told  me  that  the  day 
before  he  faw  a  Capuchin,  that  came  over  from 
the  French  army,  and  had  a  long  converfation 
with  Zouch,  the  Emperor's  General  •,  who  behav 
ed  himfeif  fo  ill  on  the  day  of  battle,  that  the 
Prince  faid  to  his  fon  at  night,  that  his  father  had 
afted  fo  bafely,  that,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the 
refpecl:  he  bore  the  Emperor,  he  would  have  (hot 
him  thro'  the  head.  He  was  difgraced  on  this. 
But  the  fuccefs  of  the  campaign  was  loft  by  it. 
They  had  a  noble  army  -,  and  might  have  done 
much  more  than  they  did.  Grave  was  retaken  in 
the  end  of  the  campaign.  So  the  Provinces  were 

VQL,  I.  Mm  v     now 


530  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1674.    now  fafe  on  that  fide.    And  the  Prince  had  gained 
< — v^ —  fo  much  credit  with  the  States,  that  he  was  now 

more  than  ever  the  mailer  of  their  counlels. 
Arlinoton        The  alarm  that  thofe  difcoveries  from  Holland 
went  to      gave  our   Court,  made  Lord  Arlington  offer   at 
Holland.    Qne  tr^  mOre  for  recovering  the  King's   confi 
dence.     He  offered   to  go  over  to  Holland  with 
the  Earl  of  G fiery  :    For  they  fancied  they  had  a 
great  interei!  in  the  Prince,  by  their  having  mar 
ried  two  of    Bevervardt's   daughters  :     And  the 
Prince   had  always  a  particular  affection  to  Lord 
OiTory.     Lord  Arlington  faid,    he  would  go  to 
the  bottom   of  every  thing  with  the  Prince  -,  and 
did  not  doubt,  but  he  would  bring  him  into  an 
entire  dependence  on  his  uncle,  and  particularly 
:  difpofc  him  to  a  general  peace  ;    on  which  the 
King  was  much  fet,  it  being  earneflly  defired  by 
the   French.     It  was  like  wile   believed,     that  he 
had  leave  to  give  the  Prince  the  hope  of  marry 
ing  her,     whom    he    afterwards    married.      The 
Duke  told  me,  he  knew  nothing  of  the  matter  : 
He  had  heard,  Lord  Arlington  had  talked,  as  if 
-  the  managing  that  was  his  chief  errand  :  And  up 
on  that  he  had  afked  the  King,  who  afTured  him 
that  he  had  a  pofitive  order,  not  fo  much  as  to 
fpeak  of  that  matter.    Yet,  whether  notwithftand- 
ing  this  he  had  a  fecret  order,  or  whether  he  did 
.it  without  order,    he  certainly  talked  a  great  deal 
of  it   to  the  Prince,  as  a  thing  which  he  might 
depend  on,  if  he  would  in  all  other  things  be  go 
verned  by  the  King. 

Temple  Sir  William  Temple  had  been  fent  over  the 
(em  Em  ,  fummer  before,  as  Embaffador  :  And  his  chief 
r  jnftrudtions  were,  to  difpofe  all  peoples  minds, 
'  chiefly  the  Prince's,  to  a  peace.  But  the  Prince 
,  had  avoided  the  feeing  him  till  the  end  of  the 
campaign.  Lord  Arlington  had  thrown  him  off, 
when  he  went  into  the  French  interefl :  And  Tern- 
•pie  was  top  proud  to  bear  contempt,  or  forget 
fuch  an  injury  foon.  He  was  a  vain  man,  much 

r  blown 


cf  King  C  ii  A  R  L  E  s  II. 

blown  up  in  his  own  conceit,  which  he  {hewed  too   1674. 
indecently  on  ail  occafions.     He  had  a  true  judg-  x«x-y-s- 
ment  in  affairs,  and  very  good  principles  with  re 
lation  to  government ;  but   in  nothing  elfe.     He 
feemed  to  think  that  things  were  as  they  are  from 
all  eternity  :   At  lead  he   thought   religion  was  fit 
only  for  the  mob.     He  was  a  great  admirer  of  the 
iec~t  of   Confuiius  in  China,    who  were    atheifts 
themielves,  but  left  religion  to  the  rabble.     He 
was  a  corrupter  of  all  that  came  near  him.     And 
he  delivered  himfelf  up  wholly  to  iludy  eafe  and 
pleafure.     He  entered  into  a  clofe  friend fhip  with 
Lord  Danby,  who  depended  much  on  him  :  And 
was  directed  in  all  his  notions  as  to  foreign  affairs 
by  him  ;  for  no  man  ever  came  into  the  Miniftry, 
that  underitood  the  affairs  of  Europe  fo  little  as' 
he  did. 

I  will  henceforth  leave   the  account  of  our  af 
fairs  beyond  fea  wholly  to  Temple's  letters,    in 
which  they  are  very  truly  and  fully  fet  forth.  And 
in  them  it  appears,    that  the  Prince  of  .Orange, 
even  while  fo  young,  and  fo  little  praclifed  in  af 
fairs,  had  fo  clear  and  fo  juft  a  view  of  them, 
that  nothing  could  mifguide  him  ;    and  that  the 
bad  profpect  he  had  from  the  ill  condition  of  af 
fairs  did  not  frighten  him   into   accepting  of  any 
mean  or  bafe  conditions  or  peace.     His  fidelity  to 
his  country,  and  the  publick  interefl,  was  fo  firm, 
that  no  private  confederations  of  his  own  could 
biafs  him,  or  indeed  be  much  confidered  by  him. 
Thefe  letters  give   him  a  character  that  is  fo  iub- 
lime,     as  well   as  fo  genuine,  that  it  raifes  him 
much  above  all  the  performances  of  rhetorick  or 
.panegyrick.     I  will  mention  very  little  that  is  to 
be  found  in  them.     Holland  was  in  great  expecta 
tion,  when  tlv:y  (aw  two  fi;ch  men,  as  the   Earjs 
of   Offory   and   Arlington  come  over,     together 
with  the  Earl  of  Danby's  elded  fon,  tho'  the  lall 
only  made  the  (hew  a  little  greater.     Lord  Ar 
lington   for  fame  days  infilled  vehemently  on  the 
M  xn  2  Prince's 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1674.  Prince's  difmiffing  Du  Moulin,  who  had  difcover- 
t^VX  ed  the  fecrets  ot  his  office  to  him.  In  this  the 
Prince  complied  :  And  Du  Moulin  was  fent  to- 
one  of  their  plantations.  As  to  all  other  things, 
Lord  Arlington  talked  to  him  in  the  (train  of  a 
governor  •,  and  feemed  to  prefume  too  much  on 
his  youth,  and  on  his  want  of  experience.  But, 
inftead  of  prevailing  on  the  Prince,  he  loft  him 
fo  entirely,  that  ail  his  endeavours  afterwards 
could  never  beget  any  confidence  in  him.  So  he 
came  back  -,  and  reckoned  thi>  was  his  laft  eiTay, 
which  fucceeding  ib  ill,  he  ever  after  that  withdrew 
from  all  bufmefs.  He  made  himfelf  eafy  to  the 
King,  who  continued  to  be  ftill  very  kind  to  him. 

jfit-r  At  Eaftcr  a  piece,  of  private  news  came  from 
^-v^L  France,  which  the  Duke  was  much  delighted 
£ffrirs  in  with,  becaufe  it  did  an  honour  to  the  order  of 
England.  ^  jefuits?  to  whom  he  had  devoted  himfelf. 
The  new  Confcffbr  had  fo  prefled  the  King  of 
France  in  Lent  to  fend  away  his  Miihefs,  Mon- 
tefpan,  that  he  prevailed  at  laft.  She  was  fent  to 
a  Nunnery.  And  fo  the  King  received  the  Sacra 
ment,  as  was  faid,  in  a  ftate  of  contrition.  'J  his 
was  writ  to  the  Duke,  and  fet  out  with  fiich  cir- 
cumftanccs,  as  the  French  dually  do  every  thing 
that  relates  to  their  King.  '1  he  Duke  was  much 
pleafed  with  it.  He  told  me,  he  had  related  it 
with  all  its  circumftances  to  the  King  in  the 
Dutchefs  of '  Portfmouth's  hearing  •,  and  laid,  they 
•both  heard  it  with  great  uneafinefs,  and  were  much, 
cut  of  countenance  at  it.  The  Duke  himfelf  was 
then  in  the  belt  temper  I  had  ever  known  him  in, 
He  was  reading  Nurembergius  of  the  difference 
of  things  temporal  and  things  eternal  :  And  we- 
had  much  good  difcourfe  on  that  fubjesh  Lord 
Arlington  ran  fo  much  in  his  mind,  that  he  once 
faid  to  me,  if  Lord  Arlington  won  id  read  that 
book,  he  would  not  meddle  in  fo  many  affairs  as 
he  did.  1  faw  he  was  very  jealous  of  him,  and  of 

his 


of  King  CHARLES   II.  rj->j 

his  interefl  in  the  King.     Thus  I  have  given  a  full   1675. 
account  of  my  acquaintance  with  the  Duke.  (^\r\ 

I  loft  his  favour  foon  after  this.     For  in  April 
1675  a  feilion  of  Parliament  was  held,  as  prepa    Iwasexi 
ratory  to   one  that  was  defigned  next  winter,  in  mmed  by 
which  money  was  to  be  afked  :  But  none  was  now  of  Com! 
aiked  ;    it  being  only  called  to  heal  all  breaches, 
and  to  beget   a  good  underftanding  between  the 
King  and  his  people.     The  Houfe  of  Commons 
fell  upon  Duke  Lauderdale.  And  thofe  who  knew 
what  had  pafs'd  between  him  and  me,  moved  that 
1  mould  be  examined  before  a  Committee.     I  was 
brought  before  them.    I  told  them  how  I  had  been 
-commanded  out  of  town.     But  tho"  that  was  ille 
gal,  yet,  fince  it  had  been  let  fall,  it  was  not  in- 
lifted  on.     I  was  next  examined  concerning  his 
defign  of  arming  the  Irifh  Papifts.     I  faid,    I,  as 
well  as  others,  had  heard  him  fay,  he  wiftied  the 
Prelbyterians  in   Scotland  would  rebel,    that  he 
might  bring  over  the    Irifh  Papifts   to  cut  their 
throats.     I  was  next  examined  concerning  the  de- 
fign  of  bringing  a  Scotch  army  into  Englnnd.      I 
defired  to  be  excufed,  as  to  what  had  palled  in 
private  difcourfe  •,  to  which*  I  thought  I  was   not 
bound    to  aniwer,    unlefs    it  were   high  treafon. 
They  prefied  me  long :    And  I  would  give  them 
no  other  anfwer.     So  they  all  concluded,  that  I 
knew  great  matters ;  and  reported  this   f pecially 
to  the  Houfe.  Upon  that  I  was  fent  for,  and  brought 
before  the  Houfe.    1  flood  upon  it  as  I  had  done  at 
the  Committee,  that  I  was  not  bound  to  aniwer  ; 
that  nothing  had  palled  that  was  high  treafon  ; 
and  as  to  all  other  things,  I  did  not  think  myfelf 
bound  to  difcover  them..     I  faid  farther,  I  knew 
Duke  Lauderdale  was  apt  to  fay  things  in  a  heat, 
•which  he  did   not  intend  to  do.     And,'  fince  he 
had  ufed  myfelf  fo  ill,  I  thought  myfelf  the  more 
.obliged  not  to  fay  any  thing,  that  looked  like  re 
venge  for  what  I  had  met  with  from  him.     I  was 
brought  four  times  to  the  bar.    Art  laft  I  was  told, 

M  m  3 


534  The  HISTORY  of  the"  Reign 

1675.  theHoufe  thought  they  had  a  right  to  examine 
-  into  every  thing  that  concerned  the  fafety  of  the 
Nation,  as  well  as  into  matters  of  treafon  :  And 
they  looked  on  me  as  bound  to  fatisfy  them ': 
Otherwife  they  would  make  me  feel  the  weight  of 
their  heavy  difpleaiure,  as  one  that  concealed  what 
they  thought  was  necefTary  to  be  known.  Upon 
this  I  yielded,  and  gave  an  account  of  the  dii- 
courfe  formerly  mentioned.  They  laid  great 
weight  on  this,  and  renewed  their  addrefs  againft 
Duke  Lauderdale. 

I  was  much  blamed  for  what  I  had  done.  Some, 
to  make  it  look  the  worfe,  added,  that  I  had  been 
his  Chaplain,  which  was  falfe  ;  and  that  I  had 
been  much  obliged  to  him,  tho'  I  had  never  re 
ceived  any  real  obligation  from  him,  but  had  done 
him  great  fervices,  for  which  I  had  been  very  un 
worthily  requited.  Yet  the  thing  had  an  ill  ap 
pearance,  as  the  difclofing  of  what  had  pafs'd  in 
confidence  ;  tho'  I  make  it  a  great  queftion,  how 
far  even  that  ought  to  bind  a  man,  when  the  de- 
figns  are  very  wicked,  and  the  perfon  continued 
ftill  in  the  fame  poll,  and  capacity  of  executing 
them.  I  have  told  the  matter  as  it  was,  and  muft 
leave  myfelf  to  the  cenfure  of  the  reader.  '  My 
love  to  my  country,  and  my  private  friendmips 
carried  me  perhaps  too  far  •,  efpecially  fince  I  had 
declared  much  againfl  Clergymen's  meddling  in 
fccular  affairs,  and  yet  had  run  myfelf  fo  deep  in 
them. 

This  broke  me  quite  with  the  Court,  and  in  that 
refpeft  proved  a  areat  blefiing  to  me.  It  brought 
•me  out  of  many  temptations  :  the  greatefl  of^all 
being  the  kindnefs  that  was  growing  towards  me 
from  the  Duke,  which  might  have  involved  me 
into  great  difficulties,  as  it  did  expofe  me  to  much 
cenfure  5  all  which  went  off  upon  this  occafion. 
And  1  applied  myfelf  to  my  ftudies,  and  my 
function,  being  then  fettled  preacher  at  the  Rolls, 
arid  loon  after  Lecturer  of  St.  Clements.  I  lived 

many 


of  King  C  H  A  ii  L  E  s    II.  535 

many  years  under  the  protection  of  Sir  Harbottle     1675. 

~ 


Grimftone,  Mailer  of  the  Rolls,  who  continued 
ileady  in  his  favour  to  me,  tho'  the  King  fent 
Secretary  Williamfon  to  defire  him  to  difmifs  me. 
He  faid,  he  was  an  old  man,  fitting  himfelf  for 
another  world,  and  he  found  my  rniniltry  uieful  to 
him  •,  fo  he  prayed  that  he  might  be  excufed  in 
that.  He  was  a  long,  and  very  kind  patron  to 
me.  I  continued  ten  years  in  thai  poll,  tree  trom 
all  neceffities  :  And  I  thank  God,  that  was  all  I 
defired.  But,  fince  \vas  fo  long  happy  in  fo 
quiet  a  retreat,  it  il-ems  but  a  juft  :  piece  of  grati 
tude,  that  I  Ihould  give  feme  account  ot  that  ve 
nerable  old  man. 

He  was  defcended  from  a  long  lived  family  ;  for  ^V  Har- 
his  great  grand-father  lived  till  he  was  ninety  eight,  jg^ 
his    grand-father  to    eight-fix,  and  his   rather   to  jj^ 
feventy-eight,  and  himfelf  to  eighty  -two.   He  had  .^racier 
to  the  laft  a  great  foundnefs  of  health,  of  memory, 
and  of  judgment.     He  was  bred  to   the    (ludy    of 
the  law,  being  a  younger  brother.    Upon  his  elder 
brother's  death  he  threw  it  up.    But  falling  in  love 
with  Judge  Crook's  daughter,  the   father   would 
not  beftow  her   on  him,  unlefs  he  would  return  to 
his  ftudies  ;  which  he  did  with  great  fuccefs.  Tfiat 
Judge  was  one  of  thole  who    delivered    his  judg 
ment  in  the    Chequer  chamber   againft  the  fhip- 
money,  which  he  did  v/ith  a  long  and  learned  ar 
gument.     And  Sir  Harbottle's  father,  who  ferved 
in  Parliament  for  Effex,  lay  long  in  prifon,  becauie 
he  would  not  pay  the  loan-money.      1  hus  both 
his  family,  and  his   wife's,  were  zealous  for  the 
intereft  of  their  country.     In  the  beginning  ot  the 
long  Parliament  he  was  a  great  aflerter  of  the  laws-, 
and   inveigh'd  feverely   againft  all   that  had  been 
concerned  in  the  former  illegal   oppreffion. 
principle  was,  that  allegiance  and  protection  were 
mutual  obligations  :  and  that  die.  one  went  for  the 
other.     He  thought  the  law  was  the  meafure  of 
both  ;  and  that  when  a  legal  protection  was  denied 


to 


53^  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1675.  to  one  that  paid  a  legal  allegiance,  the  fubjeft  had 
'"V  a  right  to  defend  hinifeif.     He  was  much  troubled, 
when   preachers   affcrted  a  divine  right  of   regal 
government.     He  thought  it  had  no  other  effedb, 
t  to  give  an  ill  impreinon  of  them  as  afpiring 
men:  N  o  body  was  convinced   by  it:  It  inclined 
their  hearers  rather  to  fufpecl  all  they  faid  befides  : 
It  looked  like  the  facrificing  their  country  to  their 
own  preferment  •,  and  an  encouraging  of  Princes 
to  turn  tyrants.    Yet  when  the  long  Parliament  en 
gaged  in  the  league  with  Scotland,  he  would  not 
iwear  to  the  Covenant.     And  he  difcontlnued  fit- 
ing  in  the  Houfe  till  it  was  laid -afide.    Then    he 
came  back,  and  joined  with  Hollis,  and  the  other 
Prefbyterians,  in  a  high  oppofition   to  the  Inde- 
pencknts,  and  to  Cromwell   in  particular,  as  was 
told  in  the  firft  book.     And  he  was  one  of  the  fe- 
cluded    Members,    that  were  forced    out    of  the 
Houfe.     He  followed  afterwards   the  practice  of 
the   law,    but    was  always  looked    upon,    as  one 
who  wiihed    well  to    the   ancient  government  of 
England,      So   he   was  chofen    Speaker  of    that 
Fibufe,  that  called   home  the  King  >  and  had   fo 
great  a^  merit  in   that   whole   affair,  that   he  was 
loon   after,  without  any  application   of  his  own, 
made  Mailer  of  the  Pvolls :  In  which  pofl  he  con 
tinued  to  his  death  with  a  high  reputation,  as  he 
well  defsrved.     For  he  was  a   juft  Judge ;  very 
flpjr,    and  ready    to  hear   every   thing   that  was 
offered,  without  pafiion   or  partiality.     I  thought 
his  only  fault  was,  that  he  was  too  rich  :  And  yet 
"he  gave  yearly  great  furns  in   charity,  difcharging 
many  prifoners  by  paying  their  debts.     He  was  a 
very  pious  and  devout  man,  and  fpent  every  day 
at  leait  an  hour  in  the  morning,  and   as   much  at 
night,  in  prayer   and   meditation.     And  ev-n    in 
winter  when   he  WAS  obliged  to  be  very  early    on. 
|he  bench,  he  took  care  to  .rife  fo  foon,  that  he 
had  always  the  command'  of  that  time,  which    ha 
gave  to  thofe  e  :ercifes.     fie  was  much  (happened 


of  King  CHARLES   II.  537 

•againft  Popery  -y  but  had  always  a  tendernefs  to  1675. 
the  Diileriters,  tho'  he  himfelf  continued  ilill  in  s^v*- 
the  communion  of  the  Church.  His  fecond  wife, 
whom  i  knew,  was  niece  to  the  great  Sir  Francis 
Bacon  :  And  was  the  laft  heir  of  that  family.  She 
had  all  the  high  notions  tor  the  Church  and  the 
Crown,  in  which  Ihe  had  been  bred  ^  but  was  the 
humblcft,  the  devouteft,  and  bell  tempered  per- 
ibn  I  ever  knew  of  that  fort.  It  was  really  a 
pleafure  to  hear  her  talk  of  religion  :  She  did  it 
with  fo  much  elevation  and  force.  She  was  al 
ways  very  plain  in  her  clothes  :  And  went  oft  to 
jay  Is,  to  confider  the  wants  of  the  priibners,  and 
relieve,  or  difcharge  them  ;  and  by  the  meannefs 
of  her  drefs,  fhe  pafied  but  for  a  fervant  trufted 
with  the  charities  of  others.  When  me  was  tra 
velling  in  the  country,  as  fhe  drew  near  a  village, 
fhe  often  ordered  her  coach  to  flay  behind  till  fhe 
had  walked  about  it,  giving  orders  for  the  in- 
flruction  of  the  children,  and  leaving  liberally  for 
that  end.  With  two  fuch  peribns  I  fpent  feveral 
of  my  years  very  happily.  But  I  now  return  to 
the  fefTion  of  Parliament. 

In  the  Houfe  of  Commons  the  bufinefs  againil  Danby 
Duke  Lauderdale  was  taken  up  warmly  at   three  a-rackM. 
feveral  times  :  And  three  feveral  addreiTes  were  l 
made  to  the  King  againft  him.     The  King's  an-  Vl 
fwer   was,  that  he  would  protect  no  man  againfl 
law  and  juftice  ;  but  would  condemn  none  with 
out  fpecia!  matter  well  made  out.     There  was    no 
money  offered  :  So  addrefles    were  feeble  things. 
The  next  attempt  was  againft  the  Earl  of  Danby, 
who  had  begun  to  invert  the  ufual  methods  of  the 
Exchequer.     But  the  majority  were  for  him  :  So 
that   charge  came   to  nothing.     Only  thofe  who 
begun  it  formed  a  party  againfl  him,  that  grew  in. 
conclufion   to   be  too  hard  for  him.     He  took  a 
different  method  from  thofe  who  were  in  the  Mi- 
niftry  before  him.    They  had  taken  off  the  great 
and  leading  men  :  And  left  the  herd  as  a  defpifed 

company, 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

company,  who  could  do  nothing,  becaufe  they 
had  none  to  head  them.  But  Lord  Danby  reckon 
ed  that  the  major  number  was  the  furer  game  :  So 
he  neglected  the  great  men,  who  he  thought  raifed 
their  price  too  high  •,  and  reckoned,  that  he  could 
gain  ten  ordinary  men,  cheaper  than  one  of  thofe. 
This  might  have  fuccecded  with  him,  if  they  that 
did  lead  his  party  had  been  wife  and  fkilful  men. 
But  he  leemed  to  be  jealous  of  all  fuch,  as  if  they 
might  gain  too  much  credit  with  the  King.  The 
chief  men  that  he  made  ufe  of  were  of  fo  low  a 
fize,  that  they  were  baffled  in  every  debate.  So 
that  many,  who  were  inclined  enough  to  vote  in 
all  obedience,  yet  were  afhamed  to  be  in  the  vote 
on  the  fide  that  was  manifeftly  run  down  in  the 
debate. 

Seimour's  The  ableft  man  of  his  party  was  Seimour,  who 
character,  Was  the  firft  Speaker  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons 
.  that  was  not  bred  to  the  law.  He  was  a  man  of 
great  birth,  being  the  elder  branch  of  the  Seimour 
family  -,  and  was  a  graceful  man,  bold  and  quick. 
But  he  had  a  fort  of  a  pride  fo  peculiar  to  himfelf, 
that  I  never  faw  any  thing  like  it.  He  had  neither 
fhame  nor  decency  with  it.  He  was  violent  againil 
the  Court,  till  he  forced  himfelf  into  good  polls. 
He  was  the  moft  afTuming  Speaker  that  ever  fate 
in  the  chair.  He  knew  the  Houfe,  and  every 
man  in  it  fo  well,  that  by  looking  about  he  could 
tell  the  fate  of  any  queftion.  So,  if  any  thing 
was  pur,  when  the  Court  party  was  not  well  ga 
thered  together,  he  would  have  held  the  Houfe 
from  doing  any  thing,  by  a  wilful  miftaking  or 
miflating  "the  queftion.  By  that  he  gave  time  to 
thofe,  who  were  appointed  for  that  mercenary 
work,  to  go  about  and  gather  in  all  their  party. 
And  he  would  difcern  when  they  had  got  the  ma 
jority.  And  then  he  would  very  fairly  ftate  the 
queftion,  when  he  faw  he  was  fure  to  carry  it. 

A  great  many  of  the  Court  grew  to  be  fo  un- 
eafy,  efpecially  when  they  faw  the  King  was  under 

the 


of  King   CHARLES   II. 

fiie  influence  of  French  and  Popifli  counfels,  that 
they  were  glad  to  be  out  of  the  way   at  critical 
times.    On  ibme  occaiions  they  would  venture  to 
vote  againft  the  Court  :    Of  which  the  memorable 
anfwer  of  Harvey's,    who  was  Treafurer  to   the 
Queen,  was  a  noted  'inftance.     He  was  one  whom 
the  King  loved  perfonally  :  And  yet  upon  a  great 
occafion  he  voted  againft  that  which  the  King  de- 
iired.  So  the  King  chid  him  feverely  for  it.    Next 
day,    another    important   queition    tailing  in,  he 
voted  as  the  King  would  have  him.     So  the  King 
took  notice  of  it  at  night  -,  and  {aid,  you  were  not 
againft  me  to  day.     He  anfwered,  no,  Sir,  I  was 
againft  my  confcience  to  day.     This  was  ib  drily 
delivered,  that  the  King  fecrned  pieaied  with  i& : 
And  it  was  much  talked  of.     While  things  went 
thus  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  there   was   the 
greateft  and  longeft  debate  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords, 
that  has  been  in  all  my  time.     They  fate  upon  it 
•often  till  midnight. 

It  was  about  the  teft  that  Lord  Danby  had  con-  Debates 
trived,  as  was  formerly  mentioned.     Lord  Danby, 
and  Lord  Finch,  and  fome  of  the  Bifhops,  wereing 
the  chief  arguers  for  it.     They  faid,    it  was    ne- 
ceiTary  that  a  method  tiiould  be  found  out,  to  dif- 
' criminate  the  good  fubjects  from  the  bad  :  We  had 
been  lately  involved  in  along  civil  war,  occafioned 
by  the  ill  principles  that  ibme  had  taken  up  with 
relation  to   government :  It  was  fit  to  prevent  the 
return  of  fuch  miferies  :  The  King  had  granted  a 
:  very  full  indemnity,  and  hadobferved  it  religioufly : 
But  there  was    no  reafon,  while  ib  much  of  the 
old  leaven  ftill  remained,  to  leave  the  Nation  ex- 
pofed  to  men  of  fuch  principles  :  It  was   not  fit 
to  make  a  Parliament  perpetual :  Yet  that  was  a 
lefs  evil,  than  to  run  the  hazard  of  a  bad  election  -, 
efpecially  when  jealoufies  and  fears  had  been  blow- 
ed  about  the  Nation  :  A  good  conftitution  was  to 
be  prefer ved  by  all  prudent  methods :  No  man  was 
to  be  prefied  to  take  this  teft  :  But,  as  they,  who 

were 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Re-ign 
were  not  willing  to  come  into  fuch  an  engage 
ment,  ought  to  have  the  modefty  to  be  contented 
with  the  favour  and  connivance  of  the  Govern 
ment,  fo,  if  that  did  not  teach  them  good  man 
ners,  it  might  be  fit  to  ufe  feverer  methods.  To 
all  this  great  oppofition  was  made.  It  was  plain, 
the  Duke  did  not  like  it :  But  the  King  was  fo  fet 
on  it,  that  he  did  not  declare  himfelf  againil  it. 
But  all  the  Papifts  were  againft  it :  They  thought 
the  bringing  any  teft  in  practice,  would  certainly 
bring  on  one  that  would  turn  them  out  of  the 
Houfe.  The  Lords  Shaftfbury,  Buckingham, 
"Holiis,  Hallifax,  and  all  thofe  who  were  thought 
the  Country  party,  oppofed  this  mightily.  They 
thought,  there  ought  to  be  no  tefts,  beyond  the 
oath  of  allegiance,  upon  the  elections  to  Parlia 
ment  :  That  it  being  the  great  privilege  of  Englifli 
men,  that  they  were  not  to  be  taxed  but  by  their 
reprefentatives  -,  it  was  therefore  thought  a  difin-. 
heriting  men  of  the  main  part  of  their  birthright, 
to  do  any  thing  that  fhould  Ihut  them  out  from 
their  votes  in  electing  :  All  tcfls  in  publick  af- 
femblies  were  thought  dangerous >  and  contrary  to 
publick  liberty  :  For  if  a  Parliament  thought  any 
law  inconvenient  for  the  good  of  the  whole,  they 
imift  be  fuppofed  ftiil  free  to  alter  it  :  And  no  pre 
vious  limitation  could  bind  up  their  legiflature : 
A  great  deal  was  faid,  to  mew  that  the  peace  of 
the  world  was  bed  fecured  by  ^ood  laws,  and  good 
government :  and  that  oaths  or  tefts  were  no  fe- 
curity  :  The  fcrupulous  might  be  fettered  by  them: 
Yet  the  bulk  of  the  world  would  boldly  take  any 
teft,  and  as  boldly  break  thro'  it ;  of  which  the 
late  times  had  given  large  proofs :  The  matter  of 
this  teft  was  very  doubtful :  For,  tho'  generally 
fpeaking  the  King's  perfon  and  his  power  were 
not  to  be  diftinguimed,  yet  that  was  not  univer- 
fally  true  :  An  infant  King,  or  a  lunatick,  were 
exceptions  :  As  alfo  a  King  in  his  enemies  hands, 
which  was  the  cafe  of  Henry  VI.  for  whofe  power 


of  King  CHARLES   II. 

his  own  party  fought  even  againft  his  perfon  :  So 
an  exception  was  to  be  underilood  ;  otherwife  the 
proportion,  that  affirmed  it  was  a  traiterous  po- 
fition  to  feparate  them,  was  not  true  :  Nor  could 
it  be  reafonable  to  bind  up  men  againft  alterations  : 
Every  new  law  was  an  alteration  :  It  was  not  eafy 
to  define  how  far  the  power  of  making  alterations 
might  go,  and  where  it  mull  flop :  Thefe  things 
were  belt  left  at  large  :  Upon  the  whole  matter,  as 
they  were  againft  any  Parli  mentary  tefc,  ib  they 
were  more  particularly  againft  this.  Lord  Shaftf- 
bury  diftinguimed  himfelf  more  in  this  feffion, 
than  ever  he  had  done  before.  He  fpoke  once  a 
whole  hour,  to  mew  the  inconvenience  of  Con 
demning  all  refiftance  upon  any  pretence  what- 
foever.  Hefaid,  it  might  be  proper  to  lay  fuchties 
upon  thofe  who  ferved  in  the  militia,  and  in  Cor 
porations,  becaufe  there  was  ftill  a  fupcrior  power 
in  Parliament  to  declare  the  extent  of  the  oath : 
But  it  might  be  of  very  ill  confequence  to  lay  it 
on  a  Parliament :  Since  there  might  be  cafes,  tho* 
fo  far  out  of  view  that  it  was  hard  to  fuppofe  them, 
in  which  he  believed  no  man  would  fay,  it  was  not 
lawful  to  refift.  If  a  King  would  make  us  a  Pro 
vince,  and  tributary  to  France,  and  fubdue  the 
Nation  by  a  French  army,  or  to  the  Papal  au 
thority,  muft  we  be  bound  in  that  cafe  tamely  to 
fubmit  ?  Upon  which  he  faid  many  things,  that 
did  cut  to  the  quick.  And  yet,  tho'  his  words 
were  watched,  fo  that  it  was  refolved  to  have  fent 
him  to  the  Tower  if  any  one  word  had  fallen 
from  him  that  had  made  him  liable  to  fuch  a  cen- 
fure,  he  fpoke  both  with  fo  much  boldnefs  and 
fo  much  caution,  that  though  he  provoked  the 
Court  extreamly,  no  advantage  could  be  taken 
againft  him.  The  Court  carried  every  queftion  in 
favour  of  the  teft,  tho'  with  great  oppofition,  and 
a  proteftation  made  upon  every  ftep  that  was  car 
ried.  So  that'  the  bill  was  in  a  fair  way  to  have 
pafs'd  :  And  very  probably  it  would  have  pafs'd  in 
2  the 


542  The  HISTORY  of  the  Re;gn 

1675.   the  Houfe  of  Commons,    when  by  an  unlocked 
^r\r^  for  emergency  the  feflion  was  broke. 
A  difpute       Ever  fmce   the  end  of  King  James  Fs.  reign, 
about  ap-  petitions  of  appeal  were  brought  to    the   Houfe 
Priw!  ^s  ot  Lords  trom  decrees  in  Chancery.     This  rofe 
from   a  parity  of  reafon,  beeaufe  writs    of  error 
lay  from  the  Courts  of  law  to  the  Houfe  of  Lords. 
And  fince  the  bufmefs  of  the  Chancery  grew  to  be 
fo  extended  and  comprehenfive,  it  was  not  thought 
fate  to  leave  it  wholly  to  the  Lord   Chancellor's 
confcience.     So  this  practice,  tho'  fo  lately  begun* 
grew  on  by  degrees  to  be  the  main  bufmefs  of  the 
Houfe    of   Lords.      A  petition  of   appeal    was 
brought  againft  a  Member  of  the  Houfe  of  Com 
mons.     The  Lords  received  it,  and  made  an  or 
der  upon  it.     The  Member  being  ferved  with  it, 
brought  it  into  the  Houfe  of  Commons.     And 
they  voted  it  a  breach  of  privilege,  for  the  Lords 
to  meddle  with  one  of  their  Houfe.     The  Lords 
on  the  other  hand  faid,  they  were  bound  to  do 
juftice  to  all  :    And  no  privilege  could  lye  againft 
that :    And,    fmce  they  never  fate  but  when  the 
Commons  fate  likewife,  if  a  privilege  from  that 
Houfe  could  flop  their  proceedings,  there  mult 
be  a  failure  in  juftice  :  And  fmce  no  privilege  was 
ever  pretended  in  the  cafe  of  a  writ  of  error,  ic 
could  not  lye  againft  an  appeal.     So  they  refolved 
to  proceed  in  the  caufe.     The  Commons  pafs'd  a 
vote  againft  any  lawyers  that  mould  plead  at  the 
Lords  bar  in   this  caufe.     But  the  Lords  com 
manded  the  Council  to  go  on  ;  with  which  they 
•complied.     And  as    they  went    from   the  Lords 
bar,  they  were  by   an  order  from   the  Houfe   of 
Commons  lent  to  the  Tower.     But  they  were  by 
another  order  from  the  Lords  fet  at  liberty.     So 
the  two  Houfes  being  as  it  were  at  war,  it  was 
neceffary  to  pat  an  end  to  the  feffion. 
Tte  fcf-        This  was  very  uneafy  to  the  Court :    For  they 
(ion  broke  .faw  jt  was  a  very  fure  method  to  break  a  feflion 
of  Parliament,  every  time  that  it  was  taken  up. 

I  am 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  543 

I  am  not  fure,  if  this  was  laid,  or  if  it  happened  1675. 
by  accident.  Lord  Shaftfbury  laid,  it  was  laid  ^v~>-' 
by  hhnfelf.  But  others  allured  me,  it  happened 
in  courfe,  tho'  it  produced  great  effects  :  I:  or 
there  never  was  a  ftrength  in  the  Court  to  raife 
this  debate  of  the  teft  in  any  fubfequent  lefiion. 
And  as  this  made  the  Court  apprehend,  they 
might  by  the  profecution  of  the  fame  appeal  lofc 
the  next  feffion,  fince  the  prorogation  did  only 
difcontinue  Parliamentary  proceedings,  but  not 
Judiciary  ones  ;  fo  they  reared  this  might  go  fo 
far  as  to  force  a  d  involution  of  the  prefent  Parlia 
ment  :  To  which  the  Court  would  be  very  hardly 
brought,  after  they  had  practifed  fo  long  upon 
the  Members,  and  knew  them  all  fo  well. 

In  this  feffion,  on  a  day  that  grievances  were 
to  be  gone  upon,  Grimilone  faid,  that  confider- 
ing  the  extent  of  privilege,  he  looked  on  a  Hand 
ing  Parliament  as  the  greatefl  grievance  of  the 
Nation ;  fo  many  men  being  exempted  from 
juftice,  and  from  the  demands  of  their  creditors, 
for  fo  long,  and  fo  indefinite  a  time.  This  mo 
tion  was  let  fall  at  that  time.  But  it  was  not 
forgot.  And  it  was  likely  to  be  taken  up,  when 
new  opportunities  fhould  be  offered.  The  fu ai 
mer  went  over  without  any  confiderable  accidents 
at  home. 

A   new  feflion   met  next  winter.     And  at  the  A  feffion 
firfl  opening  it  the  Kino;  laid  before  the  Commons  of  pariia* 

1  P  i     •  1  -11  •  mpnf- 

the  great  difficulties  he  was  in  by  the  anticipa 
tions  of  his  revenues.  It  was  then  generally 
thought,  that  the  King  was  in  fuch  ftraits,  that, 
if  money  could  not  be  obtained,  he  mwft  turn 
to  other  counfels,  and  to  other  Miniflers.  The 
debate  went  high  in  the  Committee  of  the  whole 
Houfe.  It  was  offered  on  the  one  fide  to  mew, 
that  the  King  had  not  enough  in  his  hands  to 
maintain  the  government,  and  to  fecure  the  Nation  : 
.  Tho'  our  neutrality  at  that  time  made  trade  flow 
in  upon  us,  fo  that  the  Cuftoms  rofe  higher  than 

ever. 


mem. 


CVV.1.  V^il     L1IV.     v/w^i        ^.,vi     .„     , .,       ~,~.       ~       ~>. 

ticipations  were  once  admitted  as  a  reafon  for  a 
fupply,  the  Court  would  never  want  that  reafon. 
It  was  fitter  to  examine  by  whofe  means,  or  on 
what  defign  thofe  anticipations  were  made.  At 
laft  the  queftion  was  put.  And,  the  vote  being 
then  Hated,  and  the  previous  queftion  being  then 
put,  whether  the  main  queftion  iliould  be  then 
put,  or  not,  the  votes  were  equal.  So  Sir  Charles 
Harbord,  who  was  in  the  chair,  gave  it  for  put 
ting  the  main  queftion.  But,  ibme  of  the  Coun 
try  fide  coming  in  between  the  two  queftions, 
the  main  queftion  was  loft  by  two  or  three.  So 
near  was  the  Court  to  the  carrying  fo  great  a 
point.  Harbord  v/as  much  blamed  for  his  rafti- 
nefs.  He  faid,  the  duty  of  the  chair  was  always 
to  fet  matters  forward  :  And  fo  he  ought  to  have 
given  it  for  putting  the  main  queftion  :  And,  if 
the  lame  equality  had  continued,  he  faid,  he 
would  have  given  it  for  the  Court.  He  was  a 
very  rich  and  covetous  man,  who  knew  England 
well  :  And  his  parts  were  very  quick  about  him 
in  that  great  age,  being  paft  eighty.  A  lively  re 
partee  was  made  by  his  own  ion  to  him  in  the 
debate.  He  had  faid,  the  right  way  of  dealing 
with  the  King,  and  of  gaining  him  to  them,  was, 
to  lay  their  hands  on  their  purfes,  and  to  deal 
roundly  svith  him.  So  his  fon  faid,  he  feconded 
his  motion  :  But  he  meant,  that  they  mould 
lay  their  hands  on  their  purfes,  as  he  himfelf 
did,  and  hold  them  well  fhut,  that  no  money 
ihould  go  out  of  them.  The  Earl  of  Danby  was 
much  difappointed  at  this.  Yet  he  took  heart, 
fince  it  was  brought  fo  near,  that  he  reckoned  he 
would  make  the 'next  feffion  fare.  The  petition 
of  appeal,  that  had  broke  the  former  feffion,  was 
now  brought  on  again  before  the  Lords.  The 
Court  tried  their  whole  ilrength  to  keep  it  off,  till 
they  faw  what  might  be  expected  from  the  Com 
mons.  So,  upon  the  mifcarriage  of  the  great 

vote 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  ' 

vote  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  the  Lords  went 
on  upon  the  petition  :  And,  the  Commons  Oppo- 
fing  them  vigoroufly,  as  before,  it  was  vifible  that 
the  Parliament  muft  be  prorogued. 

Upon  this  it  was  propofed  in  the  Houfe  of 
Lords  to  addrefs  the  King  for  diffolving  the  pre- 
fent  Parliament.     It  was  manifeft  the  two  Houfes  iiamenc 
could  no  longer  maintain  the  correfpondence  that  men 
was  neceffary.     In  a  new  Parliament  this  muft  fall 
to  the  ground  :    But  it  could  not  while  this  Lifted. 
It  was   faid,  a   ftanding  Parliament  changed  the 
conftitution  of  England.     The  King  did  no  more 
confult  with  his  people,   nor  know  them  :    But  he 
had  now  a  cabal  of  fmgle  perfons  to  deal  with. 
The  people  were  now  cut  off  from  their  liberty  of 
electing ;  and  fo  had  no  more  a  true  reprefenta- 
tive.     It  was  faid,    that  a  Parliament  of  a   long 
continuance  would  be  either  an  engine  to  fell  the 
liberties  of  their  country,    or  would  by  rendring 
themfelves  popular  join  with  the  people  againft 
the  Crown.     In  either  cafe  it  was  like  to  be  de- 
ftructive  to  the  conftitution.     So  it  was  moved, 
that  an  addrefs  mould  be  made,  to  the  King  for 
diffolving  the  Parliament.     And,  to  the  wonder 
'of  all  men,  the  Duke  joined  in  it.     The  majority 
of  the  temporal  Lords  were  for  it.    But  the  bench 
of  Biihops  was  againft  it  :  And  fo  it  was  not  car 
ried.     The  thing  became  the  univerfal  fubject  of 
difcourfe.     It  was  infufed  into  the  Members  of 
the  Houfe  of  Commons,  that,  if  they  would  not 
be  more  traceable,  and  help  the  King  out  of  his 
neceflities,  he  was  fure  a  new  Parliament  would 
give  him  money,  and  make  him  eafy  -,    and  that 
the  rather    for    having    diffblved   them.      This 
wrought  on  many  of  them,  who  had  been  chofen 
while  the  Nation  was  in  a  fit,    or  rather  a  fury 
of  loyalty.     They  knew,  they  could  never  hope 
to  be  chofen  again.     Many  of  them  were  ruined 
in  their  fortunes,  and  lived  upon  their  privileges, 
and  upon  their  penfions.     They  had  got  it  among 
VOL.  I.  N  n  them 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
them  for  a  maxim,  which  contributed  not  a  little 
to  cur  prefervation  while  we  were  in  fuch  hands, 
that,  as  they  mnft  not  give  the  King  too  much 
at  a  time,  left  there  fhould  be  no  more  ufe  for 
them,  fo  they  were  to  take  care  not  to  ftarve  the 
Court,  left  they  themfelves  mould  be  ilarved  by 
that  means.  They  were  indeed  generally  both 
againft  Popery  and  France.  And,  to  redeem  their 
credit  for  the  money  that  they  were  ready  to 
give  fomewhat  too  lavifhly,  they  faid,  when  they 
went  into  their  countries,  that  it  was  on  defign  to 
fix  the  King  to  an  Englifh  intereft,  and  the  Pro- 
teftant  religion.  And  they  had  talked  fo  high  on 
thofe  heads,  that  the  Court  itfelf  could  not  ma 
nage  them,  when  any  thing  relating  to  thefe  came 
before  them.  Some  of  them  were  high  for  the 
prerogative  :  Others  high  for  the  Church  :  And 
all  the  mercenary  men  were  careful  of  themfelves. 
In  oppofition  to  thefe  a  great  party  was  formed, 
who  declared  more  heartily  for  the  Proteftant  re 
ligion,  and  for  the  intereft  of  England.  The 
Duke  of  Buckingham,  and  the  Earl  of  Shaftfbury, 
opened  many  ot  their  eyes,  and  let  them  know 
the  defigns  of  the  Court.  And  indeed  they  were 
then  fo  vifible,  that  there  was  enough  feen,  with 
out  fuch  lecret  intelligence,  to  convince  the  moft 
incredulous.  Sir  William  Coventry  had  the  great- 
eft  credit  of  any  man  in  the  Houfe.  He  never 
meddled  perfonaliy  with  any  Minifter.  He  had 
a  perfect  underftanding  of  affairs.  So  he  laid 
open  the  errors  of  the  government  with  the  more 
authority,  becaufe  he  mixed  no  pafiion  nor  pri 
vate  refentments  with  it.  His  brother  ufualiy 
anfwered  him  with  much  life  in  a  repartee,  but 
not  with  the  weight  and  force  with  which  he 
fpoke.  Colonel  Birch  was  a  man  of  a  peculiar 
chara6ter.  He  had  been  a  carrier  at  firft,  and 
retained  ftill,  even  to  an  affedation,  the  clown- 
ilhnefs  of  his  education.  Pie  got  up  in  the  pro- 
grefs  of  the  war  to  be  a  Colonel,  and  to  be  con- 
4  cerned 


of  King  CHARLES  It.  547 

Cerned  in  the  Excite.  And  at  the  Reftoration  he  1675. 
was  found  to  be  fo  ufeful  in  managing  the  Excife, 
that  he  was  put  in  a  good  pod.  He  was  the 
roughed  and  boldeft  fpeaker  in  the  Houfe ;  and 
talked  in  the  language  and  phrafes  of  a  carrier, 
but  with  a  beauty  and  eloquence  that  was  always 
acceptable.  I  heard  Coventry  fay,  he  was  the  bed 
fpeaker  to  carry  a  popular  afiembly  before  him 
that  he  had  ever  known.  He  fpoke  always  with 
much  life  and  heat.  But  judgment  was  not  his 
talent.  Waller  was  the  delight  of  the  Houfe  : 
And  even  at  eighty  he  faid  the  livelied  things  of 
kny  among  them  :  He  was  only  concerned  to  fay 
that  which  fhould  make  him  be  applauded.  But 
he  never  laid  the  bufinefs  of  the  Houfe  to  heart* 
being  a  vain  and  empty,  tho*  a  witty,  man.  He 
deferves  the  character  of  being  one  of  the  great 
refiners  of  our  language  and  poetry.  He  was  for 
near  fixty  years  one  of  the  bed  of  all  our  wri 
ters  that  way.  The  two  men  of  quality  that  were 
the  mod  confidered  were,  the  Lord  RuiTell,  and 
the  Lord  Cavendifh.  Lord  RufTell  was  a  man 
of  great  candor,  and  of  a  general  reputation  ; 
univerfaily  beloved,  and  truded  ;  of  a  generous 
and  obliging  temper.  He  had  given  fuch  proofs 
of  an  undaunted  courage,  and  of  an  unfliaken 
firmnefs,  that  I  never  knew  any  man  have  fo  en 
tire  a  credit  in  the  Nation  as  he  had;  He  quickly- 
got  out  of  fome  of  the  diforders  into  which  the 
Court  had  drawn  him.  And  ever  after  that  his 
life  was  unblemifll'd  in  all  refpects.  He  had  from 
his  firft  education  an  inclination  to  favour  the 
Non-conformids  ;  and  wifhed  the  laws  could 
have  been  made  eafier  to  them*  or  they  more 
pliant  to  the  law.  He  was  a  flow  man,  and  of 
little  difcourfe  :  But  he  had  a  true  judgment,  when 
he  confidered  things  at  his  own  leifure.  His  under- 
Handing  was  not  defective  :  But  his  virtues  were 
fo  eminent,  that  they  would  have  more  than  ba 
lanced  real  defects,  if  any  had  been  found  in  the 
N  n  a 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1675.  other.  Lord  Cavendifh,  afterwards  Earl,  and 
then  Duke,  of  Devonihire  was  too  much  a  liber- 
:tirie  both  in  principle  and  practice.  He  went  off 
from  the  Court  at  firft  upon  refentmcnts  for  fome 
'difappointments  there.  He  was  ambitious,  and 
had  the  courage  of  a  hero,  with,  an  uhufual  pro 
portion  both  of  wit  and  knowledge.  He  had  a 
great  foftnefs  in  his  exteriour  deportment.  Lit 
tleton  and  Powle  were  the  men  that  laid  the  mat 
ters  of  the  Houfe  with  the  greateft  dexterity  and 
,care.  Powle  was  very  learned  in  precedents,  and 
Parliament  journals,  which  goes  a  great  way  in 
their  debates  :  And,  when  he  had  time  to  pre 
pare  himfelf,  he  was  a  clear  and  flrong  fpeaker. 
Littleton  was  the  ableft  and  the  vehementeft  ar- 
guer  of  them  all.  He  commonly  lay  quiet  till 
the  end  of  a  debate  :  And  he  often  ended  it, 
/peaking  with  a  itrain  of  conviclion  and  autho 
rity,  that  was  not  eafily  refilled.  I  lived  the  very 
next  door  to  him  for  feveral  years  :  And  we  fpent 
a  great  deal  of  our  time  every  day  together.  He 
told  me  all  their  management :  And  commonly, 
when  he  was  to  put  his  whole  ftrength  to  argue 
any  point,  he  ufed  to  talk  it  over  with  me,  and  to 
fet  me  to  object  all  that  I  could  againft  him.  He 
lived  wholly  in  London.  So  matters  were  moil 
in  his  hands  during  the  intervals  of  Parliament. 
And  by  his  means  it  was,  that  I  arrived  at  fuch 
knowledge  of  their  intrigues.  He  was  a  wife 
and  worthy  man,  had  ftudied  much  modern  hif- 
tory,  and  the  preient  ftate  and  interefl  of  Eu 
rope.  Sir  Thomas  Lee  was  a  man  that  valued 
himfelf  upon  artifice  and  cunning,  in  which  he 
was  a  great  mailer,  without  being  out  of  coun 
tenance  when  it  was  difcovered.  Vaughan,  the 
.  chiet  Jullice's  ion,  was  a  man  of  great  integrity, 
had  much  pride,  but  did  great  fervice.  Thefe 
were  the  chief  men  that  preferved  the  Nation 
fro:n  a  very  deceitful  and  praclifing  Court,  and 
from  a  corrupt  Houfe  of  Commons.  And  by 
*  their 


of  King  CHARLES    II. 

their  fkill  and  firmnefs  they,  from  a  fmall  num-    1675. 
ber  who  began  the  oppofition,  grew  at  iaft  to  be  <•— v~*«* 
the  majority. 

All  this  I  thought  fit  to  lay  together,  and  to    1676. 
fill  as  it  were  an  empty  place  in  my  hiflory  :  For,  <— ^~^j 
as  our  main  bufmefs  lay  in  preparing  for,  or  ma-  A  !on§ 
naging  a  feflion  of  Parliament,  fo  we  had  now  a  1^^, 
long  interval,  of  above  a  year,  between  this  fef-  ,he  fefli- 
fion  in  winter  1675,  arid  the  next  fefiion  of  Par-  or>s  of 

liament,  which  was  not  till  the  fpring  in  1677.  Par!ia- 
^i       r-  L  r  ment. 

The  French  were  much  let  on  procuring  a  peace. 
And  they,  feeing  how  much  the  Parliament  was 
fet  on  engaging  the  King  in  the  Alliance,  pre 
vailed  with  him  to  difcontinue  the  feffion  ;  for 
which  no  doubt  he  had  round  fums  of  money  fent 
to  him. 

About  this  time  Lockhart  the  Embafiador  in  An  nc- 
Fcarice  died.     The  farther  hesfaw  into  the  defigns  co'jnt  of 

~  t  ,  r     •        I      lome  pai- 

of  the  Court,  he  grew  the  more  unealy  in  the  fages  £f 
poft  he  was  in,  tho'  he  acted  in  it  with  great 
fpirit  and  refolution,  both  with  relation  to  his 
own  mafter,  and  to  the  French  King :  Of  which 
I  will  fet  down  two  paflfages,  that  may  be  very 
inftruftive  to  Embaffadors.  In  this  time  of  neu 
trality,  the  French  privateers  took  many  Englifh 
Ihips,  pretending  they  were  Dutch  only  with 
Englifh  pafTes.  One  of  thefe  was  taken  by  a 
privateer,  that,  as  was  believed,  Pepys,  then  fe- 
cretary  to  the  Englifh  Admiralty,  and  in  great 
favour  with  the  Duke,  had  built ;  and,  as  was 
faid,  out  of  the  King's  (lores.  The  merchants 
proved  in  Council,  that  the  (hip  was  Englifh. 
So  Lockhart  had  an  order  to  demand  her  :  And 
he  preffed  it  fo  effectually,  that  an  order  was  fent 
from  the  Court  of  France  to  difcharge  her.  But, 
before  that  was  executed,  the  King  was  prevailed 
on  by  Pepys,  to  tell  the  French  Embaflador,  that 
he  did  not  concern  himfelf  in  that  fliip  :  He  be 
lieved  merchants  were  rogues,  and  could  bring 
N  n  3  witr.effes 


55°  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1676.  witnefles  to  prove  whatibever  they  had  a  mind  to  : 
v*~>^  So  the  Court  of  France  might  do  what  tjiey  pleafed 
in  that  matter.     This  was  writ  to  Verfailles  a  day 
or  two  after  the  former  order  was  lent.     But  up 
on  it  a  new  one  went  to  Dunkirk,  where  the  fhip 
lay,  to  Hop  her.     This  came  before  fhe  could  get 
out.     So  Lockhart,  being  informed  of  that,  went 
to  Court,  and  complained  heavily.     He  was  told, 
what  the  King  himfelf  had  faid  about  it.     He  an- 
fwered  refolutely,    that  the  King  fpoke  to  them 
only  by  him.      Yet  he  wrote  upon  this  to   the 
Court  of  England,  defiring  to  be  recalled,  fmce 
he  could  ferve  no  longer  with  honqur,  after  he 
had  been  fo  difowned.     Upon  this  the  King  wrote 
him  a  letter  with  his  own  pen,  excufmg  the  mat 
ter  the  beft  he  could;   and juflified  him  in  what 
he  had  done.     And  upon  that  fecret  orders  were 
fent,    and  the  fhip  was  difcharged.      The  other 
was  a  higher  point,  confidering  the  bigotry  of  the 
King  of  France.     Lockhart  had  a  French  Popifh 
fervant,  who  was  dying,  and  fent  for  the  Sacra 
ment.     Upon  which  it  was  brought  with  the  pro- 
ceffion  ordinary  in  fuch  cafes.     Lockhart,  hearing 
pf  this,  ordered  his  gates  to  be  fhut.     And  upon 
that  many  were  enflamed,    and  were  running  to 
force  his  gates  :    But  he  ordered  all  his  family  to 
ftand  to  their  arms,  and,  if  any  force  was  offer 
ed,   to  fire.     There  was  a  great   noiie  made    of 
this.      But  no  force   was  offered.     He  refolved 
to  complain  fir  ft  :  And  fo  went  to  Court,  and  ex- 
poftulated  upon  it.     He  faid,  his  houfe  was  his 
matter's  houfe  :    And  here  a  publick  triumph  was 
attempted  on  his  matter's  religion,    and  affronts 
were    offered    him  :    He  faid,    if  a   Prieft  had 
brought  the  Sacrament  privately,  he  would  have 
connived  at  it :    But  he  afked  reparation  for  fa 
publick  an  injury.     The  King  of  France  feemed 
to  be  highly  difpleafed  at  this,  calling  it  the  great- 
eft  indignity  that  had  ever  been  done  to  his  God 
his  reigrj.     Yet  the  point  did  not  bear  ar 
guing  : 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 
guing  :  So  Lockhart  faid  nothing  to  that.     When    1676. 
Lockhart    went   from   him,    Pcmponrie  followed  s^v 
him,  fent  after  him  by  the  King  •,  and  told  him, 
he  would  force  the  King  to  fuffer  none  of  his  fub- 
jecls  to  ferve  him.     He  anfwered,  he  would  order 
his  coach- man  to  drive  the  quicker  to  Paris,  to 
prevent  that  j  and   left   Pomponne   to  guefs   the 
meaning.     As  foon  as   he  came  to  his  houfe,  he 
ordered   all  his  French  fervants  to  be  immediately 
paid  off,  and    difmifs'd.     The  Court  of  England 
was  forced  to  juftify  him    in    all  this  matter.     A 
publick  letter  of  thanks  was  writ  to  him  upon  it. 
And  the  Court  of  France  thought  fit  to  digeft  it. 
But  the  French  King  look'd  on  him  ever  after 
with  great  coldnefs,  if  not  with  averfion.     Soon 
after  that  he  fell   into  a  languifhing,  which  after 
ibrne  months  carried  him  off.     I  have  ever  look'd 
on  him  as  'the  greateil  man  that  his  country  pro 
duced  in  this  age,  next  to  Sir  Robert  Murray. 

The  Earl  of  Danby  began  now  to  talk  againft  Manage- 
the  French  intereft  with  open  mouth.  Rouvigny 
ftaid  but  two  years  in  England  :  For,  though  he 
ferved  his  mailer's  interefts  but  too  well,  yet  the 
Popifli  party  could  not  bear  the  want  ot  a  Chapel 
in  the  French  Embafiador's  houfe.  So  he  was  re 
called  :  And  Courtin  was  lent  in  his  room.  Be 
fore  he  parted,  he  talked  roundly  with  LordDanby:' 
He  faid,  he  was  going  into  popular  interefts  againft 
thole  of  his  mafter's  honour,  who  having  engaged 
the  King  of  France  in  the  war,  and  being  forced 
to  leave  him  to  fight  it  out  alone,  ought  not  to 
turn  againft  him  ;  efpecially,  fince  the  King  of 
France  referred  every  thing  to  him  as  the  arbiter 
and  mediator  of  the  peace ;  He  remembred  him 
of  the  old  Duke  of  Buckingham's  fate,  who 
thought  to  become  popular  by  breaking  the  Spanifh 
match  j  and  it  was  his  ruin  :  He  faid,  the  King  of 
France  was  the  King's  beft  friend,  and  trueft  ally  ; 
4nd  if  he  made  the  King  forfake  him,  and  depend 
on  his  Parliament,  being  fo  tempered  a*  they  were 
N  n  4  then, 


552  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1 676.  then,  both  the  King  and  he  might  come  to  repent 
^V^  it,  when  it  was  too  late :  I  had  all  this  from  him- 
felf.  To  this  Lord  Danhy  replied,  that  he  fpoke 
as  a  faithful  fervant  to  his  own  matter,  and  that 
he  himfelf  would  act  as  a  faithful  fervant  to  his 
matter.  Courtin  fpoke  a  great  deal  to  the  fame 
purpofe,  in  the  Prince  of  Conde's  prefence,  when 
I  had  the  honour  to  wait  on  him.  He  told  me, 
there  was  a  flrange  reverfe  in  things  :  Lord  Danby 
was  at  that  time  fuffering  for  being  in  the  French 
interefb  :  And  Lord  Montague  was  popular  as  be 
ing  againfl  it :  Whereas,  to  his  knowledge,  during 
his  employment  in  England,  Lord  Danby  was  an 
enemy  to  their  intereft,  as  much  as  Lord  Monta 
gue  was  for  it.  I  can  fay  nothing  as  to  one  point, 
whether  any  great  fums  came  over  from  France  all 
this  while,  or  not.  Some  watched  the  rifing  and 
falling  of  the  exchange,  by  which  men  fkilful  in 
thofe  matters  can  judge,  when  any  great  fum  pafTes 
from  one  Kingdom  to  another,  either  in  fpecie*  or 
by  bill  :  But  they  could  never  find  out  any  thing 
to  make  them  conclude  it  was  done.  Lord  Mon 
tague  told  me,  he  tried  often  to  get  into  that  fe- 
cret,  but  in  vain  :  He  often  faid  to  the  King,  that, 
if  he  would  truft  him,  he  could  make  better  bar 
gains  for  him,  than  others  had  made  :  But  the  King 
never  anfwered  him  a  word  on  that  head  :  And  he 
believed,  that  what  fums  foever  came  over,  they 
were  only  to  the  Dutchefs  of  Portfmouth,  or  to 
the  King's  privy  purfe  -9  and  that  the  French  Em- 
bafladcr  had  the  fole  managing  of  that  matter, 
the  King  perhaps  not  being  willing  to  truft  any  of 
his  own  iubjeds,  with  fo  important  and  fo  danger- 
pus  a  fecret.  In  all  companies  the  Earl  of  Danby 
was  declaring  openly  againft  France,  and  Popery. 
And  the  See  of  London  falling  then  void  by 
Henchman's  death,  he  brought  Compton,  brother 
to  the  Earl  of  Northampton,  to  fucceed  him.  He 
was  made  Bifhop  of  Oxford  upon  Crew's,  being 
promoted  to  Durefme, 

Cpmptqq 


of  King   CHARLES  II. 

Compton  carried  arms  for  fome  years.     When  1676. 
he  was  pafs'd  thirty,  he  took  orders.     He  was  an  wv 
humble  and   modeit  man.      He  applied   himfelf  T}-e  cha- 
more  to  his  fundtion,  than  Bifhops  had  commonly  ra<aer 

TT  11  1     •  T  r  7,    »01Vie 

done,     He  went   much   about  his   dioceie  •,  and  Bi 
preached,  and   confirmed  in   many  places.     His 
preaching  was  without  much  life  or  learning :  For 
he  had  not  gone  thro'  his  ftudies  with  the  exaclneis 
that  was  fitting.     He  was  a  great  patron  of  the 
Converts  from  Popery,  and  ot  thole  Proteftants, 
whom  the  bad  ufage  they  were  beginning  to  meet 
with  in  France  drove  over  to  us :  And   by   thefe 
means  he  came  to  have  a  great  reputation.     He 
was  making   many   complains  to  the   King,  and 
often  in  Council,  of  the  infolence  of  the  Papifts, 
and  of  Coleman's  in  particular.     So  that  the  King 
ordered  the  Duke  to  difmifs  Coleman  out  of  his 
fervice.     Yet  he  continued  ftill   in  his  confidence. 
But  with  thefe  good  qualities  Compton  was  a  weak 
man,  willful  and  ftrangely  wedded  to  a  party.  He 
was  a  property  to  Lord  Danby,  and  was   turned 
by  him  as  he  pleafed.     The  Duke  hated  him.    But 
Lord  Danby  perluaded  both  the  King  and  him, 
that,  as  his  heat  did  no  great  hurt  to  any  perfon, 
fo  the  giving  way  to  it  helped  to  lay  the  jealoufies 
of  the  Church  party.     About  a  year  after  that, 
Sheldon  dying,  Compton  was  perfuaded  that  Lord 
Danby  had  tried  with  all  his  ftrength  to  promote 
him  to  Canterbury  ;  tho'  that  was  never  once  in 
tended.     There  were  none  of  the  order,  that  were 
in  any  fort  fitted  to  fill  that  See,  whom  the  Court 
could  truft. 

Sancroft,  Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  was  raifed  to  it. 
He  was  a  man  of  Iblemn  deportment,  had  a  fullen 
gravity  in  his  looks,  and  was  confiderably  learned. 
He  had  put  on  a  monaftick  ftridtnefs,  and  lived 
^bltraded  from  company.  Thefe  things,  together 
with  his  living  unmarried,  and  his  being  fixed  in 
the  old  maxims  of  high  loyalty,  and  a  fuperftitious 
valuing  of  little  things,  made  the  Court  conclude, 

that 


£54  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1676.  that  he  was  a  man,  who  might  be  entirely  gained 
to  fcrve  all  their  ends ,  or,  at  leaft,  that  he  would 
be  an  unactive  fpeculative  man,  and  give  them 
little  oppofition  in  any  thing  that  they  might  at 
tempt,  when  they  had  more  promifing  oppor 
tunities.  He  was  a  dry,  cold  man,  referved,  and 
peeviih  -,  fo  that  none  loved  him,  and  few  efteemed 
him  :  Yet  the  high  church  party  were  well  pleafed 
with  his  promotion. 

As  Lord  Danby  thus  raifed  his  creatures  in  the 
Church,  fo  he  got  all  men  turned  out  of  their 
places,  that  did  not  entirely  depend  on  him  :  And 
went  on  in  his  credit  with  the  King,  (till  alluring 
him,  that,  if  he  would  leave  things  to  his  conduct, 
he  would  certainly  bring  about  the  whole  Cavalier 
party  again  to  him.  And  fuch  was  the  corruption 
and  poverty  of  that  party,  that,  had  it  not  been 
that  French  and  Popifti  counfels  were  fo  vifible 
in  the  whole  courfe  of  our  affairs,  he  had  very 
probably  gained  them  to  have  raifed  the  King's 
power,  and  to  have  extirpated  the  DifTenters,  and 
to  have  brought  things  very  near  to  the  ftate  they 
were  in,  in  King  Charles  I's.  time,  before  the  war. 

All  this  while  the  Papifls  were  not  idle.  They 
tried  their  ftrength  with  the  King  to  get  the  Par 
liament  diflblved :  In  which  their  hopes  carried 
them  fo  far,  that  Coleman  drew  a  declaration  for 
justifying  it.  Their  defign  in  this  was,  once  to 
divide  the  King  and  his  people  :  For  they  reck 
oned  the  new  Parliament  would  not  be  fo  eafy  to 
him  as  this  was.  For  how  angry  foever  this  was 
at  him,  and  he  fometimes  at  them,  yet  they  faw 
that  a  fevere  Act  againft  Popery,  or  fome  fteps 
made  againft  France,  would  difpofe  them  to  forget 
all  former  quarrels,  and  tq  give  money.  And  as 
the  King  always  wanted  that,  and  loved  to  be  eafy, 
fo  the  profpect  of  it  was  ever  in  his  view.  They 
feared,  that  at  fome  time  or  other  this  might 
make  him  both  facrifice  Popery,  and  forfake 
prance.  So  they  took  all  poflible  methods  tp  en- 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  555 

gage  the  King  in  a  more  entire  dependance  on  1676. 
France,  and  a  diftruft  of  his  own  people.  They  ' — vr— ^ 
were  labouring  for  a  general  peace  in  ail  Courts, 
where  they  had  any  intereft.  The  Prince  of 
Orange's  obltinacy  was  the  common  fubject  of 
their  complaints.  Lord  Shaftfbuty  tried,  upon 
the  Duke's  concurring  in  the  vote  for  an  addrefs 
to  have  the  Parliament  diffolved,  if  he  could  fe- 
parate  him  from  the  Earl  of  Danby.  And  he  fent 
a  meffage  to  him  by  the  Lord  Stafford,  that  his 
voting  as  he  did  in  that  matter,  had  gained  much 
on  many  who  were  formerly  his  enemies  :  He 
wifhed  he  would  ufe  his  intereft  with  the  King  to 
get  that  brought  about  :  And  he  durft  undertake, 
that  a  new  Parliament  mould  be  more  inclinable 
to  grant  the  Papifts  a  toleration,  than  they  would 
ever  find  this  would  prove. 

But  the  Duke  and  Lord  Danby  were  too  firmly  Cole- 
united  to  be  eafily  divided  :  For  whatever  Lord  man's  in~ 
Danby  gave  out,  he  made  the  Duke  believe,  that  trl^uei 
all  that  he  intended  would  really  turn  to  his  fervice. 
Coieman  was  very  bufy  in  writing  many  letters  to 
all  places,  but  chiefly  to  the  Court  of  France. 
He  was  in  all  his  difpatches  fetting  forth  the  good 
ftate  of  the  Duke's  affairs,  and  the  great  ftrength 
he  was  daily  gaining.  He  was  either  very  ian- 
guine,  if  he  believed  this  himfelf,  or  very  bold  in 
offering  to  impofe  it  fo  pofitively  on  others.  He 
was  always  full  of  affurances,  that,  if  a  peace 
could  be  brought  about,  fo  that  the  King  of  France 
was  fet  at  liberty  to  afiift  them  with  his  purfe,  and 
his  force,  they  were  never  in  fuch  hopes  of  fuo 
ceeding  in  the  great  defign  of  rooting  out  this 
peftilent  herefy,  that  had  io  long  over-run  thefe 
northern  kingdoms.  He  had  a  friend,  one  Sir 
William  Throgmorton,  of  whom  he  intended  to 
make  great  ufe.  Pie  and  his  wife  had  prevailed 
with  him  and  his  Lady  to  change  their  religion. 
And  fo  he  fent  them  over  to  France,  recommend 
ing  him  to  the  King's  confeflqr,  F.  Ferrier,  as  a 

man 


556  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1676.  man  that  might  do  them  great  fervice,  if  he  could 
De  made  one  of  theirs.  So  Ferrier,  looking  on 
him  as  a  man  of  importance,  applied  himfelf  to 
turn  him,  which  was  foon  done.  And  the  con- 
feiTor,  to  raife  the  value  of  his  convert,  fpoke  of 
him  to  the  King  in  fuch  a  flrain,  that  he  was 
much  confidered.  When  his  Lady  abjured,  the 
Duke  of  Orleans  led  her  up  to  the  altar.  He  took 
great  ftate  on  him,  and  foon  fpent  all  he  had.  He 
was  a  bufy  man  between  the  two  Courts.  But, 
before  he  got  into  any  confiderable  poft,  Ferrier 
died  :  And  the  new  confeflbr  did  not  take  fuch 
care  of  him  as  his  predeceflbr  had  done.  So  he 
was  forced  to  quit  his  high  living,  and  retire  to  a 
private  houfe.  And  he  fent  his  Lady  into  a  Mo«- 
naftery.  Yet  he  continued  Hill  to  be  Coleman's 
agent,  and  correfpondent.  He  went  often  to  fee 
an  Englim  Lady,  that  was  of  their,  religion,  Lady 
Brown.  And  being  one  day  with  her:$  he.  received 
a  deep  wound  by  a  knite  ftuck  into- his  thigh,  that 
pierced  the  great  artery.  Whether  the  Lady  did 
it  to  defend  herfelf,  or  he  to  mew  the  violence  of 
his  paffion,  was  not  known.  It  was  not  pofiible 
to  itop  the  bleeding.  Yet  the  Lady  would  have 
him  carried  out  of  her  houfe.  He  died  in  the 
houfe  of  one  Hollman,  an  eminent  man  of  their 
religion,  then  at  Paris.  The  whole  matter  was 
carried  off  in  fuch  fee recy,  that  Lockhart,  then 
at  Paris,  could  never  penetrate  farther  into  it.  I 
had  this  from  his  Lady  after  his  death. 

Coleman  quickly  found  out  another  correfpond 
ent,  that  was  more  ufeful  to  him  than  he  whom 
he  loft  could  ever  have  been,  F.  St.  German,  a 
Jefuit,  who  was  fent  over  with  the  Dutchefs,  and 
pafs'd  for  her  confeflbr,  tho'  I  have  been  allured 
that  was  a  miftake.  He  had  all  the  heat  of  his 
order  in  him,  and  was  apt  to  talk  very  boldly.  I 
was  fometimes  in  company  with  him.  He  was 
complained  of  in  Council  by  the  Bilhop  of  Lon- 
clon,  for  fome  practice  on  one  tfiaj  was  come  over 

a  con- 


of  King  CHARLES  H.  55 

a  convert,  whom  he  was  between  threatening  and   1676 
perfuafion  working  on,  in  order  to  the   fending 
him  back.     This  came  to  be  difcovered.     Upon 
which  he  fled.    And  on  him  Coleman  fixed  for  his 
chief    correfpondent.       Howard   was   about   this 
time  by  Cardinal  Altieri's  means  promoted  to  be 
a  Cardinal.     And  upon  that  the  King  and  Duke 
fent  compliments  to  Rome.    This  opened  a  negoti 
ation  with  that  Court,  that  was  put  in  the  hands  of 
the  Internuncio  at  BruiTels.  So  it  was  propofed,  that 
a  fum  of  money  mould  be  given  the  King,  if  in 
return  of  that  fome  fuitable  favours  for  thofe  of 
their   religion  could  be  obtained.     Coleman   was 
fent  over  by  the  Duke  to  BruiTels,  to  treat  about 
it,  none  being  in  the  fecret,  but  the  Lord  Arundell. 
Yet,  as  he  underflood  it,  the  King  himlelf  knew 
of  it.     When  he  went  thither,  he  found  the  fum 
offered  was  To  fmall,  and  the  conditions  demanded 
were  To  high,  that  he  made  no  progrefs  in  the  ne 
gotiation.  /  Whatfoever  Coleman  did  in  the  main 
bufinefs,he  took  good  care  of  himfelf.  All  his  letters 
were  full  of  their  being  able   to  do  nothing  for 
want  of  money.     And  he  made  the  French  Em- 
baffador  believe,  he  could  do  his  matter  great  fer- 
vice,  if  he  was  well  fupplied.     He  got  once  2500 
guineas  from  him,  to  gain  his  mailer  fome  friends. 
But  he  applied  it  all  to  furnifh  out  his  own  ex- 
pence.     He  was  at  that  time  fo  lifted  up,  that  he 
had  a  mind  to  pafs  for  the   head   of  the  party. 
And  of  this  I  will  give  one  inftance,  in  which  I 
my  felf  had  a  mare. 

Sir  Philip  Terwhit,  a  Papift,  had  married  a 
zealous  Proteftant,  who  fufpecling  his  religion, 
charged  him  with  it.  But  he  denied  it  before 
marriage  ;  and  carried  that  fo  far,  that  he  received 
th^  Sacrament  with  her  in  her  own  Church.  After 
they  were  married,  fhe  found  that  he  had  deceived 
her  :  And  they  lived  untowardly  together.  At  this 
.time  fome  fcruples  were  put  in  her  head,  with 
which  fhe  acquainted  me,  and  ieem:d  fully  fatif- 

fied 


The  H  i  s  T  o  R  y  of  the  Reigri 

1675.  fied  with  the  anfwers  that  I  gave  her.     She   came 

xv^  afterwards  to  me,  and  defired,  I  would  come  t6 

/her  houfe,  and  talk  of  all  thofe  matters  with  fome 

that  her  hufband  would  bring  to  meet  us.     I  told 

her,  I  would   not  decline   the    thing,  if   defired, 

though  I  feldom  knew  good  come  of  fuch  con 

ferences.     She  made  the  fame  proportion  to  Dn 

A  confe-  Stillingfleet  ;  and  he  gave  the  fame  anfwer.     So  a 

rcnce  be-  ^a    was  fe^  an(j  we  went  thither,  and  found  ten 


or  twe^ve  perfons,  that  were  not  known  to  us.  We 
and  Tome  were  fcarce  fet  down,  when  Coleman  came  in, 
divines,  who  took  the  whole  debate  upon  him.  I  writ  down. 
a  very  exact  account  of  all  that  pafs'd,  and  lent  it 
to  them,  and  had  their  additions  to  it:  And  I 
printed  it.  The  thing  made  a  great  noife,  and  was 
a  new  indication  of  Coleman^  arrogance.  Soon 
after  that  the  Lady,  who  continued  iirm  upon  this 
conference,  was  porTeiTed  with  new  fcruples  about 
the  validity  of  our  ordinations.  I  got  from  her 
the  paper  that  was  put  in  her  hand,  and  anfwered 
it  :  And  me  feemed  fatisfied  with  that  likewife. 
But  afterwards  the  uneafmefs  of  her  life  prevailed 
more  on  her,  than  her  fcruples  did  •,  and  fhe  changed 
her  religion. 

J  under-  Some  time  after  I  had  printed  the  Memoirs  of 
took  to  the  Dukes  of  Hamilton,  which  were  favourably 
write  the  received,  the  reading  of  thofe  got  me  the  acquain- 

cu!0Rerorf.tanceand  fnendfhiP  of  Sir  William  Jones,  then 
'"'Attorney  General.  He  was  railed  to  that  high 
poll  merely  by  merit,  and  by  his  being  thought 
the  greateil  man  of  the  law  :  For,  as  he  was 
no  flatterer,  but  a  man  of  a  morofe  temper,  fo  he 
was  againft  all  the  meafures  that  they  took  at 
Court.  They  were  weary  of  him>  and  were  rai 
ling  Sir  John  King  to  vie  with  him  :  But  he  died 
in  his  rife,  which  indeed  went  on  very  quick.  Jones 
was  an  honeft,  and  wife  man.  He  had  a  rough* 
nefs  in  his  deportment,  that  was  very  difagreeable  : 
But  he  was  a  good  natured  man  at  bottom,  and  a 
faithful  friend.  He  grew  weary  of  his  employ 

ment, 


rnauon. 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

ment,  and  laid  it  down  :  And,  though  the  Great 
Seal  was  offered  him,  he  would  not  accept  of  it, 
nor  return  to  bufinefs.  The  quicknefs  of  his 
thoughts  carried  his  views  far.  And  the  fourneJs 
of  his  temper  made  him  too  apt  both  to  fufpect 
and  to  defpifc  moil  of  thofe  that  came  to  him. 
My  way  of  writing  hiftory  pleafed  him  :  And  fo 
he  prelfed  me  to  undertake  the  hiftory  of  England. 
But  Sanders's  book,  that  was  then  tranflated  into 
French,  and  cried  up  much  in  France,  made  all 
.my  friends  prefs  me  to  anfwer  it,  by  writing  the 
hiftory  of  the  Reformation.  So  now  all  my 
thoughts  were  turned  that  way.  I  laid  out  for 
MSS.  and  fearched  into  all  offices.  I  got  for  fome 
days  into  the  Cotton  Library.  But  Duke  Lander- 
dale,  hearing  of  my  defign,  and  apprehending  it 
might  fucceed  in  my  hands,  got  Dolben,  Bifhop 
of  Rochefter,  to  divert  Sir  John  Cotton  from  fuf- 
fering  me  to  fearch  into  his  library.  He  told 
him,  I  was  a  great  enemy  to  the  prerogative,  to 
which  Cotton  was  devoted,  even  to  flavery.  So 
he  faid,  1  would  certainly  make  an  ill  ufe  of  all  1 
had  found.  This  wrought  fo  much  on  him,  that 
I  was  no  more  admitted,  till  my  firft  volume  was 
publifhed.  And  then,  when  he  faw  how  1  had 
compofed  it,  he  gave  me  free  accefs  to  it. 

At  this  time  the  Earl  of  Eflex  was  brought  over  T^e  Earl 
from   being  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  whofe  of  E%c's 
friendship  to  me  was  afterwards  fuch,  that  I  think 
myfelf  obliged  to  flop,  and  to  give  fome  account 
of  him.  He  was  the  Lord  Capell's  fon.    His  edu 
cation  was  neglefted  by  reafon  of  the  war.     But, 
when  he  was  at  man's  age,  he  made  himfelf  mafter 
of  the  Latin  tongue,  and  made  a  great  progrefs 
in  mathematicks,  and   in   all  the    other  parts  of 
learning.     Fie  knew  our  law  and  conftitution  well, 
and  was  a  very  thoughtful  man.    He  began  foon  to 
appear  againft  the  Court.  The  King  imputed  it  to 
his  refentments  :  So  he  refolved  to  make  ufe   of 
him.  He  fent  him  EmbafTadpr  to  Denmark,  where 

Kis 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

his  behaviour  in  the  affair  of  the  flag,  gained  him 
much  reputation  :  Tho*  he  faid  to  me  there  was 
nothing  in  it.  That  King  had   ordered  the  gover- 
nour  of  Croonenburgh  to  make  all  fhips  that  pafs'd 
ftrike  to  him.     So  when  Lord  Effex  was  failing 
'by,  he  fent  to  him,  either  to  ftrike  to  him,  or  to 
fail  by  in  the  night,  or  to  keep  one  of  his  reach  : 
Otherwife  he  muft  fhoot,  firft  with  powder,   but 
next  with-  ball.    Lord  Effex  fent  him  a  refolute 
anfwer,  that  the  Kings  of  England  made  others 
ftrike  to  them,  but  their  ftiips   ftruck  to   none  : 
He  would  not  fteal  thro*  in  the  dark,  nor  keep 
out  of  his  reach  :  And  if  he  (hot  at  him,  he  would 
His  em-    defend  himfelf.  The  Governor  did  fhoot  him,  but 
ployment  on  defign  fliot  over  him.    This  was  thought  great 
bravery   in   him  :  Yet  he    reckoned,  it  was  im- 
poffible  the  Governor  would  endeavour  to  fink  a 
ihip  that  brought  over  an  Embaffador.  While  he 
~'was  there,    the  King  died,  which   made  a  great 
change  in  the  Court.     For  that  King  had  made 
one  of  his  fervants  Stadtholder ;  which  was  indeed 
a  ftrange  thing,  he  himfelf  being  upon  the  place. 
He  was  but  a  mean  perfon,  and  was  advanced  by 
the   favour  the  Queen  bore  him.     Lord  Eflex's 
firft  buiinefs   was,  to  juftify  his    behaviour  in  re- 
fufing  to  ftrike.     Now  at  his  going  from  England 
Sir  John  Cotton    had  defired   him  to  take  fome 
volumes  of   his   library   that   related   to   Danifh 
affairs ;    which    he  took,    without    apprehending 
that  he  fhould  have  great  occafion  to  ufe  them  : 
But  this  accident   made  him   fearch   into   them. 
And  he  found  very  good  materials  to  juftify  his 
conduct  •,  fince  by  formal  treaties  it  had  been  ex- 
prefsly  Itipulated,  that  the  Englifh  fhips  of  war 
iliould  not  ftrike  in  the  Danifh  feas.     This  railed 
his  character  fo  high  at  Court,  that  it  was  writ 
over  to  him,  that  he  might  expect  every  thing  he 
ihould  pretend  to  at  his  return.     The  change  of 
government  that   he   law  in  Denmark,  and   the 
bringing  it  about  with  fo  little  difficulty,   made  a 

great 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

great  impreffion  on  him  ;  fince  one  of  the    freeft    1676. 
Nations   in  the  world   was  on  a  fudden  brought  ^^r^ 
under    a    mod   arbitrary    iorm    of    government. 
Many  of  the  ancient  Nobility  feemed  uneafy  under 
the  change.    And  even  the  Chancellor  himfelf,  tho' 
raifed  by  favour  from  very  mean  beginnings,  could 
not  forbear  to  lament  even  to  him  the  change  of 
their  conftitution. 

Upon  his  return  from  Denmark,  he  was  made 
Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland.  He  could  never  un- 
derftand  how  he  came  to  be  raifed  to  that  poft ;  Ireland. 
for  he  had  not  pretended  to  it :  And  he  was  a  vio 
lent  enemy  to  Popery  -,  not  fo  much  from  any 
fix'd  principle  in  religion,  in  which  he  was  too 
loofe,  as  becaufe  he  looked  on  it  as  an  invafion 
made  on  the  freedom  of  human  nature.  In  his 
government  of  Ireland  he  exceeded  all  that  had 
gone  before  him  •,  and  is  ftill  confidered  as  a  pat 
tern  to  all  that  come  after  him.  He  ftudied  to  .un- 
derftand  exactly  well  the  conftitution,  and  intereft 
of  the  Nation.  He  read  over  all  their  Council 
books  ;  and  made  large  abftracts  out  of  them,  to 
guide  him,  fo  as  to  advance  every  thing  that  had 
been  at  any  time  let  on  foot  for  the  good  of  the 
Kingdom.  He  made  feveral  volumes  of  tables  of 
the  ftate,  and  perfons  that  were  'in  every  county 
and  town  •,  and  got  true  characters  ot  all  that  were 
capable  to  ferve  the  publick.  And  he  preferred 
men  always  upon  merit,  without  any  application 
from  themfelves  •,  and  watched  over  all  about 
him,  that  there  fliould  be  no  bribes  going  among 
his  fervants.  The  revenue  of  Ireland  was  then  in 
the  Earl  of  RanelagrTs  management  •,  who  was 
one  of  the  ableft  men  that  Ifland  had  bred,  capa 
ble  of  all  aifains  even  in  the  midit  of  a  loofe  run^ 
of  pleafure,  and  much  riot.  He  had  the  art  of 
pleafing  mailers  of  very  different  tempe^-and  in- 
terefts°ib  much,  that  he  continued  above  thirty 
years  in  great  polls.  He  had  undertaken  to  fur- 
nifh  the  King  with  money  for  the  building  of 

Voi,.  I.  O  o  Windfor 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 
Wind  for  out  of  the  revenue  of  Ireland.  And  it 
was  b.elieved  the  Dutchefs  of  Portfmouth  had  a 
great  yearly  penfion  out  of  his  office.  By  this 
means  payments  in  Ireland  were  not  regularly 
made.  So  the  Earl  of  Effex  complained  of  this. 
The  King  would  not  own  how  much  he  had  from 
Lord  Ranelagh,  but  prefs'd  Lord  EfTex  to  pafs 
his  accounts.  He  anlwered,  he  could  not  pafs 
them  as  accounts  :  But,  if  the  King  would  for 
give  Lord  Ranelagh,  he  would  pafs  a  difcharge, 
but  not  an  ill  account.  The  King  was  not  pleaied 
with  this,  nor  with  his  exadnefs  in  that  govern 
ment  :  It  reproached  his  own  too  much.  So  he 
took  a  refolution  about  this  time  to  put  the  Duke 
of  Ormond  in  it  again.  Upon  this  occafion  the 
Farl  of  EiTex  told  me,  that  he  knew  the  King  did 
often  take  money  into  his  privy  purfe,  to  defraud 
his  Exchequer  :  For  he  reckoned  that  what  was 
carried  thither,  was  not  fo  much  his  own,  as  his 
privy  purfe  was.  And  Coventry  told  Lord  Eflex, 
that  there  was  once  a  Plantation-caufe  at  the 
Council  board :  And  he  was  troubled  to  fee  the 
King  efpoufe  the  worit  fide  :  And  upon  that  he 
went  to  him,  and  told  him  fecretly,  that  it  was 
a  vile  caufe  which  he  was  iupporting  :  The  King 
anfwered  him,  he  had  got  good  money  for  doing 
it. 

About  this  time  there  was  a  proposition  made 
for  farming  the  revenue  of  Ireland.  And  Lord 
.Danby  feemed  for  fome  time  to  favour  one  fet  of 
men,  who  offered  to  farm  it.  But  on  a  fudden 
he  turned  to  another.  The  fecret  of  this  broke 
out,  that  he  was  to  have  great  advantages  by  the 
fecond  propofition.  The  matter  was  brought  to 
the  Council  table  :  And  fome  were  examined  to  it 
upon  oath.  Lord  Widdrington  did  confefs  that 
he  made  ah  offer  of  a  round  Jinn  to  Lord  Danby, 
but  faid  that  he  did  not  accept  of  it.  Lord  Hal- 
lifax  was  yet  of  the  Council.  So  he  obferved  that 
the  Lord  Treafurer  had  rejected  that  offer  very 

mildly  , 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 

mildly  ;  but  not  fo  as  to  difcourage  a  fecond  at- 
temo: :  It  would  be  fomewhat  ftrange,  if  a  man 
fhouid  aik  the  ufe  of  another  man's  wife,  and  if 
the  other  mould  indeed  refufe  it,  but  with  great 
civility.  This  nettled  Lord  Danby,  who  upon 
that  got  him  to  be  difrnifs'd  from  that  board  :  At 
which  the  Duke  was  much  pleafed,  who  hated 
Lord  Hallifax  at  that  time,  more  even  than  the 
Earl  of  Shaftfbury  hitnieli'';  for  he  had  fallen  fe- 
verely  on  the  declaratioL  for  toleration,  in  the 
Houie  of  Lords.  He  faid,  if  we  could  make 
good  the  Eaflern  compliment,  "  O  King,  live  for 
ever,"  he  could  truft  the  King  with  every  thing  ; 
but  fince  that  was  fo  much  a  compliment,  that  it 
could  never  become  real,  he  could  not  be  impli- 
cite  in  his  confidence.  Thus  matters  went  on 
all  1676,  and  to  the  beginning  of  the  1677, 
when  another  felliou  of  Parliament  was  held.  I 
have  brought  within  this  year  feveral  things  that 
may  be  of  ufe  to  enlighten  the  reader  as  to  the 
flate  of  things,  tho'  perhaps  of  their  own  nature 
they  were  not  important  enough  to  deferve  to.be 
told.  But  in  fo  bare  a  year,  as  this  proved  to  be, 
it  feemed  no  impertinent  digreffion,  to  bring  all 
fuch  matters  into  the  reader's  way. 

I  mall  next  give  fome  account  of  Scotch  affairs.  The  af- 
The  Duke  of  Lauderdale  had  mattered  the  oppo-  ^airs/)f 
fition  made  to  him  fo  entirely,  that  men  were  b< 
now  filent,  tho*  not  quiet.  The  field  Conventi 
cles  increafed  mightily.  Men  came  to  them  armed. 
And  upon  that  great  numbers  were  outlawed  : 
And  a  writ  was  i'iTued  out,  that  was  indeed  legal, 
but  very  ieldom  uied,  called  Intercommoning : 
Becaufe'it  made  all  that  harboured  fuch  perfons, 
or  did  not  feize  them,  when  they  had  it  in  their 
power,  to  be  involved  in  the  fame  guilt.  By  this 
means  many,  apprehending  a  fevere  profecution, 
left  theiv  houfes,  and  went  about  like  a  fort  of 
Banditti,  and  fell  into  a  fierce  and  favage  temper. 
The  Privy  Council  upon  this  pretended  they  were 
O  o  2  in 


The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

in  a  ftate  of  war.  And  upon  an  old  ftatute,  that 
was  almoft  quite  forgot,  it  was  fet  on  foot,  that 
the  King  had  a  power  to  take  any  Caftle,  that 
lay  convenient  for  his  forces,  and  put  a  garrifon 
in  it.  So  twelve  houfes  were  marked  out :  Of- 
which  two  were  the  chief  dwelling  houfes  of  two 
Peers.  The  reft  were  the  houfes  of  gentlemen, 
that  had  gone  into  the  party  againft  Duke  Lau- 
derdale.  And,  tho'  thefe  were  houfes  of  no 
flrength,  and  not  at  all  properly  fituated  for  the 
fupprefiing  of  Conventicles,  yet  they  were  taken. 
Soldiers  were  put  in  them.  And  the  countries 
about  were  required  to  furnifli  thole  fmall  garri- 
fons  with  all  things  necefTary.  This  was  againft 
the  exprefs  words  of  the  law  that  had  lately  fet 
tled  the  militia.  Great  oppofition  was  made  to 
it.  Yet,  it  was  kept  up  above  a  year,  till  the 
houfes  were  quite  ruined  by  the  rude  foldiers,  who 
underftood  that  the  more  wafte  they  made,  it 
would  be  the  more  acceptable.  At  laft  it  was  let 
fall. 

Another  thing  happened,  fcarce  worth  mention 
ing,  it  it  was  not  for  the  effects  that  followed  on 
it.  One  Carflairs,  a  loofe  and  vicious  gentleman, 
who  had  ruined  his  eftate,  undertook  to  Sharp  to 
go  about  in  difguife  to  fee  thofe  Conventicles, 
and  to  carry  fome  with  him  to  witnefs  againft  fuch 
as  they  faw  at  them  ;  in  which  he  himfelf  was  not 
to  appear :  But  he  was  to  have  a  proportion  of 
all  the  fines  that  fhould  be  fet  upon  this  evidence : 
And  he  was  to.  have  fo  much  for  every  one  of 
their  teachers  that  he  could  catch.  He  had  many 
different  difguifes,  and  pafled  by  different  names 
in  every  one  of  them.  He  found  Kirk  ton,  an 
eminent  preacher  among  them,  who  was  as  cau 
tious  as  the  reft  were  bold,  and  had  avoided  all 
fufpicious  and  dangerous  meetings.  Carftairs,  fee 
ing  him  walking  in  the  ftreets  of  Edinburgh,  told 
him,  there  was  a  perfon  that  was  fick,  and  fent 
him  to  beg  a  vifit  from  him.  He  fufpecling  no 
thing 


of  King  CHARLES  II. 
thing  went  with  him.   Carftairs  brought  him  to  his    1676. 
own  lodgings  :   And  there  he  told  him,  he  had  a 
warrant  againil  him,  which  he  would  execute,  if  he 
would  not  give  him  money  to  let  him  alone.  Kirk- 
ton  faid,  he  had  not  offended,  and  was  willing  to  go 
to  prifon  till  his  innocence  mould  appear.  Carftairs 
really  had  no  warrant :  But,  as  was  afterwards  dif- 
covered,  he  had  often  taken  this  method,  and  had 
got  money  by  it.     So   he  went  out  to  procure  a 
warrant,  and  lett  Kirkton  lock'd  up  in  his  cham 
ber.     Kirkton  called  to  the  people  of  the  houfe  : 
And  told  them,  how  he  was  trepan'd.     And  he 
got  one  of  them  to  leek  Bail  lie  of  Jerrifwood, 
his  brother-in  law,  who  was  a  Gentleman  of  great 
parts,     but   of   much  greater    virtue.      Caritairs 
could   not  find   nine  Privy  Counfellors   to  fign   a 
warrant,    which  were  the  number  required  by  law. 
Yet,  when  he  came  back,  he  pretended  he  had  a 
warrant,  and  would  force  Kirkton  to  go  to  pri 
fon  upon  it.     Kirkton  refufed  to   obey   any  fuch 
warrant,  till  he  faw  it.     And  upon  that  Carftairs 
ftruggled,  and  pulled    him  to   the  ground,    and 
fate  on  him,  the  other  crying  out  murther.     At 
that  time  Baillie  came  to  the  door  :    And,  hear 
ing  him  cry  out,  he  called   to  Carftairs   to  open 
the  door  :    And,  that  noc  being  done,  he  forced 
it,  and  found  Carftairs  fitting  upon  Kirkton.     He 
drew   his   iword,    and   made  him   come  off  him. 
He  then   afked   him,  what  warrant  he  had  to  ufe 
him  as   he  did.     He  faid,  he   had  a  warrant  to 
carry  him  to  prifon  :    But  he  refilled   to  mew  it. 
Baillie  offered  to  a  in  ft  in  executing  it,  if  he   had 
any  :    But  he  perfiitcd  in  this,    that  he  \vas  not 
bound  to  fhew  it.     Baillie  made  Kirkton  to  go 
out ;  and  followed  him,   no  violence   being  ufecl ; 
for  which  he  had  many  witneftes,  whom  the  noife 
had  brought  together.      And   he  faid,  he  was  re- 
folved  to  fue  Carftairs  for  this  riot.     But  before 
the  next  Council  day  a  warrant  was  iigned  by  nine 
Privy  Counfeliors,    but  antedated,   for   the  com- 
O  o  3  mitting 


'$66  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign,  &c. 

1676.  mitting  of  Kirkton,  and  of  fix  or  feven  more  of 
their  preachers.  Lord  Athoi  told  me,  he  was  one 
of  thofe  who  figned  it,  with  that  falfe  date  to  it. 
So  Baillie  was  cited  before  the  Council  :  Carflairs 
produced  his  warrant,  which  he  pretended  he  had 
at  the  time  that  Kirkton  was  in  his  hands,  but  did 
not  think  fit  to  fhew,  fince  that  would  difcover 
the  names  of  others,  againft  whom  he  was  alfo  to 
make  ufe  of  it.  Baillie  brought  his  witnefies  to 
prove  his  behaviour.  But  they  would  not  fo  much 
as  examine  them.  It  was  laid,  that  upon  Car- 
ftair's  faying  he  had  a  warrant,  Kirkton  was  bound 
to  go  to  jail  ;  and  that,  if  it  had  been  found  that 
he  was  carried  thither  without  a  warrant,  the 
jailor  would  not  have  received  him.  Duke  Ha 
milton,  and  Lord  Kinkardin,  were  yet  of  the 
Council.  And  they  argued  long  againft  this  way 
of  proceeding,  as  liker  a  Court  of  Inquifition, 
than  a  legal  government.  Yet  Baillie  was  fined 
500!.  and  condemned  to  a  year's  imprifonment. 
And  upon  this  an  occafion  was  taken  to  turn  Duke 
Hamilton  and  Lord  Kinkardin  out  of  the  Coun 
cil,  as  enemies  to  the  Church,  and  as  favourers  of 
Conventicles. 


CONTENTS 


CONTENTS 

OF      THE 

FIRST      VOLUME. 


The  A  U  T  H  O  R's  LIFE. 


HIS  Birth  and  Parentage  Page  iv 

His  Education  vi 

He  is  admitted  into  the  Church         ibid. 
Refufes  a  Prefentation  to  a  Living        vii 
His  father's  Death,  and  his  further  pur- 
fuit  of  his  Studies  via 

His  firft  Journey  to  England  x 

Delays  accepting  a  good  Benefice  xi 

His  Travels  into  Holland  and  France    ib. 
Is  fettled  as  Minifter   at  Saltoun.     His 
Conduct  there  xii 

Much  confuked  by  the  Miniftry  in  Stet- 
land  xiv 

Is  made   Profeflbr  of  Divinity  ac  Glaf- 
gow  ib. 

His  conducl  in  that  (lation*  xv 

Undertakes  to  write  Memoirs  of  the  two 
Dukes  of  Hamilton  xvi 

Refufes  a  Bifhoprick  in  Scotland         xvii 
His  Marriage  with  Lady  Margaret  Ken 
nedy  ib. 
Refufes  a  Bifhoprick,  with  the  promife  of 
•the    firft    Archbifhoprick   vacant    in 
Scotland                                           xviii 
His  favour  at  Court  ib. 
His  breach  with  Duke  Lauderdale       xix 
He  is  forced  to  quit  his  Profefforfhip  at 
Glafgow  xx 
Refufes  a  good  Benefice  at  London     xxi 
Is  made  Chaplain  at  the  Rolls,  and  Lectu 
rer  at  St.  Clements.                          xxii 
Writes  the  Hiftory  of  the  Reformation 

ib. 

His  Converfion   of  Wilmot  Earl  of  Ro- 

chefter  xxiii 

Refufes  the  Bifhoprick  of  Chicefter  xxiv 

His  Letter  to  King  Charles  II.  ib. 

His  firm  adherence  to  his  Friends      xxx 

Refufes    a  Living   on    the  terms  of  not 

refiding  there  xxxii 

How     he     avoided    being    involved    in 

Plots  ib. 

He   is   difmifs'd  from   his  Lecture,  and 

from  the  Rolls  xxxii i 

His  Travels  beyond  Sea  ib. 

He  is  well  receiv'd   by    the    Prince  and 

Princefs  of  Orange  xxxv 


King  James  infifts  on   his  being  forbid 
that  Court  xxxv 

He    is   profecuted   in    Scotland   and    in 
England  for  High  Treafon  xxxvi 

The  States  ref'ufe  to  deliver  him  up  ib. 
Defigns  to  feize  or  murder  him  xxxvii 
His  Marriage  to  Mrs.  Mary  Scott  ib. 
His  Condudl  at  the  Revolution  xxxviii 
Declines  the  offer  of  the  Bifhoprick  of 
Durham  xxxix 

Is  made  Bifhop  of  Salisbury  ib. 

His  Services  to,  and  Ccrrefpon  lence  with 
the  Houfe  of  Hanover  xl 

His  Character  as  to  Party  Matters      xliv 
His  Labours  in  his  Diocefe,  and  in  the 
Epifcopal  Fundion  liii 

His  Univerfal  Principle  of  Toleration  ex 
tends  to  Nonjurors  Ix 
His  Scheme  for  augmenting  poor  Livings 
in  his  own  Diocefe                           Ixii 
His  Scheme  for  augmenting  all  the  poor 
Livings  in  England                            Ixiii 
The  Death  of  Queen  Mary,  and  of  Arch- 
bifhop  Tillotfon                              Ixvii 
He  is  one  of  the  Commiffion  to  recom 
mend  to  Church  Preferments          Ixvii 
Is  made  Preceptor  to  the  Duke  of  Glou- 
cefter  ib. 
Which  he  endeavours  to  decline         Ixix 
His  Marriage  with  Mrs.  Berkeley     Ixxii 
He  writes  an  Expofition  of  the  Thirty- 
nine  Articles  of  the  Church  of  Eng 
land  ih» 
His  Diligence   in  his   Calling  whilft  in 
London                                          ^xxv 
Writes  a  Third  Volume  as  a  Supplement 
to  the  Kiftory  of  the  Reformation  Ixxvt 
His  Domeftick  Character  ib. 
His  Time  how  employed  ib. 
An  Affectionate  Hufband                 Ixxvii 
His  care  of  his  Childrcns  Education    ib. 
His  firmnefs  in  hisFriendmij3S  ib. 
His   Conduft    to  thofe  in  Employment 
under  him                                    Ixxviit 
His  Charities 
His  Care  of  the  Revenue  of  the  See  Ixxx 


His  Death  lb- 

His   Character  by  the  late  Marquifs 
Halifax. 

BOOK 


CONTENTS     OF     THE 
BOOK     I. 


rPHE  diftraclions  during  King  James's 
minority  Page  6 

The  practices  of  the  Houfe  of  Guife  7 
King  James  in  the  intereft  of  England  8 
A  cenfure  of  Spotfwood's  hiftory  ib. 
King  James  ftudies  to  gain  the  Papifts  9 
And  to  fecure  the  fucceffion  to  the 
Crown  of  England  I0 

That  King's  errors  in  government        ib. 
He  fet  up  Epifcopacy  in  Scotland  1 1 

With  a  defign  to  carry  matters  further  ib. 
Errors  of  the  Bifhops  I2 

Prince  Henry  was  believed  to  be  poifoned 

ib. 

The  Gunpowder  plot  j. 

King  James  was  afraid  of  the  Jefuits   14 
The  Elector  Palatine's  marriage  i  r 

Tke  affairs  of  Bohemia  ib. 

The  diforders  in  Holland  ,6 

Some   pafiages  of   the  religion  of  fome 
Princes  j  g 

King  James  parted  with  the  cautionary 
towns  Ig 

King  James  broke  the  greatnefs  of  the 
Crown  ib 

Other  errors  in  his  Reign  2I 

His  Death  ib. 

The  Puritans  gain'd  ground  22 

Cowry's  con  fpi  racy  7  . 

King  Charles  at  firft  a  friend  to  the  Pu 
ritans  25 
He   defigned   to  recover  the  Tythes  and 
Church  lands  in  Scotland  to  the  Crown 

26 

He  was  crowned  in  Scotland  27 

Balmerinoch's  trial  2q 

He  was  condemned  »„ 

But  pardoned  it) 

A  Liturgy  prepared  34 

The  feeblenefs  of  the  Government        -,  r 
Saville's  forgery  prevailed  on  the  Scots  36 
The  characters  of  the  chief   of  the  Co 
venanters 

The  Scots  came  into  England 
Great  difcontents  in   England  ib 

The  ill  ftate  of  the  King's  affairs        39 
An  account  of   the    Earl  of  Stafford's 
being  given  up   to  the  King  42 

The   new  model   of   the  Prefbytery    in 

Scotland  ' 

The  chief  Minifters  of  the  Party 
Their  ftudies  and  other  methods  46 

Their  great  feveriry  * 


48 
49 


Conditions  offered  to  the   Scots 
Monuofe's  undertakings 
Good  advices  given  to  the  King 
But  not  followed  2 

Antiim's  correfpondence  with   the  King 
and  Queen  ,  . 

The  original  of  the  Irifh  maflacre          56 
Cromwell    argues  with  the    Scots    con, 
cerning  the  King's  death  57 

The  oppofnion  of  the    general  AfTembly 
to  the  Parliament  ib. 

The  minifters  made  an  infurreclion       5  9 
The  treaty  in  the  Ifle  of  Wight          60 
'romwell's  diffimulation  6  1 

The  men  chiefly   engaged  in   the   taking 
the  King's  life  6* 

The  King's  behaviour  64 

The  affair  of  Rochelle  65 

A  defign  of  making  the  Spani/h  Nether 
lands  a  Commonwealth  ib. 

The  ill  effe^s  of  violent  Counfels         67 
The  account  of  El-^v  B*^X,^  69 

The  Scots  treat  with  King  Charles  II.   70 
Momrofe's  offers  7I 

And  death  jb 

The  defeat  at  Dunbar  73' 

Difputes    about   the  admiting  all  perfans 
to  ferve  their  country  7  - 

Great  hardfhips  put  on  the  King 
Scotland  was  fubdued  by  Monk  79 

A  body  ftood  out   in  the   Highlands   ib. 
Sir  Robert  Murray's  character  80 

MeiTages  fent  to  the  King  82 

The  rtate  of  Scotland  during  the  Ufurpa- 
tion  g  3 

Difputes  among  the  Covenanters          ib. 
Methods  taken  on  both  fides  86 

Some  of  Cromwell's  nvxirns  89 

His  deiign  for  the  Kingfliip  93 

Cromwell's  engagement  with  France  97 
The  King  turn'd  Papift  J0i 

Cromwell's  defign  on  theV/eft-  Indies  ioa 
His  zeal  for   the  proteftant  religion  105 
A    great  defign    for  the    intereft  of  the 
Proteftant  religion  I06 

Some  paflages  in  Cromwell's  life          107 
His  moderation  in  Government  no 

His  publick  fpirit  ,i, 

All  the  world  was  afraid  of  him        n* 
The  ruin  of  his  family  ,,j 

Great  diforders  followed  IJP 

All  turn  to  the  King's  fide  118 

Care  taken  to  manage  the  army          120 
A  new  Parliament  J2Z 

They   call    home    the    King    without  a 
Treaty.  I23 

BOOK. 


FIRST    VOLUME. 


BOOK     II. 

1660. 

MANY  went  over  to  thejHague 
The    Nation    was    over-run 
vice  and  drunkennefs 
The  King's  character 
Clarendon's  character 
Ormond's   character 
Southampton's  character 
Shat'tfbury's  character 
Anglcfey's  character 
Hollis's  charter 
Manchester's  character 
Roberta's  character 
Clarges's  character 
Morice's  character 
Nicholas's  character 
Arlington's  character 
Buckingham's  character 
Eriftol's  character 
Lauderdale's  character 
Crawford's  character 
Rothes's  character 
Tweedale's  character 
Duke  Hamilton's  character 
Kincardin's   character 
The    general   character  of    the  old 

valiers 

Primrofe's  character 
Fletcher's  character 
Advices  offer'd  in  Scottifh  affairs 
For  a  genaral  indemnity 
Argile  fent  to  the  Tower 
The  Citadels  of  Scotland  demolished  147 
Difputes  concerning  Epifcopacy  148 

A  Miniftry  fettled   in  Scotland  1,1 

A  Council   propofed   to  fit   at  Court  for 
Scotifh  affairs  i  -  2 

The  Committee  of  Eftates  meet  in  Scot 


Page 
126 

with 

127 

ib. 

129 

130 

131 

132 

'33 

*34 

ib. 

ib. 

H5 
136 

ib. 

ib. 
137 
138 
139 
140 

ib. 
141 

ib. 
142 

ca- 

143 
ib. 

144 
ib. 

146 


186 

193 


land  154 

A  Parliament  in  Scotland  i;6 

1661 

The  Lords  of  the  Articles  i  ,7 

The  Acts  pait  in  this  Seffion  160 

An   Act   rescinding  all  Parliaments  held 
fmce  the  year  1633  162 

It  was  not  liked  by  the  King  164 

The  Prefbyterians  in  great  difoiver    i  6  , 
Argile's  attainder  168 

And  execution  173 

The  execution  of  Guthrya  Miniiter   174 
Sume  others  were  proceeded  againlt  176 
Middieton   gave   an  account  of  ail    that 
had  pafs'd  in  Parliament  co  the   King 

177 

It  was  refolv'd  to  fet  up  Epifcopacy   in 

Scotland  1 8  i 

Man  fought  to  be  Bi/hops  183 


Bifhop  Leightoun's  character 
The  Scotch  Bifhops  confecrated 

i66a. 

The  meetings  of   the   Prefbytcrics  for 
bidden  ig  6 

The  new   Bifhops  came  down   to   Scot 
land  i^g 

They  were  brought  into  Parliament  199 
Scruples  about  the  Oath  of  Supremacy  *oi 
Debates  about  an  act  of  indemnity  204. 
It  was  defired  that  fome  might  be  in 
capacitated  205 

Lorn  condemned  207 

Some  incapacitated  by  ballot  209 

The  King  was  difpleafed  with  this  210 
Great  pains  taken  to  excufeMiddleton  2  1  z 
ThePrefbyterian  Minifters  filenced  215 
A  general  character  of  them  217 

Prejudices  infus'd  againrt  Epifcopacy  220 

1660 

The  affairs  of  England  221 

Clarendon's  jurt  and  moderate  notions  22  j 
Vernier's  fury  224. 

Trial  and  execution  of  the  Regicides  226 

1661. 

Vane's  character  22$ 

And  execution  229 

The  King  gave  himfelf  up  to  his  pleafursc 

230 
The  act  of  indemnity  maintained 

1662. 

The  King's  marriage 
An  alliance  propofed  from  France 
The  Duke  of  York's  marriage 
The  Duke's  character 
The  Dutchefs's  character 
The  Duke  of  Glocefter's  character 
The  profpect  of  the  Royal  Family  much 
changed  239 

Schornberg  went   thro'  England  to  Por 
tugal  240 

Dunkirk  fold  to  the  French  ib. 

Tangier  a  part  of  the  Queen's  portion  241 
The  manner  of  the  King's  marriage  243 
The  King  lived  in  an  avow'd  courfe  of 
lewdnefs  244. 

1660. 

The  Settlement  of  Ireland  »b. 

The  BlOiops  who  had  then  the  greateft 
credit  247 

Debates  concerning  the  uniting  with  the 
Picfbyterians  248 

A  treaty  in  the  Savoy  2,51 


ib. 

231 

233 
234, 
235 

237 
28 


The  terms  of  conformity  made  harder  254 

The  Act  of  Uniformity  256 

The  great  fines  then  railed  on  the  Church 

eftates  ill  applied  260 

Divines  called  L.uicudinarians  261 

Hobb$*$ 


CONTENTS 


Hobbs's  Leviathan  page  26Z 

A  character  of  fome  Divines  *    264 

The  way  of  preaching  which  then  pre 
vailed  ;6 

1662. 
The  Act  of  Uniformity  executed  with  ri- 

S°r  268 

The  Royal  Society  26g 

Confultations  among  the  Papifts         270 
A  Declaration  for  Toleration  271 

Defigned  for  the  Papifts  272 

1663. 

Briftol's  defigns  2_. 

He   accufed  Clarendon   in  the  Houfe  of 

Lords 

A  plot  difcovered  2  -  - 

The  de%n  of  a  war  with  the  States  278 
The  affairs  of  Scotland  280 

Middleton  was  accufed  by  Lauderdale  ib. 
And  turned  out  of  all  284 

Warrifton's  execution  ib. 

An  act  againft  Conventicles  285 

M  he  conftitution  of  a  national  Synod  286 
An  aft  offering  an  army  to  the  King  287 

1664. 

Sharp  drove  very   violently  288 

Lauderdale  pave  way  to  it  280 

Burnet  Archbifliop  of  Glafgow  ib! 

A  view  of  the  ftate  of  affairs  in  Holland 
and  France  2qO 

Sharp  afpiicd  to  be  Ciiancellor  of  Scot 
land 

Rothes  had  the  whole  power  of  Scotland 
put  in  his  hands  2Q- 

1665. 
Illegal  and  fevere  proceedings  in  Scotland 

Turner  executed  the  Laws  in  a  military 

way  r 

Sharp    fttidies   to    bring  Middleton   into 

bufinefs  again  2p3 

More  forces  raiftd  in  Scotland 

1666. 
Some    eminent   Clergymen    offended   at 

theie    procedings  -OI 

Some  of  the  grievances  of  the  Clergy  laid 

before  the  Bifhops  "  ~Q, 

1664. 

ASfairs  in  England  -o^ 

The  Dutch  war  ^ib. 

The  Plague  broke  out  at  the  fame  time 

306 

The  victory  at  fea  not  followed  ib. 

An  account  of  the  affairs  in  Holland  308 
An  ?ccount  of  th  affair  of  Berghen  3 1  r 
The  Parliament  at  Oxfo:d  114 


O  F    T  H  E 


Defigns  of  the  Commonwealth  party  317 
The  Duke  of  York's  jealoufy  318 

His  amours  ,  I(. 

1666. 

The  Fleet  almoft  quire  loft,  and  happily 
faved  by  Prince  Rupert  321 

The  fire  of  London  ^2Z 

It  was  charged  on  the  Papifts  ib. 

A  itrong  preemption  of  it  323 

Diforders  in  Scotland  326 

A  rebellion  in  the  Weft  328 

The  defeat    given   the  rebels    at  Pent- 
land-hill  330 
Severe  proceedings  againft  the  prifoners 

331 

The  King  is  more  gentle  than  the  Bi- 
mops  333 

A  change  of  counfel,  and  more  modera 
tion  in  the  Government  335 

The  Dutch  fleet  came  into  the  Frith   339 

And  went  to  Chatham,  and  burnt  our 
fleet  340 

A  great  change  in  Lauderdale's  temper 

34-3 

Scotland  was  very  well  governed  345 
Great  complaints  made  of  the  Clergy  347 
Affairs  in  England  34.9 

Clarendon's   djfgrace  ib. 

Southampton's  death  3  -o 

The  Irim  fought  the  protection  of  France 

The  Duke  of  Richmond's  marriage    353 
Bridgman  made  Lord  Keeper 
The  French   King's  pretenfions  to  Flan 
ders  356 
Clarendon's  integrity  ^$7 
He  was  impeached  in  the  Houfe  of  Com 
mons  ib. 
The  King   defired  he  would  go  beyond 
lea                                                       359 
He  was  banifh'd  by  a&  of  Parliament  360 
The  character  of  his  two  fons              361 
1  he  King  was  much  offended  with  the- 
Bifhops                                             36t 

1668. 

A  treaty  for  a  comprehenfion  of  the  Pref- 

byterians  36^ 

The  City  of  London  rebuilt  365 

Defigns  for  putting  away  the  Queen   366 

A  divorce  enacled  for  adultery  367 

A  great  diffolution  of  morals  in  court  368 

Many  libels  writ  by  the  beft  wits  of  that 

time  37O 

Sir  William  Coventry's  characler        374 

The  Government  of  Ireland  changed  373 

The  Committee  of  Breok-houfe         374 

Hallifax's 


F  I  R  S.T    V  O  L  U  M  E. 


Halifax's  charafter"  .  Page  375 

1669. 
Many    Parliament    men    gained   by   the 

Court  376' 

Coventry's  nofe  was  cut  378 

A  new  profecution  of  Conventicles  379 
The  King  went  cofomonly  to  the  Houfe 

of  Lords  380 

The  Prince  of  Orange  came  to  the  King 

38z 

The  affairs  of  Scotland  383 

A  treaty  for  an  accommodation  with  the 

Prefbyterians  in  Scotland.  384 

An  indulgence  propofed  387 

An  attempt  to.  murder  Sharp  388 

Sharp  propofed  the  indulging  feme  mini- 

fters  that  did  not  conform  389 

Proportions  for  the  Union  of  the   two 

Kingdoms  392 

The  King  gave  orders  for  the  indulgence 

393 

This  complained  of  as  againft  law  396 
A  Parliament  in  Scotland  397 

The  Supremacy  carried  very  high  ib. 
An  act  for  the  County-militia  399 

Burnet  turned  out,  and  Leightoun  made 

Archbifhop  of  Giafgow  40 1 

The  State  I  found  things  in  at  Ciafgow 

ib. 
A  Committte  of  Council  fent  round  the 

Weft  4oz 

1670. 

Instructions  for  an  accommodation  404 
Leightoun's  advice  to  his  Clergy  405 
A  conference  between  Leightoun  and 

fome  Prei  ^yterians  406 

New  feveriuej  againft  Conventicles  408 
The  Prefbyerian.>  refolved  to  rejefl  the 

offers  made  them  410 

Some  conferences  upon  that  Subjeft  413 
At  laft  they  refufed  to  accept  of  the  con- 

ceffions  4*4 

Cenfures  paft  upon  this  whole  matter  415 

1671. 
The  memoirs  of  the  Dukes  of  Hamilton 

was  •writ  by  ~ne  at  that  time  416 

A  further  indulgence  propofed  418 

Foreign  affairs  419 

An  alliance  with  France  fc.t  on  foot  ib. 
Dutchefs  cf  Orlears  came  to  D^ver  420 
Socn  after  was  noyfoned  42 1 

Some  of  her  intrigues  ib. 

The  treaty  with  France  negotiated  424 
Lockhart  fe;:':  to  France  425 

Pretended  reafonj  i^r  the  Dutch  war  426 

1672. 

The  fhmtlng  up  of  the  Exchequer  427 
The  attempt  on  the  Dutch  Smyrna  fleet 


A  Declaration  for  Toleration.  *  i9 

The  Preibyterians  gave  the  King  thank* 
ffor  the  Toleration  A  0 

The  Dutchefs  of  York  'died  4^t 

The  firft  Crifis  of  the  Protcftant  Reli- 

,gion  43  s 

The  fecond  .Crifis 

The  third  Crifis 

The  Spanifh  fleet  came  not,  as  at  fint 

intended  . 

The  fourth  Crifis  .-g 

Differences  'between  Maurice,    Prince  of 
Orange,  and  Barnevelt  441 

Prince  Henry  Frederick's  "wife  govern 
ment  .^, 
His  fan's  heat  j^ 
The  errors  of  De  Wit's. government  445  . 
The  Prince  of  Orangj?  made  General  44$ 
The  fifth  Crifis  449 
The  'French  fuccefs  ib. 
But  followed  by  an  ill  management  450 
The  Dutch  in  great  extremities  4^ 
Embaffadcri  feat  to  England  455 
The  tragical  end  of  De  Wit  454. 
Prince  of  Orange  made  Stadtholder  456 
The  Englifh  Embafladors  were  wholly  in 
the  interefl  of  France  457 
The  character  of  Fagel  455 
Prince  Waldeck  ib.'f 
Dyckvelt  ib. 
And  Halewyn  459 
The  Prince  rtudied  to  correct  the  errors 
he  fell  into  at  firft  460 
Van  Beuning's  character  461 
Errors  committed  by  the  town  of  Am-  ' 

ftefdam  ib. 

'The  Prince  animates  the  States  to  conti 
nue  the  war  463 
The  French  King  goes  back  to  Paris  464 
The  Dutch  faved  by  fome  extraordinary 
providence  466 
OfTbry  intended  to  furprife  Helvoetfluys 

467 
An  army  from  Utrecht  came  on  the  ice    •, 

to' Holland  468 

Diiven  back  by  a  fudden  thaw         469 
Painevihe's  fentence  ib. 

A  French  millrefs  made  Duchefs  of  Portf- 
mouth  471 

Tiie  aiTairs  of  Scotland  472 

Laudordale'sl  great  infolence  ib. 

Hs  expected  addrcfles  for  a  Toleration 

474 

Defigns  from  Holland  to  raife  a  rebellion 

in  Scotland  475 

A  further  indulgence  476 

Lei^ivcoun  refolved  to  retire,  and  to  leave 

his  fee  477 

BOOK 


CONTENTS: 


BOOK    III. 

1673.  Page 

GReat  jealoufies  ofthe  King  48 1 
Schomberg  brought  to  command 
the  army  482 

The  Court  was  much  divided  483 

A  fefiion  of  Parliament  ib. 

The  Declaration  was  voted  illegal  484 
A  bill  for  a  new  left  485 

The  prudence  of  the  Diflenters  486 

Debates  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords  ib. 

The  variety  of  opinions  in  the  King's 

Council  487 

The  French  advife  the  King  to  yield  to 

the  Parliament  488 

The  King  went  into  that  fuddenly  489 
Clifford  difgraced  ib. 

Ofborn  made  Lord  Treafurer  490 

A  great  fupply  was  given  49 1 

The  Duke  laid  down  all  his  commiflions 

49* 

The  Duke  treats  for  a  fecond  marriage 

493 
A  treaty  opened  at  Cologn  495 

Lord  Sunderland's  character  ib. 

The  treaty  broke  off  ib. 

The  affairs  of  Scotland  496 

Lauderdale's  defign  497 

The  King  liked  my  memoirs  498 

And  mewed  me  great  favour  499 

My  converfation  with  the  Duke  ib. 

I  carried  Dr.  Stillingfleet  to  him  501 

The  Duke's   marriage  oppofed   by  the 

Commons  505 

A  Parliament  in  Scotland  507 

A  party  formed  againft  Lauderdale  508 
He  offers  to  redrefs  grievances  in  Council 

1674.  509 

A  difpute  raifed  about  the  Lords  of  the 


Articles 


S10 


The  proceedings  in  the  Parliament  of 
England  5 1 T 

Finch's  character  ib. 

A  peace  concluded  with  the  States     5 1 3 

The  King  became  the  mediator  of  the 
peace  5,5 


The  Duchefs's  character  516 

Coleman's  character  ib. 

The  affairs  of  Scotland  517 

The  Parliament  was  prorogued  ci8 

Dalrimple's  charafter  ib. 

The  Clergy  was  much  provoked  ib. 

A  great  diftraction  in  Scotland  519 

Lauderdale's  proceedings  there  520 

I  was  difgraced  521 

The  minifters  turn  to  the  Church  party 

5*4 
Correfpondence  with  Holland   difcovered 

S^S 

Jealoufies  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  526 
Drummond  was  ordered  to  prifon  527 
The  battel  of  Seneff  529 

Arlington  went  to  Holland  530 

Temple  fent  Embaffador  to  Holland     ib. 

1675. 

Affairs  in  England  1 32 

I  was  examined  by  the  Houfe  of  Com 
mons  533 
Sir  Harbottle  Grimftone's  character  535 
Danby  attacked,  but  in  vain  537 
Seimour's  character  538 
Debates  concerning  a  teft  _  539 
A  dispute  about  appeals  and  privileges 

54* 
The  Seflion  broke  upon  it  543 

A  Seffion  of  Parliament  544 

The  characters  of  fome  Parliament  men 
1676.  545 

A  long  interval  between  the  Seffions  of 
Parliament  ^49 

An  account  of  fome  paffagesof  Lockhart's 
courage  in  France  ib. 

Management  in  France  551 

The  charafter  of  fome  Bifhops  553 

The  projects  of  the  Papifts  554. 

Coleman's  intrigues  5^5 

A  conference  between  Coleman  and  fome 
Divines  558 

I  undertook  to  write   the  hiftory  of  our 
Reformation  ib. 

The  Earl  of  Eflex's  character  559 

His  employment  in  Denmark  560 

And  his  government  of  Ireland          561 
The  affairs  of  Scotland.  563 


The  END  of  the  FIRST  VOLUME. 


i